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COLLECTIONS

OF THE

Minnesota Historical Society.

VOL. 6.

^1

ST. PAUL, MINN.:
The Pioneer Press Company,
state printers.
1894.

F
V.6

CONTENTS.

PAGES.

The Sources of the Mississippi; Theie Discoveries, Real and
Pretended. A report by Hon. James H. Baker, read before the
Historical Society Feb. 8, 1887 1-28

The Hennepin Bi-Centenary, July 3, 1880, "St. Paul Daily

Globe" Report 29-74

Mrs. Adams' Reminiscences of Red River and Fort Snelling, 1820-

26. Edited by J. F. Williams 75-116

Protestant Missions in the Northwest. By Rev. S. R. Riggs,

D. D. (with a memoir of the author, by J. F. Williams). . . . 117-188

Autobiography of Lawrence Taliaferro, Indian Agent at Fort

Snelling, 1820-1840 189-256

Memoir of Gen. H. H. Sibley. By J. F. Williams 257-310

Indian Mounds in Dakota, Minnesota and Wisconsin. By

Alfred J. Hill 311-319

Columbian Address. Delivered by Hon. H. W. Childs, before the
Minnesota Historical Society, at the Capitol, in St. Paul, Oct. 21,
1892 321-334

Reminiscences of Fort Snelling. By Col. John H. Bliss . . . 335-353

Sioux Outbreak of 1862. Mrs. J. E. DeCamp's Narrative of her

Captivity 354-380

A Sioux Story of the War. The Indians' side of the story, told
by one of their leaders — The story from outbreak to surrender —
Why and how the Sioux fought — Causes of the war — Comments
on the campaigns, and battle memories of Fort Ridgely, New
Ulm, Birch Coulie, Wood Lake, etc. Chief Big Eagle's story of
the Sioux outbreak of 1862 382-400

IV. CONTENTS.

PAGES.

Incidents of the Threatened Outbreak of Hole-in-the Day
AND other Ojibways, at the time of the Sioux massacre of 1862.
By George W. Sweet 401-408

Dakota Scalp Dances. By Rev. T. S. Williamson 409

Earliest Schools in Minnesota Valley. By Rev. T. S. Wil-
liamson 410-412

Traditions OF Sioux Indians By Maj. Wm. H. Forbes. . . . 413-416

Death of a Remarkable Man, Gabriel Franchere. By Ben-
jamin P. Avery 417-420

First Settlement on Red River of the North, 1812. Conditions

in 1847. By Mrs. Elizabeth T. Ayers 421-428

Frederick Ayer, Teacher and Missionary to the Ojibway Indians,

1829 to 1850. Written at request of Rev. Mr. Boutwell . . . 429-437

Captivity Among the Sioux. The Story of Nancy McClure . . . 438-460

Captivity Among THE Sioux. The Story of Mary Schwandt. . . 461-474

Autobiography AND Reminiscences of Philander Prescott . . 475-491

Recollections of James M. Goodhue. By Col. John H. Stevens,
of Minneapolis. Read before the Minnesota Editorial Associa-
tion at its annual meeting, February, 1894 492-502

An Interesting Historical Document. Revolutionary Pension
Roll. Complete list of the names of all the soldiers and sailors
on the pension rolls of the United States Government in 1813. . 502-539

THE

SOURCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI

THEIR DISCOVERERS, REAL AND
PRETENDED.

A REPORT,

BY

HON. JAMES H. BAKER,

Read before the Minnesota Historical Society,
February 8, 1887.

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
VOL. VI. PART L

THE

SOURCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI

THEIR DISCOVERERS, REAL AND PRETENDED.

A Report, by Hon. James H. Baker, read before the
Minnesota Historical Society, Feb. 8. 1887.

In pursuance of a resolution of the Minnesota Histor-
ical Society, dated Dec. 13, 1886, your committee herewith,
present a summary of tiieir investigations and conclusions,
touching the validity of any and all claims to the discov-
ery of the head waters of the Mississippi river, together
with a determination of what waters constitute the true
and ultimate sources.

Your committee have faithfully and laboriously read all
letters, documents, journals and books, and consulted all
maps obtainable,* which shed any light upon the ques-

* Books, Letters, and Documents Consulted: Letter of William Morri-
son to Hon. Alex. Ramsey, Feb. 17, 1856, in Minnesota Historical Society's
Collections, vol. 1, p. 417. Schoolci-aft's narratives of the expedition to
the source of the :Mississippi, 1820 and 1832. Report of Jean N. Nicollet,
to accompany his map of the hydrographical basin of the upper Missis-
sippi river, 1845. Charles Lan man's Canoe Voyage up the Mississippi.
Julius Chambers' letters in the New York Herald, 1872. O. B. Garrison's
report for the tenth census of the U. S. Rev. J. A. Gillillan's trip to
Itasca, 1881. The United States Surveyor General's map and field notes,
1876. Letter from Ivison, Blakeman, Taylor & Co. in "Science," Dec. 24,
1886. Owen's "Sword and Pen," Phila., 1884. Capt. Glazier and his lake,
by Henry D. Harrower, of N. Y. Ninth annual report of the Geological
and Natural History Survey of Minnesota, 1880. American Meteorological
Journal, 1884. Report by Hoi ewell Clarke, C. B., of a survey of the af-
fluents of Itasca, etc.

Maps Consulted: Map of Nicollet, attached to his report, 1845. Mili-
tary map of Nebraska and Dakota, by Gen. G. K. Warren, 1855. Offlciali
map of Minnesota, 1858. Land office surveys of 1875. Map of Glazier's
explorations, etc.

4 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

tions involved. A list of the several authorities consti-
tuted, is herewith subjoined.

The definite determination of a great geographical and
historic fact, intimately interwoven with a pre-eminent
physical feature of our own State, is strictly within the
province and duey of this Society. The material facts and
findings in this investigation only can be presented in
this paper, together with such references to the evidence
on which the conclusions are based as may be deemed
material.

One Capt. Willard Glazier, recently assumes to have
made important discoveries at the head waters of the Mis-
'Sissippi; that he discovered a lake, new and unknown be-
fore his brief visit to the Itascan region, in 1881 ; and that
this lake, called after him "Glazier Lake," is the true and
ultimate source of the great river. He thereafter pro-
ceeds to exalt himself and petition geographical societies
and map makers to honor him as the original discoverer
of the true sources of the Mississippi, and so displace
Schoolcraft and Mcollet from the high position and credit
they had so long held in the field of American science and
geography. The claim is a lofty and pretentious one, and
should be examined with scrupulous care. To snatch the
hard-earned laurels of Schoolcraft and Nicollet, upon
whose work time has set the seal of more than half a cen-
tury of uncontested title, should not be sanctioned by the
Minnesota Historical Society, upon a field so distinctly its
own, unless the new claim rests upon testimony clear,
conclusive and indisputable. This Society owes it to the
honored dead, and to the truth of geographical science
in its own territory, to make a candid, unbiased, and if
possible, a conclusive exposition of the whole matter.

The most distant sources of the Mississippi river have
their rise in an elevated table land in about N. latitude
47^, longitude 95°, an area abounding in marshes, creeks
and lakes. What one of these should be honored as the

THE SOUJtCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 5

true and principal source, and what explorer first discov-
ered and made known such, primal waters, are the ques-
tions involved.

Says the Ainerican Encyclopedia, (Edition 1855) — ''We
follow Schoolcraft's map in giving the latitude and longi-
tude of ''Le Bush Lake''* (Itasca) as the extreme source of
the Mississippi." The old geographers, mapmakers and
historians have thus followed Schoolcraft for fifty years,,
in accepting the Itascan basin as the authentic source.
The great discovery of Schoolcraft, July 12, 1832, was con-
firmed by Jean N. Nicollet, a distinguished French scholar,
July, 1836. Nicollet, with more time and research, found
other inconsiderable affluents of Itasca, but holds that
Itasca was the "principal basin" of the head waters of the
Mississippi, and says with noble courtesy and loyalty to
historic truths: ''The honor of having first explored the
sources of the Mississippi, and introduced a knowledge of
them into physical geography, belongs to Mr Schoolcraft
and Lt. James Allen. I came only after these gentlemen ;
but I may be permitted to claim some merit for having
completed what was wanting for a full geographical knowl-
edge of those sources." This is the modest testimony of a
true and genuine scientist Subsequently, at least a dozen
other cultivated, scholarly and professional gentlemen
came after these savants, and at various periods, visited
these head waters, and by their concurrent testimony, ren-
der certain the claims of these two eminent explorers to the
honor of original discovery. And after them all, comes
the government surveyors, (1875), and their work proves
the almost absolute accuracy of the noble and early labors
of Schoolcraft and Nicollet.

Thus stands the general geographic record, until Capt.
Glazier flings his glove into the arena in 1881, and chal-
lenges existing and accepted history. Glazier appears to
be a writer of war reminiscences, "in which he figures as

* Lac la Biche.

6 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

the most conspicuous hero," and from what is known of
him by his writings he has been fairly denominated an
"adventurer." * There is no evidence going to show that
he is possessed of any qualifications whatever, either as a
trained scholar or scientist, fitting him for the important
labor he had assumed. For he had taken it upon himself
to review the work of men believed to be, in the highest
sense, competent and skilled for geographical exploration.
They came modestly and conscientiously to their work, and
years of reflection and consideration elapsed before either
of them gave the results of their labors to the world. They
performed their work, too, before a white man had yet
settled in the territory of Minnesota, and when danger and
privations were the inevitable accompaniments of such
early undertakings.

But Glazier appears upon the scene with dramatic bom-
bast, and riding across the continent on horseback, in
1876, and musing upon "the uncertainty that existed as to
its true source," resolves to settle the problem. At that
very moment when his steed was slaking its thirst in the
"Father of Waters," the government surveyors were plat-
ting the official maps, which were the last links wanting
to corroborate the validity of the work of Schoolcraft and
Nicollet In May, 1881, Glazier organizes a pleasure ex-
cursion at St. iPaul, and with his party starts on the cars
"for exploration in the wilds of Minnesota." He travels
155 miles by railroad to the city of Brainerd in one night,
and doubtless in a sleeping car. All this through a region
over which Mcollet had toiled weeks and months with all
the privations incident to an untrodden wilderness.
Thence he goes by a well established road to Leech Lake,
and it is the identical old government wagon road over
which all the supplies were hauled for the North Pacific
railroad. From this road, another leaves it at Fish Hook
road. From this road, another leaves it at Fish Hook

♦ See "Sword and Pen; or Ventures and Adventures of Willard Glazier,
&C.," by John Algernon Owens, Phila., 1884.

THE SOURCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 7

Lake and runs direct to the southeast arm of Lake Itasca.
From this E. S. Teller cut a road through Town 143, K. 36
W. into the S. E. corner of Section 26, and terminates just
in sight of Elk Lake. Over this road the XJ. S. Surveyor,
Hall, took his supplies with a team, in 1875, when he went
to survey those towns.

The whole journey is not rendered perplexing by a single
element of doubt. The pursuing of these routes along es-
tablished roads and portages, with our Indians "as guides,"
if you please, and denominating it an "exploration," is so
ludicrous to one familiar with the situation, as is the
writer, that the whole thing is so supremely ridiculous,
that, were it not for the seriousness of the situation, we
would dismiss the matter as a joke, and Willard Glazier
as a merry fellow on a jolly outing.

Arriving at the Itascan waters, he goes straight to
"Schoolcraft's Island" in the bosom of Lake Itasca, and
thence, without impediment or doubt, direct to a "new and
unknown lake," and at once discovers the original, genu-
ine, ultimate sources of the great river! The directness
and celerity of that sort of discovery and exploration was
never before recorded in serious history. He at once
begins his work of distorting geography and confusing
learned Societies. From "Schoolcraft's Island, Lake Itas-
ca, July 22d, 1881," he heralded to "Geographical Socie-
ties" and to the world, his pretensions and achievements.
He subsequently published an elaborate map and sent it
to the President of the American Geographical Society,
and published a minute account of the "Recent Discovery
of the true source of the Mississippi River," illustrated
with maps and engravings, in the "American Meteorolog-
ical Journal." Also in a volume entitled the "Sword and
Pen," there is reproduced the story of his discovery. He
also sent a map, fortified with his own record of his alleged
noble deed, to the "Royal Geographical Society of Eng-
land." He has also industriously solicited the mention of

8 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

his fame and Ms lake into geographical text books and
atlases over the country. He has left nothing undone to
supplant Schoolcraft and demolished Nicollet. That such
Societies should have received, unquestioned, his brazen
statements, and been duped by him, is what renders the
preparation of this paper a necessity

The "lake" which Glazier claims to have "discovered,"
is a small meandered lake, which lies mainly in Sec. 22,
Township No. 148 North, Range 36, West of the 5th Prin-
cipal Meridian. The lake lies South of the Southwest arm
of Lake Itasca, and is only 350 feet distant from it. It
contains about 250 acres and debouches into Itasca
through, a sinuous stream, 1184 f«et long, in a tamarack
swamp. By his own description and map, this is "Glazier
Lake," so-called, and there is no mistaking its identity, for
there is no other.

Was Glazier the original discoverer of this lake? No;
no more than he was the discoverer of the sources of the
Nile, or the mouth of the Mississippi. And even were it
true that he did, its waters are not the ultimate sources of
the Mississippi. This identical lake is found upon every
map, from that of Nicollet, 1836 and '37, to that of the
Government surveys, 1875.

Now as to the testimony that he did not first discover it.
It is so conclusive as to be crushing:

1. In 1836-7, Nicollet deposited a map of the Itascan
region in the ofQce of Engineers, U. S. A. By order of
the Senate, Feb. 16, 1841, this map and accompanying re-
port, was published in Executive Document, No. 237, 2d
Session, 26th Congress, in 1843, and a second edition pub-
lished and enlarged, and can be found in any of the public
libraries of the country. Nicollet simply sketches the lake
more as a bay or estuary of Itasca. In that day, by higher
water, which is shown by water-marks to have existed, the
lake was certainly identical with Itasca, for the distance
is now only insignificant. As illustrative of this point,

THE SOURCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 9

the Rev. J. B. Gilfillan, visiting them in 1881, the Indians
called this identical Elk Lake, '^Gabulcgumag^^^ which he
says means, "water that juts off to one side, as a thumb
from a hand." This would indicate that at no remote
period they were one and the same lake, and that the
channel betw^een them gradually filled, possibly by the aid
of beaver dams, and they became apparently separate
bodies of water, though only a "stone's throw apart" at
this time. The Indians, from the earliest period, called
the whole Itasca lake system, ^^Omos/i Jcos^^ from the form of
an elk, and this protuberance was probably a part of the
animal configuration. At any rate, it is there on Nicol-
let's official map, 1835, more nearly correct than it is on
Glazier's map of 1884.

2. In 1855, Henry R. Schoolcraft, yet alive, issued in
Philadelphia (Lippincott, Grambo & Co.), his "Summary
Narrative of an exploratory expedition to the sources of
the Mississippi." With this last edition of his works,
Mr. Schoolcraft presents a revised map of all his discov-
eries, prepared by Capt. Seth Eastman, U. S. A., and it
stands prefacing the title page, in which map this lake in
controversy is distinctly defined, together with "Nicollet
Creek," with its three ponds, just precisely as described
by Nicollet. So that the French scientist's work received,
before he died, the high sanction and endorsement of
Schoolcraft himself.

3. A ^^ilitary Map'^ of the Northwest was made in
1855-6, by the authority of John B. Floyd, then Secretary
of War, prepared by Lt. G. K. Warren, of the Topograph-
ical Engineers, one of the foremost geographers of his
time, from explorations made by him, under directions of
A. A. Humphrey, and the following, among other officers,
were consulted in its preparation and are so cited on its
margin: Capt. J. C. Fremont, Capt. John Pope, Gov. I. I.
Stevens and Lt. James Allen. The greatest care was
taken in its preparation. This map clearly and distinctly
shows the lake in controversy, located just where the gov-
ernment surveys now place it.

10 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

In 1872, Julius Chambers, of the New York Herald^
visited the Itascan region. He wrote a series of letters
for the Herald in June and July of that year, and in one,
dated July 6th, he gives a full description of "Elk Lake,"
locating it where it really belongs, and naming it "Dolly
Varden," after his canoe. He describes it more accurately
than does Capt. Glazier. He pronounces it at that time
as a distinct lake from Itasca. This was seven years before
'Glazier was there. He made and published a map, show-
ing the lake as represented in his letters, in the most dis-
tinct and positive manner, which map is here before us.

But more material than all since the days of McoUet,
was the actual survey and platting of these townships
embracing that entire region, including Itasca and all
lakes and streams connected therewith, by authority of the
government of the U. S., through the Surveyor General's
office of the State of Minnesota, six years before Capt.
Glazier's alleged discovery. The Surveyor General, J. H.
Baker, was fully informed of the facts touching the land
and water to be surveyed. The lumbermen of Minneapolis
had assured him that they had actually "counted the pine
trees" on this very lake. They told him of waters beyond
that (Nicollet creek), flowing into the S. W. arm of Itasca,
through which they could float their logs into this great
lake. The contract of surveying Township 143 North,
Range 36 West, where these waters are located, was let to
Capt. E. S. Hall of St Cloud, and in Oct., 1875, Hall made
the survey. The map of the Township was duly made up
in the Surveyor General's office from Capt. HalFs care-
fully written field notes, made upon the ground, with
proper instruments, and attention was especially directed
to the lake in question. This Township map was certified
to as correct by J. H. Baker, Surveyor General, Feb. 3d,
1876, and was by him transmitted to the General Land
Office at Washington, and was officially approved by the
Commissioner of the General Land Office and posted May

THE SOURCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 11

3d, 1876. This map thenceforth became public property,
accesible to all persons, and the supreme authority to all
geographers and map-makers in the U. S. The lake in
question was meandered, its outlines marked and four
large meander posts set up, two on the East and two on
the North, and distinctly visible when Capt. Glazier was
there, for they were there and visible to travelers this
present year. By authority of instructions from the Gov-
ernment of the U. S., Surveyor General Baker named the
lake in question "Elk Lake," because he had been direct-
ed to retain the name given by the Indians to meander
lakes, if any such name was in use or known at the time
of the survey. Capt. Hall informed the Surveyor General
that the Indian name was Elk Lake. This corresponded
with the traditional name of the waters. It was therefore
so marked on the plat, and approved by the authorities at
Washington. What person had the right to change the
name thus authoritatively given? This official survey and
record, that year, became a part of the great official map
of the United States, issued under the certificate of the
Land Commissioner at Washington, and the lake and name
"Elk Lake," could have been found there by any person
upon the most casual examination.

Now all these maps which are here cited, are among
the papers of this Society, and, with the exception of the
Chambers' map, are distinctly official maps, not issued by
private individuals, but by the authority of the State or
General Government. They are open and accessible to all
persons whomsoever. Was Capt. Glazier so excessively
stupid as not to consult all such existing official authori-
ties, before starting upon so important an undertaking?
If so, what value can attach to the work of a man neglect-
ing to properly equip himself for exploration?. But it is
in positive evidence, that previous to his issuing any map
whatever, he was fully informed "that he was claiming
what did not belong to him," and the government maps

12 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS,

were shown him with "Elk Lake" thereon.* But he
defiant!}^ persisted in his assumption.

But there were still other sources of information, be-
sides these, ready at hand, to throw light upon the sub-
ject, if they had been sought, or wanted. Charles Lanman
alleges that he was there in 1846; the Kev. Mr. Ayer and
his son, Lyman Ayer, of Little Falls, Minnesota, were there
in 1849; Wm. Bangs, of AATiite Earth, Minn., was there in
1865; O. E. Garrison, for census bureau, 1880; W. E. Neal,
of Minneapolis, was there both in 1880 and 1881 ; the Rev.
J. A. GilfiUan, of White Earth, Minn., was there in May,
1881. The facts pertaining to most of the foregoing vis-
its, could have been easily found in the Minnesota Histor-
ical Society, a proper place for any man to go, who desired
intelligently to embark in such work.

More than this, in so important a State document as the
"Ninth Annual Report of the Geological and Natural His-
tory Survey of Minnesota," 1880, p. 321, C. M. Terry, in a
paper therein on the "Hydrology of Minnesota," describes
"Elk Lake" as a tributary of Itasca, and with judicious
and intelligent criticism adds:

"It is ratliei' a reflnement of exactness to call Elk Lake, as
some explorers have, the ultimate source of the Mississippi. Itasca
Lake has been in possoission of tlie honor so long that its claim
ought not to be disputed, and certainly it is sufficiently minute,
remote, and sylvan to answer all the requirements of an ideal
source."

This Mr. Terry, who was employed by State authority,
was a Congregational clergyman and had made natural
science a special study, and was a son-in-law and pupil
of Dr. Edward Hitchcock, of Amherst College, the eminent
geologist. No man in the Northwest was better equipped
for a close study, and intelligent understanding, of the
water systems of Minnesota. In that report, issued by

* G. Wool worth Colton, in American CanoeAsi, Nov. 1886: Ml". Coltou
made Glazier's map according to lais dictation and gives remarkable testi-
mony as to tlie shamelessness of Glazier's insistance on perverting the
facts.

THE SOUEOES OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 13

the state, Mr. Glazier could have read the full account of
the lake he pretends to have discovered.

But this is not all, for the scientific world in Europe
were also familiar with the results of Nicollet's explora-
tions, and with the situation of Lake Itasca and vicinity.
Dr. Peterman's "Stieler's Hand Atlas," published by Jus-
tus Perthes, of the Grotha Institute of Geography, contains
distinctly this very lake. So that even in European geog-
raphies, the redoubtable Glazier could have found the lake
he so brazenly claims.

Does not this record of facts show, that if Glazier had
been in any respect whatever a student and a scientist,
turn whichever way he might, he would have found the
"lake" which has whetted his appetite for glory, or had
he avoided the paths of the scholar and entered any "Real
Estate Ofiice" in St. Paul or Minneapolis, he would have
found his lake distinctly marked and named "Elk Lake"
on "Warner & Foote's Map," which is in such common use
everywhere in the State.

In the face of these facts, the bold assumption of the
man Glazier, is without a parallel in the annals of geo-
graphical history. His conduct is a total disregard of all
the rules and dignities of a true scientist. Scientific
knowledge has scarcely before been made the prey of a
charlatan. The measure of his astounding fraud has not
yet fully penetrated the public mind. To begin his absurd
undertaking, he must thrust aside the work of the noble
Schoolcraft; the more careful and exhaustive explora-
tions of the great scientist, Nicollet; to ignore the con-
firmatory examination of nearly a dozen explorers and
travelers through a series of years; and finally to set aside
the work of the government surveyors, with the official
map staring him full in the face! Glazier's motto must be,
''Vaudace, toujour s VaudaceJ^

But in what manner did he conduct his alleged explora
tion? With what element of scientific equipment was he

14 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

clothed? Without maps and documents throwing such
light as may be upon the region to be explored; without
any instruments whatever,* always so necessary for the
solution of a topographical problem, this geodetic cham-
pion advances to a review of the work of the great Nicol-
let! His own account is the authority for the facts of this
most extraordinary exploration and discovery. He sights
Lake Itasca between three and four o'clock on July 21st,
1881, and passed directly to Schoolcraft's Island, where he
at once went into camp, and retiring early, he did not
begin the exhaustive work of exploration until 8 a. m., of
the 22d; then putting his canoes into the w^ater, and fol-
lowing the guidance of an Indian, he goes directly to the
waters to he discovered. He enters the lake, hoists a flag,
fires a volley, they make speeches, as he alleges, and an-
nounces that he has completed the work begun by De
Soto in 1541 ! They immediately left the lake, and paddled
back into Itasca, and at three o'clock in the afternoon of
the same day began the descent of the river.** Thus in
seven hours of the 22d of July, 1881, did Capt. Willard
Glazier, by his account, accomplish more in the discovery
of the sources of the Mississippi, than had been done from
the time of De Soto, three hundred and forty years, till
that memorable hour! Shades of Columbus, of Magellan,
of De Soto, of Henry Hudson, of McoUet! To what a
refinement of labor and economy of time, has Willard
Glazier reduced the work of notable geographical explora-
tions and discovery! Think of the painstaking Nicollet,
devoting days to toilsome labor, and nights to astronomi-
cal observations! Think of the months of privation and
danger endured by Schoolcraft and Nicollet, in the inter-
ests of true science; modest, loyal to their noble work,
blazing an unknown path to the fountains of the Mis-

* Those who accompanied him have so stated.

** See Glazier's paper in "American Met. Journal," pages 262, 322, 324,
325, 327; "Sword and Pen," pages 477, 478.

THE SOURCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 15

sissippi, and waiting years of reflection and review, before
giving a report to the world ! But fifty years later comes
a stripling tourist, and in the midst of a civilized State,
with a million of people, enters a surveyed township,
blazed at every quarter section with the axe of the sur-
veyor, and in an exploit of seven hours duration, endeavors
to steal the well earned chaplets from bronzed brows of
Schoolcraft and Mcollet, and strives to set them upon the
head of a conscienceless ''adventurer" instead!

There were full twenty miles of shore to be examined
along the indentions and arms of Itasca, with its "Elk
Lake" annex; there were at least fifteen miles of streams,
with their sinuosities to be explored.

This point is of special importance, as it is made inf eren-
tially to appear in his writings, that he had explored some,
at least, of these afiluents. But Willard Grlazier, being-
present in our Historical Society Rooms, Feb. 7th, at four
o'clock in the afternoon, confessed to Gen. Baker, in the
presence of witnesses,* that he had not ascended any one
of them, a fact which was known to this committee by
other testimony. Glazier, thus by his own confession,
contributed nothing whatever to geographical knowledge.
He addi'essed himself to no work of a scientist. He did
not find, or attempt to find Nicollet's creek, which is the
main tributary of Itasca; he did not even visit the chief
tributary of Elk Lake itself. His maps of the lake are
in themselves misleading, as he caused them to be made out
of all proportion to its real area, and extravagant in its
comparative relation to Itasca. He makes one map in
1884, and another, locating the lake four miles further
South, by his own scale of miles, in 1886. The latter is to
be considered a revision, and places the lake where it does
not belong. In neither map is it correct. His maps are
therefore, in themselves, outrageously erroneous, and can-
not be trusted for truth and fidelity.

* Present, J. B. Chaney and Geo. Hamilton.

16 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Further than this, he distorts geography in the most
reckless manner in his letter to the "Eoyal Geographical
Society of England." In that communication, he locates
his lake "not less than an entire degree of latitude South
of Turtle Lake." This places it South of Crow Wing river
and five miles north of the town of Wadena! People of
Minnesota, how this man perverts the geography of your
State ! It is here to be observed that in this extraordinary
letter to the Koyal Society, the entire concluding para-
graph is stolen bodily from Schoolcraft (Ed. 1834, page 59),
changing only the words of Schoolcraft "probably," into
^'not less thauj^^ thus adding blunder to theft. Pursue this
adventurer in any of his statements concerning this whole
thing, and how marvellous are his palpable errors. In one
place he fixes the level of the wat-r of his lake 3 feet
above those of Itasca; in another at 7 feet. The facts are,
from actual levels taken with instruments, the level of Elk
Lake above Itascan waters, is just 13 inches.

Again, Glazier claims that the water from a lakelet, he
calls lake "Alice," (really lake Whipple, as Mr. GilfiUan
has named it), empties into Elk Lake, when, as a topo-
graphically determined fact, they debouch into the West
arm of Itasca. Any searcher after geographical truth, in
following this rattle-brained adventurer, would be led
into hopeless mazesj of error and confusion.

His work in distorting the geography of our State, is
simply incredible. He has issued and scattered broad-
cast a map, entitled: "A map illustrative of Capt. Willard
Glazier's voyage of exploration to the source of the Mis-
sissippi river." Coming into Minnesota, a strolling tour-
ist, he has, in this map, made a bold and outrageous
attempt to change the names of our lakes in an area of
country 320 square miles in extent, beginning just West of
Leech Lake, thence across to the Itasca basin, then follow-
ing the meanderings of the Mississippi river to Lake
Winnebegoshish. In this territory he displaced the ancient

THE SOURCES OJ' THE 'MISSISSIPPI. l7

Indian names, sacred to the people of Minnesota, and old
in nomenclature as Leech. lioJie, Turtle Lakei, Winne-
begoshish or Cass Lake, coming down from immemorial
times, and in their place substituted the following, chang-
ing as here noted :

Kabekona River to Kabekanka.

Kabekona Lake to Lake Garfield.

Neway Lake to Lake George.

Bowdich Lake to Lake Paine.

Assawe Lake to Lake Hattie.

Plantagenet Lake to Lake Hennepin.

La Place River to Lake De Soto.
He assumes to name a long chain of lakes and ponds
lying between Leech Lake and La Place river, after his
army associates; those from La Place river to Itasca, he
devotes to his relatives.

Do the people of this State desire to have their ancient
and honored nomenclature overthrown by such authority,
and graft the Glazier family tree in lieu thereof? Does
this Historical Society wish to admit this quack explorer's
name on the map of this State, honored by such historic
and treasured names as Cass, Le Sueur, Morrison, Olm-
sted, Sibley, McLeod,, Kittson, Faribault, Ramsey, Rice,
Marshall, Aitkin, Steele, Becker, Freeborn, Stevens and
other household names, identified with early days and
noble deeds? It is in evidence that his lake is named
after himself by collusion ; the lakelet in Sec. 27 after liis
daughter; a lake near La Place river, after his brother,
George; another Hattie, after another of his family, and so
on. This shows that he is consumed by egregious vanity,
and an inordinate desire for notoriety.

As we pursue his devious record, step by step, we find
that not in one thing touching our geograi)hy he has told
the truth. He has perverted the facts of our early history;
told stories of imaginary adventures along our noble
streams; deluged the country with false and erroneous

18 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

maps of the Northern portion of our State, and sought to
rob us of ancient names.

Nicollet's work was done years before a white man had
permanently settled within the boundaries of our State.
Glazier's was a jovial picnic within the limits of civiliza-
tion. The settler had already tayen up homesteads with-
in sight of Elk Lakes, years before Glazier was there.
Your committee have before them an official letter from
the Register of the Land Office at Crookston, showing the
date of the first settlement, by homestead, to have been
Aug. 22d, 1878, by Austin Sigimore, on Sec. 22, three years
before the alleged advent of this tourist.

His record of this imaginary exploration abounds in
atrocious falsehoods. He dignified his geographic romance
with beautiful speeches by his Indian guide, Ge-no-wa-ge-
sic. Your committee are in receipt of a letter from the
Rev. J. A. Gilfillan, which explodes even this element of
wild romance into atoms. Read the following:

Wbite Earth, Minn., January 7th, 1887.

Dear Sir:— In accordance with your suggestion, I went a few
clays ago and saw Che-no-wa-ge-sic, with whom I have long been
well acquainted. I took With me Glazier's book "Sword and Pen,"
and read him from it his speech as reported on page 453, begin-
ning *'My Brother, etc.," and asked him how it was about that?
He said he never made the speech reported, "Never made any
speech at all at Leech Lake, nothing whateve I then ^ead him, on
page 474, about hiip stepping to the front, assuming an oratorical
attitude, etc.. and his speech following, beginning "My brother, I
have come with you through many lakes and rivers to the head
of The Father of Waters," and asked him how about that? He
said he never stood up and extended his arms; never said that
i?o white man had yet seen the source of the great river, or that
that Lake was it. The only hing there was to that, was that
they, Avhen the canoes arrived therC; told Glazier that that was
where he had planted corn, and that he had hunted all round
those shores for many years. As to that speech on page 474, he
only told him the above about planting corn and hunting; never
told him that he had now got to the true head, for he (Che-no-
Ava-ge-sic) well knew that Lake Breck, the Elk Lake of the maps,
was not the true head, but only the "place where the waters
were gathered;" that he knew that the true head was a little
stream a mile or two to the West, running into the West arm of

THE SOURCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 19

Lake Itasca, putting his finger on tlie map and running it along
the stream up to tlie little lake, Ijake Whipple, at N. W. corner
of Section 34, according to the Government Survey. "That Glazier
never asked him to take him to the true head, and he well knew
that he did not take him there. That Glazier only asked him if
he could take him to that lake which the Indians call Pokegama,
and that he replied that he could; but that he knew that that was
not the true source; it was only a place where the waters were
gathered.'*

The above I have copied from the minutes of the interview
with C he-no- wa-ge-sic, made immediately after. He is evidently
an honest fellow and tells a true story. He did not know why I
asked him; I did not let him know whether I was in Glazier's in-
terest or otherwise, and he has heard nothing, I believe, of there
being any dispute about the matter, and had no interest but to
tell the truth.

To the people of Minnesota who know Mr. Grilfillan,
this will be conclusive. Glazier's other statements have
been repudiated bj Channing Paine, the only white person,
except his brother George, who accompanied him, and now
his noble Indian, his former Che-no-wa-ge-sic, he too has
abandoned this falsifier of history, and left him alone in
his fabric of lies.

If it be urged by his friends, that, notwithstanding all
that has been said, he was yet, as he claims, the first to
demonstrate that there were other waters beyond Itasca,
and that he showed those waters to be the lake indicated,
there are plenty of answers to that. Chambers had so
averred, in 1872, and called the lake "Dolly Varden;" A.
H. Siegfried, in Lippincott's Magazine, Aug. 1880, who
developed that whole theory of sources; and that Glazier
knew of it, is shown by his plagiarizing boldly, as usual,
from the magazine articles in question.

If he still pushes the claim beyond, into his "Lake
Alice," by debouching its waters into Elk Lake, as he has
done, and there rests his claim, still the government sur-
veys and careful subsequent scientific research, show that
that lalvelet empties, far away, into Itasca itself. There is
no longer a place, nor an evasion, where he can hide from
the disgrace of his false and fraudulent pretensions.

20 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

But the flagrant fraud, boldly attempted to be put upon
the world by this pretended discovery, is only one of
Capt. Glazier's sins against the literary and scientific
world. There is another, equally glaring, ignoble and con-
temptible in a scientist, which is kin to his rape of the
lake. It serves further to illustrate the character of the
man :

In 1884, Capt. Glazier contributed to the "American
Meteorological Journal," what purports to be an elaborate
account of his "Recent Discovery of the True Sources of
the Mississippi." In that account, he commits the boldest
and most flagrant literary piracy to be found in the
curiosities of all literature. Challenging and denying
Schoolcraft's title to the discovery of the sources of the
great river, he yet evidently had in his possession a copy of
Schoolcraft's "Narrative of an Expedition to Lake Itasca
in 1832," the same as published by Harper & Brothers,
1834, and if Glazier did not believe in the genuineness of
Schoolcraft's discovery, it is patent that he had implicit
faith in the fldelity of the careful Schoolcraft's descrip-
tions of the Indians and of the localities. His plagiarisms
are so bold, that Glazier has never presumed to deny the
charge. "Stolen from Schoolcraft" should stand at the
head of every printed column. These extraordinary co-
incidences of whole pages of identical language, were
brought to light by the laborious researches of Henry D.
narrower, an accomplished scholar and geographer, and
published by Ivison, Blakeman, Taylor & Co., of New
York, 1886. Mr. Harrower has so completely pilloried the
unfortunate Glazier, that he must be solid brass if he can
again lift his head among literary people. It must destroy
confidence in all his literary performances. We have care-
fully gone over Mr. Harrower's exhibits of parallel col-
umns, comparing both with their originals, and are dazed
at Glazier's audacity. The lapse of fifty years since
Schoolcraft wrote, had no effect upon Glazier's judgment

THE SOURCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 21

in appropriating the work of the former. The material
incidents of time, place and customs, as changed during
the time among the Pillager band of Indians, are out-
rageously defied by Glazier. He sticks to Schoolcraft in
spite of the results of a half century of schools, farming,
and the civilizing effects of the government's care of these
Indians. Their present condition is well known to these
citizens of Minnesota, and Glazier's stolen account of them
fifty years ago, as applicable to-day, is stupid beyond be-
lief. Schoolcraft's fine description of a noted chief of
1832, is taken bodily by this literary thief and applied to
White Cloud in 1881. All this is like putting the girl of
to-day in the clothes of her great-grandmother, and declar-
ing it is the fashion of the hour.

Even in his purported trip of discovery, he follows, with
unreserved confidence, Schoolcraft's description of port-
ages, trails, marshes, swamps, elevations, waters, etc.
Identical, also, is his copy of the ^meteorolgy, zoology,
and botany of the country. The track and the foot-prints
of Schoolcraft are never missed by a hair's-breadth by
this faithful plagiarist of the great scientist. Schoolcraft's
fidelity to nature was never so complimented. If Glazier
was there at all, he saw only with Schoolcraft's eyes.
The same Indians, the same customs, same dances, same
sacrifices, same houses, same meals, same salt-cellar, same
grass, same pond-lilies, same rushes, same canoes, same
flocks of pigeons, same ripe strawberries, — everything
alike! Indeed, it was not necessary for Glazier to have
visited Lake Itasca, if he ever did, for he could have copied
the noble pages of Schoolcraft as well in his study, with-
out the inconvenience of mosquitoes, or the expense of his
journey.

To crown his bold plagiarisms with the mede of per-
fection, Glazier gives a table in "Am. Met. Journal," 1884,
p. 328, "Meteorological Observations at the Head Waters
of the Mississippi." It is true we have the evidence that

22 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

he had no instruments with him, and took no observations
whatever. But it is only a step from plagiarism to lying.
In another volume of Schoolcraft, "Narrative of an Expe-
dition to the Sources of the Mississippi in 1820," published
in Albany, N. Y., 1821, are two meteorological tables,
taken at Big Sandy Lake, pages 268 and 314. Glazier
reproduces these identical tables as his own, as if taken
"at the head waters of the Mississippi."

We have the two tables before us, (Mr. Harrower's keen
work), and every date, and every barometrical observation,
every hour of the notations, the character of each day and
the direction of the wind, the very thunder, the rain-fall,
all are identically the same, for every figure has been com-
pared. They tally to a dot. But, just sixty-one years
before, Aug. 2d, 1820, Schoolcraft broke his instrument
and his observations ceased at two p. m. of that day.
Loyal and faithful ever, to the great man whose work he
so religiously copied. Glazier ceases his barometrical rec-
ord at just two p. m., Aug. 2d, 1881! !

Did Glazier think he was plundering neglected and for-
gotten books? No American scholar will forget School-
craft, no more than he will neglect Audubon, ox bury
Agassiz, and more and more as the Indian perishes, will
Schoolcraft be recognized as authority and a classic.
Glazier does not seek to conceal, or veil his thefts. A
thief will seek to disguise his stolen horse by cutting off
his tail or clipping his hair; but Glazier struts in all his
borrowed plumage, oblivious to every chance of discovery
and dead to every sense of shame. Though his rank
plagiarisms have long been made public, he neither modi-
fies his story nor abates his pretensions. It seems useless
further to unmask and displume so stolid a man. But
what the public are entitled to, is the truth of history and
an honest geography.

THE SOURCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 23

A CRITICAL REVIEW.

A critical reyiew of the whole situation was made by
Hopewell Clarke, a citizen of Minnesota, well known for
his eminent fitness, experience and capacity for the work,
who was engaged by Ivison, Blakeman, Taylor & Co., book
publishers of the City of New York, to visit the sources of
the Mississippi river for an acurate topographical sun^ey
of that region, with a purpose to carefuUy review the work
of former explorers, and to determine any matters yet
doubtful. Mr. Clarke, after a full study of the case, with
competent assistants, properly equipped with maps and
instruments, did the work thoroughly in 1886. The results
of his patient and exhaustive labors, which are before us,
confirm the accuracy of the government surveys. It cer-
tifies to the general correctness of Nicollet's report and
maps. Unlike Glazier's, this expedition explored every
bay and indentation of the Itascan waters, and followed
every affluent to its ultimate source. They trod in the
honored footsteps of the indefatigable McoUet. Every
level was taken with instruments, and every distance
measured with a chain. They confirm a visit of Nicollet
to Elk Lake, by his minute notations of its feeders, which
could only be observed by actual exploration. They fix the
location of Elk Lake precisely where the government sur-
veyors located it; and they demonstrate that Glazier both
distorted its size, and placed it too far from the Itascan
waters. He concurs fully with Nicollet, and other reliable
explorers, that the longest and by far the most important
of the affluents of the Itascan basin is the river, a creek
which debouches into the Southwest arm of the lake, being
sixteen feet wide, two and one-half deep at its mouth, and
the one most elevated in source, being ninety-two feet
above Itasca, while Elk Lake is but thirteen inches higher.
This exjiedition confirms the statement by water-marks
found, that Itasca, waters were once higher, and Elk Lake

24 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

once lower, than they now are, and that the latter, as here-
tofore stated, was doubtless but an estuary of Itasca at
the time of Schoolcraft's and Nicollet's explorations. He
fully confirms the general idea of Nicollet that "Lake
Itasca is the first important reservoir and basin of all the
springs that feed the head waters of the Mississippi river."

They find the posts and blazings of the government
surveyors still visible. Men of our own State, worthy
to be trusted, they did their work without prejudice or
bias, intent only on finding out the truth as to the primal
waters of our great river. They confirm the fidelity of
Schoolcraft and Nicollet to every essential fact, and renew,
to those daring explorers, the honors they so nobly won.

But why pursue this investigation further? Let this
perverter of history and distorter of geography be dis-
missed as a charlatan adventurer with the contempt he
so richly merits.

CONCLUSIONS.

After a most diligent and laborious examination of all
the rocerds, maps and documents bearing upon the case,
which are now so complete and exhaustive as to be no
longer liable to any material change, your committee, beg
leave respectfully to submit the results of their findings :

1. That Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, accompanied by Lt.
James Allen, in a scientific expedition made by him, July
1832, to the head waters of he Mississippi river, (Jid
discover, locate, delineate and map the general basin,
which is the first great gathering place and reservoir of
the head waters of that continental stream, and was by
him named Lake Itasca,, from the Latin words Veritas
caput, the true head. That he announced the discovery^ in
a narrative written in a modest, honorable and distinct
manner. That his companion, Lt. Allen, the topographer
of the party, drew a map, which map was deposited, and is

THE SOURCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 25

now, in the General Land Office of the U. S., in the City of
Washington, which map exhibits the substantial outlines
of Lake Itasca and its general surroundings. That School-
craft's right to the original honor of this discovery can-
not be rightly questioned or challenged.

That Jean N. Mcollet, a distinguished French scholar
and explorer, diid, in August, 1836, visit and minutely ex-
plore the same region in and about the Itascan basin. That
his work exhibits all the care of a trained scientist, and
that his map, deposited in the office of Engineers, U. S. A.
1836--7, is so complete in detail, that all subsequent ex-
aminations and surveys have been but certificates of its
general accuracy. That his report is clear, comprehensive
and scientific.

That Mcollet did discover and explore to its sources, a
creek, or river, whose primal springs are now found by
government surveys, to be in Sec. 34, Town 143 N., R. 36
W. 5th Principal Meridian, and 92 feet above the level of
Lake Itasca; which creek, or river, has its rise at the foot
hills of the Hauteur des Terres, which curve like a
crescent, around its sources, and this is the longest, as it
is by far the largest, tributary of the Itascan basin. To
use Mcollet's own language: "In obedience to the geo-
graphical rule, that the sources of a river are those that
are most distant from its mouth, this creek is truly the in-
fant Mississippi; all others below, its feeders and trib-
utaries." Then he modestly and courteously adds:

"The honor of having first explored the sources of the
Mississippi, and introduced a knowledge of them into
physical geography, belongs to Mr. Schoolcraft and Lieu-
tenant Allen. I come only after these gentlemen; but I
may be permitted to claim some merit for having com-
pleted what was wanting for a full geographical account
of these sources. Moreover, I am, I believe, the first
traveler, who has carried with him astronomical instru-
ments and put them to profitable account along the whole
course of the Mississippi, from its mouth to its sources."

26 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

This is the essence of the whole story. To these two
eminent scholars and scientists belong all the glory of
the discovery of the primal sources of the Mississippi
river.

Your committee recommend that this chief tributary
of Itasca, should be named "Nicollet River^' in honor of
its great discoverer, and that the lalielet in Section 27, be
named Alpha, as sigJ^ificant of the absolute ultimate
source.

Recommended, that the name "Glazier Lake" be ex-
punged from the lake in Sec. 22, of the same town and
range, and that the name "Elk aLke" be continued as
rightfully and appropriately named by the authority of the
Government of the United States.

That we earnestly and respectfully recommend all
geographers, map-makers and historians, to follow the con-
clusions herein reached, as final' to a matter of geography
within our own State.

That we respectfully recommend that the present Legis-
lature, by joint resolution, or otherwise, as to them may
seem best, take such action as will fix and maintain the
nomenclature of the waters as herein indicated.

At the conclusion of the reading of Gen. Baker's Report,
Ex-Gov. Alex. Ramsey moved that the report be adopted,
and published by the Society, which motion prevailed.

The following Resolutions were then read, and unani-
mously adopted:

Whereas, The members of this Society have listened to the
reading of the report prepared by Gen. James Heaton Baker on
the clai]ns made by Capt. Willard Glazier, to the credit of having
in 1881 "discovered the source of the Mississippi river," to-wit:
A lake adjoining liake Itasca, designated on the United States
.surveys as Elk Lake; therefore be it

Tiesolved, Tbat we hereby express as the deliberate judgment
•of this Society that the assertions and assumptions of said
ifilazier, in the matter named, are baseless and false— that he is

THE SOURCES OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 27

ill 110 sense whatever a "discoverer" or "explorer," the lake which
he is now endeavoring to have called by his name having been
originally visited and mapped by Schoolcraft in 1832; again care-
fully explored and scientifically examined and described in
official reports and maps by that accurate and conscientious
scientist, Jean Nicholas Nicollet in 1836, and was in 1875 fully
surveyed and maped by the United States surveyors, and soon
after claims and pre-emptions Avere filed on lands adjoining said
lake.

Resolved, That we assert our unqualified belief, based on the
thorough and careful investigations of Nicollet, O. E. Garrison
and others, and again, more recently, of those made by Hope-
well Clarke, that the lake which Capt. Glacier asserts is "the
true source of the Mississippi river," is not such in reality, but
that the real source of the river is Lake Itasca and its tributaries,
arising in sections 27 and 28 of the township in which it is
located.

Resolved, That we feel amazed at the presumption and assur-
ance displayed by Capt. Glazier; first, in hastily making such an
audacious claim, based, at best upon an uncertain and doubtful
foundation; and again, in arrogantly heralding himself to the
world as a discoverer, without first submitting his claims to
some tribunal competent to pronounce on their merits and having
his alleged discovery examined. And further, in deceiving geo-
graphical and scientific societies by sending them an account of
his pretended discoveries, and causing to be published books and
magazine articles in which he is praised and puffed in un-
measured terms and held up to the admiration of the country as
one who had achieved some praiseworthy feat; also, in publishing
maps in which the lake in question is represented as fovir times
its real size and placed in a wrong position; and lastly, in persuad-
ing, by persistent solicitations, map and school book publishers
to place his name to "Elk Lake" and declare it "the source of the
Mississippi river."

Resolved, That the wholesale and unblushing plagiarisms by
Capt. Glazier from the descriptions of Itasca in the writings of
Schoolcraft, Siegfried and others, and of the meteorological tables
in the former, tend to throw discredit on all his assertions and to
render him unworthy of the respect and confidence which would
be due to him, were he really the discoverer which he claims
to be.

Resolved, That we respectfully ask the legislature to pass, with-
out delay, the bill recently introduced into the house by Mr. Don-

28 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

nelly, to fix irrevocably on the map of the State the names of
the larkes and streams composing the Itascan sources of the Mis-
sissippi river, so that its earliest explorers be not robbed of their
just laurels, and to remove temptations to adventurers in future
to gain notoriety by attaching their names to said lakes.

Resolved, That we call upon the various geographical, historical
and other learned societies throughout the world to join with us
in repudiating Glazier's claims, and ask them, in the spirit of
truth and right, that if they have in their possession, maps with
the lake in question so named, they erase Glazier's name from
them and substitute therefor that of "Elk Lake."

Resolved, That our thanks are due, and are hereby tendered,
to Gen. James H. Baker, for his able and exhaustive report; and
also to H. D. narrower, Esq., of New York, the Rev. J. A. Gil-
fillan of White Earth, Minn., and to Messrs. Alfred J. Hill, Hope-
well Clarke and J. B. Chaney of St. Paul, for valuable aid
rendered in the investigation of maps and documents relating to
the question.

THE HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY,

CELEBRATION

BY THE MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

OF THE

200th anniversary ,

OF THE

Discovery of the Falls of Saint Anthony

IN 1680, BY FATHER LOUIS HENNEPIN.

Note.— The Minnesota Historical Society, early in the year 1880, resolved to
appropriately celebrate the two hundreth anniversary of the discovery of the
Falls of Saint Anthony, by Father Louis Hennepin, which occurred in 1680. In
this they were generously and energetically aided by the citizens of Minnneapolis,
whose liberal and well-planned arrangements made the celebration a complete
success. The exact date of the discovery cannot be fixed, but the third of July
(the fourth falling (»n Sunday) was selected as the day for the celebration, on
account of its being a public holiday. The subjoined account of the exercises is
from the Saint Paul Daily Globe, of July 4, 1880:

The city of Minneapolis never saw such a day as yes-
terday. It almost appeared as though the inanimate
earth on which the city is built — her magnificent blocks

30 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

of buildings, her immense mills and even the grand Falls
themselves, were aware that something more than ordi-
nary was taking place. The broad avenues were teeming
with life, and every artery of the city pulsed with a glad
and gleesome feeling, which developed itself in the smil-
ing countenances of her citizens, and the outward emblems
of general rejoicing. Most of the business houses and
many private dwellings were decorated with flags, ever-
greens, etc., all testifying to the general joy felt by all.
In fact, it was Minneapolis' "Saturday out," and she en-
joyed it. The privacy of home and the conventionalities
of society which ordinarily "doth hedge us in" were for the
once laid aside, and all, whether old or young, regardless
of previous condition, gave themselves up to a gala day.
The moving tide of humanity, the gaily decked blocks of
buildings, the floating stars and stripes, and the general
air of pleasure everywhere visible, conspired to give the
locality a holiday appearance never seen before. Cer-
tainly not since the day Father Hennepin looked upon it
and pronounced it good, two hundred years ago.

THE GRAND PROCESSION.

The official program for the day had announced that the
procession would be formed promptly at 9 a. m. Commit-
tees of arrangements may propose, but it not infrequently
happens that those who take part in pageants of this
character, dispose of time to suit their convenience. It
so happened yesterday. As early as 8 o'clock all the
principal streets of the city were filled with people on
foot, in carriages, on horseback and in arms, waiting for
the procession to form. It was somehow understood that

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 31

General Sherman, Secretary Ramsey* and other notables
were to arrive at an early hour at the University, and
come from thence to the Nicollet House, where arrange-
ments were to be made for assigning them positions in
the grand procession. An immense throng of people as-
sembled in front of the hotel and for over an hour waited
patiently, in the broiling sun, to catch a glimpse of the dis-
tinguished visitors. About half past ten their curiosity
was satisfied, for at that hour a number of carriages con-
taining General Sherman, Secretary Ramsey, Hon. E. B.
Washburne and other distinguished gentlemen, drove to
the main entrance of the hotel. The features of nearly
all were familiar to the dense throng, and as they alighted
from their carriages they were greeted with a succession
of cheers. A few moments were spent in the parlors of
the Nicollet to allow for introductions, refreshments, etc.,
when the party once more took their places in carriages
and proceeded to Bridge Square where the grand proces-
sion was formed in the following order, under the com-
mand of Gen. T. L. Rosser, marshal of the day, assisted
by some aids:

THE ORDER OF PROCESSION:

Gen. Rosser, Marshal of the Day and Aide, Oflflcer Hoy.

Platoon of Sixteen Minneapolis Police, Commanded by Sergeant West.

Great Western Union Band.

Hon. W. D. Washburn and Mayor Rand in Carriages.

General W. T. Sherman and Secretary of War Ramsey.

Governor" Pillsbury.

Ex-Governor C. C. Washburn and Rev. Mr. Neill.

Hon. E. B. Washburne, D. Morrison and Anthony Kelly.

Members of the City Council.

* Hon. Alexander Ramsey was, at that date, Secretary of War.

32 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Members of the County Board,

City and County Officials.

Hon. W. S. King and Friend.

Fort Snelling Military Band.

Two Companies of U. S. Kegulars.

Veterans of the War for the Union.

Mounted Zouave Lancers.

Zouave Drum Corps and Band.

Minneapolis Zouaves.

Minneapolis Light Infantry.

St. John the Baptiste Society.

Swede Brothers' Society.

Odd Fellows' Encampment.

North Star Lodge, I. O. O. F.

Sons of Herman.

Father Matthew Cadets.

Father Matthew T. A. B. Society.

Woman's Christian Temperance Union.

Father McGolrick and Priests.

Citizens in Carriages.

It required some time to bring order out of the chaotic
mass, which, had not only filled Bridge Square, but all
the streets adjacent with a surging tide of humanity on
foot, in carriages, and in every other species of convey-
ance. The throng had come "from the north and south,
irom the east and from the west," all intent upon seeing
a.11 they could and taking part in this pageantry. The
.grand marshal and his aids had a most difficult task to
perform, but they finally succeeded, and the procession
took up its line of march across the suspension bridge,
in the order above given. When the carriage containing
Oeneral Sherman and Secretary Ramsey reached the east-
ern end of the bridge, and the vast crowd recognized the

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 33

familiar countenances, cheer after cheer greeted the two
distinguished men, who manage and control the military-
arm of this great republic. This hearty greeting was
continued all along the line of march, and was re-
sponded to by both gentlemen rising and bowing in
response. They rode in a splendid English drag, drawn
by four beautiful horses, gaily caparisoned, and driven
by Mr. R. F. Jones, the owner of the magnificent turn-
out.

Words are inadequate to describe the appearance of the
procession and the streets along the line of march. The
sidewalks and the streets also were a complete moving
mass of humanity of all ages and both sexes. The
suspension bridge never before was put to such a test,
and hereafter it may be considered safe. Every available
space was occupied by people on foot, while for fully
a half hour the driveway was filled with two lines of
carriages from end to end. The scene on University
avenue when the procession was passing, baffl.es descrip-
tion. The procession formed across the street, but on
either side of it were dense throngs of carriages, four or
five abreast, while the sidewalks and private grounds of
the residents were crowded with men, women and children.
At every street crossing, numbers of vehicles were added
to the throng, and yet all moved on, slowly it is true,
but without accident. Gen. Sherman was of course the
lion of the day, and next to him came in for many com-
pliments, a number of the organizations that formed a
part of the procession. The Union Great Western Band,
the Seventh Infantry Band from Fort Snelling, and the
Minneapolis Zouave Band Drum corps, elicited well de-

S4 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

served praise for their excellent music and splendid
appearance. Companies C, K and H, of the Seventh In-
fantry, under command of Major Benham, marched as
only veterans can. The Minneapolis Zouaves made a fine
appearance in their strange uniform, and the squad of
mounted Lancers of the same organization, were a marked
feature of the procession. The Union Francaise, of St.
Paul, who turned out 150 strong, and were led by the
Great Western Band, did themselves proud, being the
largest organization in the line. Suffice it to say that it
was a grand demonstration, in which not only the cities
of St. Paul and Minneapolis, but the country for miles
around, united.

Over the entrance to the University grounds a grand
arch had been erected, beautifully ornamented with
national colors and evergreens, and bearing the inscrip-
tion, **Soyez les Bienvenus."

THE APPEARANCE OF THE GROUNDS.

While so many were waiting on the avenue, some hun-
dreds had gathered on the University campus at an early
hour, and before the head of the procession arrived at
the green arch, under which it entered upon the field,
thousands were assembled. The spacious campus — over-
looking the river and falls, and a goodly part of the city
— covered with a fine sward and shaded by noble trees,
was supplied for the occasion with a covered stand for
the Historical Society and its guests and seats for the
audience, and also with numerous tables for free refresh-
ment of visitors, and with many tents for their shelter
and entertainment. Around the north and west sides

HENNEPIN BI CENTENARY. 35

of the campus were arranged the various tents and
headquarters of the different bodies taking part in the
celebration. A short distance from the main entrance to
the grounds, on the right, was located seven tables, each
210 feet in length. These tables were loaded with sub-
stantial food, enough to feed thousands, and thousands
were fed at this hospitable board. All were invited, and
among the many thousands there not one went away-
hungry, except at his or her accord. This branch was
under the supervision of George A. Brackett, Esq., and
he managed it with a method and beaming hospitality
that will be long remembered by thousands whom he
fed. In fact it may be said that all went away prepared
to say: "I was a hungered and ye gave me meat; I was
thirsty and ye gave me drink; I was a stranger and ye
took me in." Passing on down to the right was a tent
reserved for the members of the councils of the cities.
Under this canvas were two tables, sufficient to accom-
modate the number expected to be present, and supplied
with good things enough to satisfy even an alderman's
stomach.

Next to this was a canopy supplied with chairs, where
the weary might find rest.

Then came the grand tent, under which Governor
Pillsbury had provided a repast for the distinguished
visitors and the members of the Historical Society. Un-
der this large canopy were fifteen tables arranged in cir-
cular form. The tent was tastefully decorated with the
national colors and evergreens, and the tables were
adorned with a profusion of flowers, presenting a picture
of great beauty. Under this canvas the Governor received

36 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

and feasted his friends after the formal exercises were
over. Never before did such a collection of distinguished
men and fair women meet within sight and sound of St.
Anthony Falls. Connected with this was another tent,
where, during the entire day, such refreshments as lemon-
ade, sandwiches, etc., were dispensed to the hungry and
thirsty.

A number of other tents were scattered around for the
accommodation, convenience and comfort of ladies, the
various visiting organizations, etc., etc. Probably the
most important of these tents were two— one large and
handsomely fitted up where ladies could obtain lemonade,
ices, etc., and the other called the "house that Jack
built," for gentlemen, where they could obtain a bountiful
supply of ice water. In this tent they had on exhibition
specimens of water said to have been bottled by Father
Hennepin at the time he discovered the falls. It had im-
proved wonderfully with age. A large number tasted it
(purely out of curiosity) and they informed the Globe
reporter that it was not bad to take.

Many columns might be filled with accounts of all there
was to be seen and done on the grounds. The imagina-
tion of the reader must supply the deficiency, It is suffi-
cient to say that the citizens of Minneapolis, both in their
private and corporate capacity, dispensed a boundless
hospitality on the occasion, and all, the many thousands
present, went away satisfied that it was good for them to
be there.

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 37

THE SOCIETY AND ITS GUESTS.
It was about 10:30 a. m. when the head of the proces-
sion arrived on the grounds, and some time was necessa-
rily taken in placing the military and societies, and in
seating the people, who wished to listen to the oration
and addresses. Meantime the Historical Society and its
guests were seated upon the grand stand. Among this
notable company the following were recognized from the
reporter's table: Gen. H. H. Sibley of St. Paul, president
of the Historical Society; Hon. Alex. Ramsey, Secretary
of War; Gen. W. T. Sherman, U. S. A.; Archbishop Tach6
of St. Boniface, Manitoba; Bishop La Fleche, of Three
Rivers, Lower Canada; Bishops Grace and Ireland, St.
Paul; Mgr. J. Neve, Rector of the American College, Lou-
vain, Belgium; Rev. Fr. Desaulniers, St. Bonaventure,
Canada; Rev. G. Dugast, St. Boniface, Manitoba; Rev. J.
A. Andre, Inner Grove, Minnesota; Rev. James McGol-
rick, Minneapolis; Justice Miller, of the U. S. Supreme
court; Judge GilfiUan of the State Supreme court; Judge
McCrary of the U. S. Circuit court; Judge Nelson, of the
U. S. District court; Gen. Terry and other army officers
from department headquarters, St. Paul; Gen. Gibbon and
officers of the Seventh Infantry, Fort Snelling; Col. Bar-
ry, Washington; Hon. E. B. Washburne, Galena, and Al-
bert D. Hager, Chicago, the latter secretary, and both
delegates of the Chicago Historical Society; Hon. C. H.
Berry, Winona; Hon. John S. Pillsbury, Governor of Min-
nesota; Ex- Gov. C. K. Davis; Ex- Gov. Wm. R. Marshall;
Hon. C. C. Washburn, Wisconsin; Gen. R. W. Johnson,
St. Paul; Hon. W. D. Washburn, Minneapolis; Hon. S. J.
R. McMillan, U. S. Senator; Ex- Senator H. M. Rice; Mr.

^8 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Sprague, of Minneapolis, a soldier of 1812; Rev. Mr. Ri-
heldaffer, of the State Reform school; Rev. E. D. Neill,
Mayor Rand, Wm. S. King, W. W. McNair, Jno. H.
Stevens, H. Mattson, O. V. Tousley, D. Morrison and
N. B. Harwood, all of Minneapolis; I. De Graff, Russell
Blakeley, E. S. Goodrich, Edmund Rice, J. Fletcher
Williams, H. L. Moss, I. V. D. Heard and J. B. Cha-
ney, of St. Paul; Hon..O. P. Whitcomb, State auditor;
Hon. D. Burt, Superintendent of public instruction; and
President Folwell and the Faculty of the State Univer-
sity.

When Gen. Sherman escorted by Gen. Sibley, and
Secretary Ramsey escorted by Gen. Terry, came upon
the stand they were warmly applauded, and Gen. Sher-
man especially seemed to be the favorite. In fact,
throughout the exercises, he could hardly move without
starting a round of applause. It was evident there was
present a goodly number of the boys who marched
through Georgia with Sherman.

While the procession was marching into the campus,
a salute was fired by a section of artillery from Fort
Snelling; and as all arrangements were about concluded,
at 11:35 A. M., the Union Great Western Band opened
the exercises by playing the national airs, after which
Gen. Sibley addressed the multitude.

He said that he welcomed, as President of the Minne-
sota Historical Society, such a large concourse of citizens
to assist in celebrating this interesting anniversary. He
said we owe a debt of gratitude to the citizens of Minne
apolis, for their liberality and energy in getting up this
celebration in so complete and splendid a manner. With-

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 39

out occupying more time, he would now introduce Hon.
Cushman K. Davis, the orator of the day. Ex- Gov. Davis
appeared amid an outburst of applause, and addressed the
audience as follows:

HON. C. K. DAVIS' ORATION.

It is not without cause that nations, sects, communities
and individuals, by a custom which seems world-wide,
observe with commemorative ceremonies the recurrence of
certain days with which events of great national, reli-
gious and personal importance began.

There is a satisfaction in looking back into "the abysm
of time", where generations have been swallowed up and
forgotten, to gaze at some luminous diurnal spot which
marks the occurrence of that without which an empire
could never have existed, or a faith never been defined for
belief, or a human right never ceased from being an eth-
ical abstraction to become a concrete and beneficent fact,
or a person never born, to taste the joys and sorrows of
life and to fall heir to the inexpressible heritage of im-
mortality.

At one day in each year the Christian traverses the
tract of eighteen centuries, gazing from obscure Bethle-
hem over the civilized world, and over the enormous epoch
of his faith traces the sublime consequences of the nativity.
He sees that in a period so short that it attests the miracle,
the entire skeptical, dogmatic and practical Roman world
was penetrated and possessed by the cardinal idea of a
faith which sprung from the despised Semitic province,
and overcame the indurate prepossessions of the Aryan
family. He sees the vast and unending political conse-

40 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

quences of the event which he commemorates. He sees
how thoroughly Christianity took possession of the place
providentially left for it in the interstices of the Roman
structure, and speedily transformed it in color, shape and
proportions. He appreciates the fact that the functions
of a kingdom not of this world needed, to make efficient
its propagandizing idea of personal equality, the aid of
secular institutions. It found them in the marvelous ma-
chinery of the Roman polity. He sees the submergencer
of all this under the northern torrent — a submergence so
complete that nothing but the cross can at times be seen
over that waste of waters ; the hopes of civilization and
progress seem ended. But barbarism itself was in time
subdued by that which it had conquered. It had brought'
from its northern forests a practice of parliamentary par-
ticipation in affairs by every free man which by elective
affinity combined with the religious dogmas of personal
equality, and the Christian world was at once placed upon
a line of logical consequences which, by asserting the
freedom of the individual and the equality of man to man,
has found its most perfect development in the United
States.

The Mahometan, mindful of the ignominious Hegira of
the Prophet, commemorates its day, and standing at
Mecca, sees the crescent, within the period of seven hun-
dred years, compassing nations with its arc of conquest,
one point touching Grenada, and the other shining over
Vienna.

What day more than this thrills every sensibility of the
American citizen — this day of days — when our charter of
human rights was signed with dedications to its mainten-

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 41

ance of lives, fortunes and sacred honor — which has been
for more than one hundred years preserved inviolate,
which has been confirmed by an extension of its extrem-
ist declaration that all men are created equal, to the
emancipation of the slave and his participation as a free
man in the administration of the institutions by which he
was committed to ignorance and bondage.

Two hundred years ago the Franciscan father Hennepin
saw the Falls of St. Anthony. He was the first white
man who ever saw and heard the throbbings of that
great artery of power which now gives life to thousands
of people and moves those great mechanical agencies
which in our hearing almost, are doing the work of hun-
dreds of thousands of men. For unnumbered ages the
cataract had spent its forces wearing away the ledge over
which it fell, receding northward through gorges which
it cut, and in which it has recorded its recession. The
wildest dreamer of two hundred years ago could not have
foretold the wondrous changes which would be worked
upon the scene.

The indomitable courage of the French in discovering
and opening up the territory west of the AUeghanies,
their utter failure to hold it and its relapse into obscurity
form one of the most interesting and obscure problems
of our history.

By the year 1680, La Salle, a gentleman by birth and a
scholar by education by the Jesuits, then the best school-
masters in the world, had built a ship above Niagara
Falls, made the circuit of the great lakes, landed near
the western extremity of Lake Michigan, traversed what
is now the State of Illinois, and rested at a point on the

42 MINNESOTA HI1STORICAL COLLECTIONS.

shores of Peoria lake, where he built a fort. Attached
to this company of adventurers was Hennepin. He was a
man of great resolution, faithful to his vocation, and of
remarkable power of observation — so remarkable that his
footsteps can be traced to-day in the changed condition of
this region, most distinctly by the account which he left
of his adventures.

During the winter of 1679-80, he, with two compan-
ions, had by the order of La Salle, descended the
Illinois river to its mouth, and was directed also to ex-
plore the Mississippi river above the Illinois. They as-
cended the river without molestation, probably as far as
the mouth of the Wisconsin river, where they were cap-
tured by a war party of Sioux, and from that time their
journey northwards was an enforced one. Their captors
held debate over their lives, but finally concluded to spare
them. They were brought by the Sioux up the river to
a point doubtless a few miles below where St. Paul now
stands, where the band then left the river and followed
the trail over the country to Mille Lacs. A journey of
five days brought them to the Indian villages in the valley
of the Rum River, and there the captives were separated,
each band conducting a Frenchman to its village. They
seem to have been treated with rude kindness. Henne-
pin now endeavored to acquire the Indian language, and
to instruct the savages in the faith, but they were in-
different and he made no converts. He baptized and
christened by the name of Antoinette, a sick Indian infant,
who shortly afterward died. He seems to have inspired his
captors with a certain feeling of awe, and yet at the same
time to have been regarded by them quite contemptuously.

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 43

He settled, however, an important geographical ques-
tion. The hope of a direct westerly ocean route to the
East Indies which inspired Columbus and resulted in the
discovery of America in the search for India, was at this
time an inspiring cause of the persistent intrusion of the
French into this region. It was supposed that the Mis-
sissippi river emptied into the Gulf of California. The
northwest passage was laid down on maps as through the
the Straits of Anian, which was represented to be not
far from the water system which has its source in Min-
nesota.

While Hennepin was detained in this vicinity of Mille
Lacs, four Indians came to the village, who stated that
they had come from the west fifteen hundred miles, and
that their journey had occupied four months. They were
questioned by Hennepin and told him truly that they had
seen no sea nor any great water. They described the
country northwest of here with general accuracy, saying
that it contained no great lakes, that it had many rivers
and that there were few forests in that region. From
this narrative Hennepin concluded that the straits of
Anian as delineated upon the maps of that time, had no
existence, and he conjectured that the route to the Pacific
was by the rivers of which these Indians told.

The time came in June for the departure of the In-
dians to the hunting grounds west of the Mississippi
river. The assemblage of the bands for this purpose
brought Hennepin and his companions together again.
They descended the Rum River and encamped where Day-
ton is now. Starvation threatened the Indians, and Hen-
nepin was of course anxious to be released. By stating

44 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

to them that he expected to meet a party of Frenchmen
at the mouth of the Wisconsin river with goods for the
Indians, he prevailed upon the savages to allow him and
his companions to go to meet them. One of the French-
men preferred to remain with the Indians, and staid. A
small birch canoe was given Hennepin and Du Gay, and
they started down the river and came to the falls of St.
Anthony.

It was a sacred spot with the tribes. Indians were
there invoking the spirit of the waters in voices of lam-
entations and hanging offerings of beaver skins upon the
trees.

Hennepin named the cataract the Falls of St. Anthony
in honor of St. Anthony of Padua. He proceeded on his
journey, and at some distance below the Falls encoun-
tered Daniel Greysolon Duluth and four other Frenchmen,
who had made their way from the head of Lake Superior
to the Mississippi river. The Frenchmen then returned
to Mille Lacs with a party of Indians, remained there till
the following autumn, and then resumed their southward
journey by the way of Rum river and the falls of St.
Anthony. They proceeded to Green Bay by ascending the
Wisconsin river. From thence Hennepin made his way
to Europe and in 1683 published at Paris an account of
his adventures.

After the death of La Salle and about fourteen years
after the publication of this book, Hennepin is said to
have published in Utrecht another edition of his travels,
in which he pretended for the first time that before he
started up the Mississippi river, he had followed its course
from the Illinois to the sea and returned in time to start

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 45

northward from the mouth of the Illinois river by the
eleventh of March, 1680. The dates in the two narratives
show that he must have done all this in a month, and of
course conclusively establish the falsity of this portion of
his second narrative. The first narrative, published in
1683, is, however, undoubtedly a true one. His topog-
raphy, capable of verification to-day, and his use of Sioux
words, fully establish the fact.

The edition of 1694 was dedicated to the King of Eng-
land and the surprising claim then advanced was doubt-
less due to some political reason, for it is stated that its
contents caused William to send vessels to the Gulf of
Mexico to enter the river, and Callieres, the Governor of
Canada, wrote a letter to Pontchartrain, the French min-
ister, warning him that William was about to take posses-
sion of Louisiana upon the relation of Hennepin. Louis
XIV was greatly incensed at Hennepin, and hearing that
he intended to revisit Canada, directed Callieres in that
event, to arrest him and send him to Rochefort. He died,
probably in Italy, after the year 1701.*

Hennepin's experience as a discoverer was small com-
pared with that of other adventurous Frenchmen. The
most illustrious of those men who two hundred years ago
followed the Mississippi valley from the Falls of St.
Anthony to the Gulf of Mexico was undoubtedly Robert
Cavelier La Salle. This heroic man starting from Montreal,
ascended the St. Lawrence, sailed the great lakes, made
the portage to the Illinois river, and descending thence

*It should be stated, however, that the complicity of Hennepin with the
Utreoht edition is denied with good support of internal testimony. It is greatly
to be hoped that criticism will expunge the blemish which has heretofore
seemed to rest upon his veracity.

-2

46 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

into the Mississippi, reached its mouth in the year 1682,
after years of incredible hardships. In the month of
April of that year, standing where jetties now spring from
the unstable shore, and through which the commerce of
the world passes rejoicing in stately ships, he planted the
cross, took possession of a vast country for and in the
name of Louis XIV, while the voices of the great hearted
companions of his quest joined in the Vexilla Regis.

The region thus claimed was the entire valley of the
Mississippi and all of its tributaries. It stretched from
the AUeghanies to the Rocky Mountains. It was the most
imperial domain which ever accrued to a king by the
claim of discovery. Far-seeing men of that age foretold
that it would, in its time, be what it is now. Its military
importance and commercial and agricultural capacities were
quite well understood. The energies of a church whose
sons have set their feet in tropic jungles, on polar snows,
in Saharas of sand, on every place on earth where there
are souls to be saved, the sagacity and power of the great-
est king and the wisest statesmen of that age, the ad-
venturous private spirit inspired by the hope of gain, the
romantic gleams of El Dorados which even then shone in
the West like golden sunsets, the colonial policy then car-
dinal with the great European powers, all these confeder-
ated to make this immense domain a province of France.

Had it remained so, the French possessions would have
extended from the mouth of the St. Lawrence nearly to
the Rio Grande; the domain of England would have been
east of the AUeghanies. Spain would have had only the
province of Florida, and the whole of all the remainder
of North America east of the Rocky Mountains, excepting

HENNEPIN BI- CENTENARY. 47

Mexico, would have belonged to France to colonize and
civilize by way of the Mississippi river, instead of by that
painful and slow process overland from east to west, by
which this country has been occupied.

Why France did not succeed in so doing is a most re-
condite yet instructive question.

There was at that time every reason why she should
have done all this. Louis XIV was then at the zenith of
his power. His intellect was in its prime; his pride was
at its height; his will had never been curbed; his armies
were victorious everywhere; he had the finest navy in
the world; his treasury overflowed.

The grandest statesman whom France— perhaps Europe
— ever produced had been at the head of affairs, and the
propulsive force of his genius still operated unspent. It
is doing its work to-day. Colbert had wrought the work
which Louis was then enjoying. He was so great to the
men of his own age, that the Mississippi river was named
the Colbert, but the great stream — greater than the stream
of history — has effaced even his name from the water in
which it was written.

England, as a power, was utterly contemptible. She
was panting under the incubus of the disreputable old
age of that heartless voluptuary Charles II, and he was
a pensioner of the French king. Her finances were
disordered, her army was despised, her navy was weak
and rotten, her statesmen were profligate and corrupt,
her literature was mere bawdry, and she was through-
out a state diseased.

William of Orange, constitutionally weak of body and
broken by sickness, was battling for mere existence with

48 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

the overwhelming power of France, and was thought to
be a vanishing factor in the problem of national and
personal supremacy.

Why then was it that, though France held for almost
one hundred years nearly all that La Salle proclaimed
was her's east of the great river, and held until the
reign of the great Napoleon, nearly all that was pro-
claimed as her's west of the great river, she eventually
lost everything, and left but little or no trace of her
presence, excepting what is now the state of Louisiana?

The cause was not conquest. Conquests then were,
but they were merely the secondary and proximate
agencies of the transfer.

And here we are presented with one of the grandest
examples which time has given to history, of the diver-
sion of a great region from one empire and its attach-
ment to another, by the moral power of contending in-
stitutions. For this wafe effected by the collision of
institutions, and by nothing else. We have seen France,
starting from Montreal, engirdle the North American
continent from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to the
mouth of the Mississippi, and shutting up the English
occupancy into a tract which was practically bounded
by the St. Lawrence, the Alleghanies and the Savannah.
We understand the proportions of the physical compet-
itory powers by which these rival institutions were sus-
tained.

I do not think that differences of dogma or victories
in proselyting had anything to do with the result. The
Puritan of New England, the Quaker of Pennsylvania,
the Catholic of Maryland, and the Churchman of Vir-

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 49

ginia, each represented a political tendency, with which
his religious faith had little to do. either by way of cre-
ation or modification. The result would have been the
same, had James the Second succeeded in restoring Eng-
land to the ranks of the Catholic powers.

Behind and beyond the mere questions of faith, ruling
and overruling them by providential destiny, carrying
them along as the world revolving east carries a ship
that is sailing east, were the great and peremptory ideas
of personal freedom and self government, based upon
Christianity and not upon any of its creeds, which were
fighting their way to institutional recognition in the per-
son of every English-speaking man.

Englishmen had fought for centuries this momentous
fight. They had extorted Magna Charta from John.
They had enacted in parliament the declaration of rights,
and so far annihilated the feudal system as to leave
nothing but its fictions. They had passed the statute
of habeas corpus. They had increased the powers of
the commons, until that house became the immediate
agent of the people in the administration of the State.
More than all, they had so dilated their capacity for
self-government through their love of freedom that it
was as certain then as it is to-day that the mountains
would be removed into the sea before the stock of that
people could ever be forced back into the dungeons of
absolute power.

In France there was no counterpart to all this. There
was, on the contrary, a complete system of antithetical
institutions. The whole kingdom was feudal. It was
enfeoffed to despot over despot through all the ascend-

50 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

ing degrees of tyranny, until the king was reached, who
absorbed into himself the sum of all despotic powers.
There was no parliament. Judges were so purchasable
that judgments were finally sold as common commodi-
ties. The land was filled with private prisons, in which
the seigneurs incarcerated their offending underlings with-
out pretext of trial. The king took away personal lib-
erty by simple lettre de cachet. There was no liberty of
conscience, nor was there anything in the tendency of
the institutions which promised it. The system of tax-
ation was an abominable device of spoliation by which
a host of intermediaries tolled the product, so that but
a fraction reached the royal exchequer.

Such were the two systems which started in the race
of empire upon this continent. The French colonial sys-
tem was feudal, and was governed from Versailles. The
English colonial system was allodial and substantially
governed itself. Each was a reproduction of its original.
That of the French was cumbrous, but it had an artificial
perfection like that of an organized army. The French-
man who founded a colony laid off a seigniory and had
his vassals. The English colonists on the contrary, owned
their farms and their houses were their castles. They
had their provincial parliaments and enacted their own
laws. Every English settlement was a nucleus from
which growth sprang. Every French settlement was a
lordship or fort — it stood by itself; its neighbor was an-
other lordship or fort. The English settlements were
confluent. Those of the French were marked by bounda-
ries established from the beginning. The former tended
to identification; the latter were indurated into separa-
tion; contact was friction and private war.

HENNEPIN BICENTENARY. 51

Under such conditions of growth it is easy to under-
stand how the French, moving with the celerity of organ-
ization, at first covered so much territory. After the
first act was done, progress stopped.

The French settler looked to his lordship, and was at-
tached to the soil. If he removed, he entered a vagrant
life. The English immigrant, who was his own man,
bettered his condition. His children stood higher in the
ranks of wealth and society than he did. The result was
that when the English became ready to pass the AUe-
ghanies, they took with them ready made all of the ma-
chinery of an independent government. The mere presence
of Boone and his companions in Kentucky ended the
shadowy French claim to that region. The French in 1762
finally ceded the territory by the treaty of Versailles.
The capture of Kaskaskia by Gen. George Rogers Clarke,
who was sent upon that campaign by Thomas Jefferson
while governor of Virginia, seems to have ended the
French institutions and customary laws over all the coun-
try in the valley of the Mississippi. The passage of the
ordinance of 1787 gave to the territory northwest of the
Ohio a republican constitution, and from that time En-
glish immigrants poured into that region, while the
French institutions disappeared like a cloud.

The hold of France upon the territory west of the
river became less eager. She ceded it to Spain and then
took it back. The iron hold of Napoleon became flaccid
there and he finally ceded it to the United States in 1803,
and nothing was left of France upon this continent save
Louisiana (which exists like an area of geologic drift)
and the names of counties and cities where French and

52 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Indian words alike mark the former presence of vanished
institutions.

The political consequences of the tendencies and results
of which I have spoken, were most momentous to the
cause of liberty. Did anybody ever conceive of a declara-
tion of independence by French colonies? Had the French
institutions at all kept pace with those of the English
over what is now the United States, there would have
been no declaration of our own independence, for Louis
XV and George III, assisted by their colonists, would
have been fighting a war of conquest and defense. Let
no one permit these words to disparage the Frenchman's
love for liberty or his devotion to its cause. That race
has stood since the days of Caesar in the forefront of in-
expungable nationalities. But the Frenchman begins his
political revolutions at Paris and overthrows tyranny in
its central fortress. The Englishman has never regarded
London as the place where the crown jewels of his liber-
ties are kept. He will in any contest for his right,
move upon London from every antipodal point where his
** morning drum beat" sounds. When the French revolu-
tionist fails to secure Paris, his cause fails to the
remotest extremities of the French dominions. But to his
dauntless love of liberty, the Frenchman makes every sac-
rifice. Wherever the scaffold has become an altar for the
immolation of human victims dying for human freedom,
the sons and daughters of France have stood upon that
scaffold gloriously triumphing — stood singing songs of
deliverance in the gates of the morning of freedom, like
the angel Uriel in the sun, watching the world on which
its light is sent.

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 53

Mere political speculation might pause at this point.
But standing to-day at the great anniversary of our inde-
pendence, and seeing what forces contended against each
for a century before it was declared, we cannot help rec-
ognizing the work of Providence in all this. Through
all time this new world had slumbered, hidden by the
ocean from conquest, preserved' from the operations of the
events which in the long course of thousands of years had
brought the Europeans to civilization. The Greeks and
the Romans did their work and passed away, and not a
hint of this great world came to them from sea or shore.
The long night which settled over Europe, and in the
hours of which were slowly formed the models of our
present institutions, was not illuminated by a single gleam
from the west.

The Mongol peopled this continent from the northwest,
but by some process left behind him his institutions and
his faith. Precisely at the time when man was ready
to fill the sphere of his natural rights; when printing was
discovered and men were thereby enabled to reason to-
gether and to come to think alike over vast areas, when
conscience was beginning to assert its liberty, when slav-
ery was denounced by the church and by publicists, when
war, become more humane, required some real justifica-
tion for its commencement, when the law rose from its
tomb and, reasserting itself as a science superseded the can-
onical jargon which had been administered by ecclesiasti-
cal incompetence, when the divinity which inheres in
science was breeding wings for its flight among the stars,
when the real rulers of men were rising from the people
and the world was ceasing to hope or dread the results

54 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

of dynastic chance, when force and fraud were becoming
merely the "crownless metaphors of empire;" this wat-
ery vail of ocean was first withdrawn from the new world
and every agency which works under the providence of
God for the well-being of man, entered upon its heritage.
It took possession. The Englishman, the Dutchman, the
Frenchman, the Irishman, the Scandinavian and the Ger-
man here found refuge and gratified the aspirations for
that personal liberty of thought, speech, belief and action,
without which the most exalted man is but a splendid
slave. In all this, the wondrous works of God, who holds
the nations in the hollow of his hand, are as plainly to be
seen as if some unpeopled planet had touched this earth
on its way and taken from it its agencies for the well be-
ing of man.

The Franciscan priest died in obscurity, and his burial
place no man knows. His monument is here. His name
is ineffaceably written upon this very place in the county
which bears it. Where he stood two hundred years ago
a despised captive, sit to-day the rulers of a great state;
the professors of a university; the brave men and the lovely
women of his race; the general of the armies of the most
powerful and the freest people on earth; the judges of its
greatest courts and the ministers of Christianity. Every-
thing has changed. Two great cities occupy the scene.
The cataract has been manacled by the hand of man and
works like the blind Sampson in his mills. And the final
results have not yet been reached. In all that we see
there is nothing but the infancy of a great people. From
the west and the northwest come the murmurs of awaken-
ing empire, and the prophecies of that riper time when a

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 55

race — composite of the mingled blood of the nations of
Europe — shall present to humanity its highest type of
physical, intellectual and moral development. One hun-
dred years from to-day they who shall stand in this place
and repeat these ceremonies, may from their vantage-
ground of knowledge, refinement and luxury, look upon
us as their crude forerunners merely. Let us play well
our part however, and cause them to say of us as we say
of those who have preceded us, that these men acted well
that part, and secured that larger liberty, that greater
knowledge, that more perfect civilization which we of to-
day know must forever bless this favored spot if we do
our duty as our predecessors did theirs.

The conclusion of Gov. Davis' address was the signal
for a prolonged applause. This was followed by an air
from the band, when the president introduced, as poet of
the day, A. P. Miller Esq., editor of the Worthington Ad-
vance, who read the following poem:

MR. MILLER'S POEM.

Down these great rocks the mighty river poured,

And like an endless tempest beat and roared,

Ages on ages of uncounted years,

Before its thunder fell on human ears;

In one great song that made the woods rejoice,

Praising its maker with a ceaseless voice!

Then the Mound Builders came, with awkward toil,

And built their mounds and tilled the barbarous soil,

Yoked the wild bison to some uncouth plow,

And cleaved the rivers with a birchen prow.

56 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

How long ago? Perhaps ere Tubal Cain
Began to build his cities on the plain,
Perhaps ere Eve and Adam, hand in hand.
Went out from home to tame the savage land.
Then came the Red Man, stoical and brave.
Of whom no power on earth can make a slave,
True to the true and good toward the good,
And, like his Christian brother, spilling blood.
Human as we, whate'er his savage arts.
For veins of gold run through his heart of quartz.
Here round the Falls he built his rude tepee,
Made love and danced and fought and died as we.

II.

And centuries went by, and then there came,

For love of Mother Church and France and fame,

The man who gave the Falls their saintly name.

O Priests! destined to pierce the wilderness.

Yours to explore and ours to possess,

Yours to uplift the cross by every stream.

And ours to build and realize your dream!

Anon the Saxon came, whose iron hand,

Has one strong finger laid on every land.

Who through his loom runs all the threads of race,

And leaves a grander Saxon in his place.

The doughty Dutchman from his dykes escaped,

With wives and ships to one plump model shaped,

Spreads round the Hudson in phlegmatic ease,

And smokes his pipe and trades to every breeze;

The gifted Frenchman, panting to be free.

And smit with love of fame and liberty,

Kisses Columbia on her river mouth,

And builds his New World Paris in the south;

The swarthy Spaniard plants his homes and vines

Where down the coast the yellow metal shines.

And counts his beads and tells his herds and flocks^

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 57

Till at his door the sturdy Saxon knocks;

But build where'er they may, they build in vain,

The land is not for Holland, France nor Spain;

The all-absorbing Saxon, east or west.

Like Aaron's serpent, swallows down the rest !

His tongue and faith, his name and laws he leaves

On every soil his conq'ring plough-share cleaves,

Yet, blood-stained Saxon! storming round the world.

With battle-ax and bloody flag unfurled.

Cleaving the skull of every weaker race.

Shall not God's lightning smite you on the face?

Beware! for though the Red Man flnds no God

To keep his waning race above the sod.

Yet every wrong to white or black or red.

Falls back at last upon the culprit's head.

For every Black man killed in Slavery's name,

Two white men perished when the crisis came,

And twice the wealth amassed by unpaid toil,

Went down in war's grim waste and debt and spoil !

And is the Red Man, though foredoomed to fall.

Less dear to him who made and loves us all?

III.

Now came the time (so near it seems to stand
That one might almost reach it with his hand,)
When the great human tide rolled up the strand.
And bird and beast and savage fled the land!
Andlo! the infant Lowell of the West,
Lay like a Fondling on the prairie's breast!

To-day the child to stalwart manhood grown,
Has won a name that round the world is known !
I see the tow'ring stack that cleaves the air,
The pond'rous engine-stroke, the furnacerglare.
And hear the roar of trade, the whirr of wheels,
The buzz of saws, the hum of giant mills.
On every wind is heard the signal scream

58 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Of iron chariots made alive by steam,
While, like great shuttles, flashing to and fro
And ever in and out, they come and go,
As in this warp they v^^eave the woof of wealth,
And through our commerce pour the blood of health.
Forth from this mart, through empires near and far.
Flies the iron chariot and the thund'ring car,
Like some great Dragon from the Furies hurled,
Yoked to a Juggernaut to crush the world!
Fleet as the arrow from the Red Man's bow,
Down through the vales and up the steeps they go,
Dive through the hills and bursting forth again,
Shout to the busy towns and shake the plain!

IV.

'Tis fit that we should meet to celebrate,
Here at the heart of this great Summit State,
Which, like a mountain summit, raised on high,
Bathes her pure head in the azure sky.
Whence all the streams, as from a mountain crest
Flow down to south and north, to east and west.
All ways lead downward from her upland height.
All ways lead up to her ideal site.
The Pivot State! on which shall turn and rest
The balanced continent, when East and West
And North and South shall teem with human hands
As thick as those that toil in Asian lands ;
For up to us, so Nature has decreed.
From every point the Water Highways lead!
The Water State! that to her bosom takes,
In mother love, ten thousand cryFtal lakes,
Mother of Mighty Waters, who gives birth
To the two Giant Rivers of the Earth!
Grandmother of the Waters, mighty dame.
From whom the Father of the Waters came!
Far to the north a thousand streams and lakes,

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 59

In her strong hands the mighty mother takes,

And into one great river gives them form,

Then pours it southward, like a bridled storm,

Here, at our side, it thunders down the Fall,

And far-off rivers hear the mighty call,

And from a thousand miles come sweeping free,

To join the glorious march toward the sea!

And give their all to swell one river tide,

Where the vast commerce of the world may ride!

Far to the north again, a net of lakes

And thread-like streams the mighty mother takes,

And into one vast river spins them all.

The grandest stream on this terrestial ball!

Which, flowing down the world toward the east.

And by a thousand affluents still increased,

Expands its tide to five stupendous lakes,

And four great rivers in its progress makes,

Till far away it leaps the world's great Fall,

And meets the sea at storied Montreal!

Nor yet content to call the South and East

To her own free yet sumptuous water feast.

The Mother of the Waters gives the West

Another river from her teeming breast,

Which to the vast Pacific rolls away

Through chains of lakes and through the icy bay.

V.

Here, as was said by wiser men than I,
Shall the great seat of future empire lie.
Here springs the Dual City which shall fill
The plain for miles and cover every hill !
Playmates in childhood, hand in hand they went.
And grew and loved till their glad youth was spent.
Soon shall the nuptials come and man and wife
Go forth one flesh to one illustrious life.
And nations see the twain in wedlock given,

60 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLtECTIONS.

And say, "Behold a marriage made in heaven !"

Now, while the Muse withdraws the veil, I see
The wondrous vision of what is to be:
For miles and miles along the river banks
The blocks of Commerce tower in massive ranks,
A thousand domes are flashing in the sun,
A thousand streets between the structures run,
Down which I see a human ocean pour
With rush and surge and heat and stormy roar,
And far around the river wharfs and slips.
Like a dead forest, rise the masts of ships;
For now, through channels made by human hand
The seas and lakes and rivers of the land
Are linked together, and, with flags unfurled,
The ships come up from all the busy world!

And now the scene expands beneath my eyes,
I see, far out, a mile long depot rise,
Where, with a great and never-ceasing din,
The long-drawn trains from all the world come in !
Far to the north I see a great train glide.
And sweep across to the Pacific side.
And, turning northward through the Polar gate,
Thrid a long tunnel under Behring's Strait,
Then shout to Asia and go thundering down
Through many an old and many-peopled town,
And fleeing westward through an hundred states.
O'er classic streams and under tunneled straits.
Rise screaming from the ground on Britain's shores,
And London, sea-like, round it breaks and roars !

VI.

Around these Falls, if we believe the wise,
The world's great Capital may yet arise !
One constitution then shall join mankind,
And rights before obscure be well defined.
And here from year to year, in all men's cause,

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY, 61

The world shall meet to frame its general laws!

The day dawns now In which your sons shall view

The place you built better than you knew;

For you shall build the City of the Free;

The heart of Man's Great State which is to be,

The Capital of Men and not of Kings,

Where Toil and Merit are the honored things,

Whose halls of learning and of art shall rise

Free as the air to make the many wise.

And o'er whose domes the flag shall be unfurled

Of one United States of All the World !

Mr. Miller's clever poem was greeted with warm ap-
plause, after which the Great Western Band regaled the
audience with a fine selection. Gen. Sibley, President of
the day, then called on Hon. Alex. Ramsey, Secretary of
War, for a speech. Secretary Ramsey spoke as follows:

HON. ALEX RAMSEY'S ADDRESS.

My friends, I should be very much embarassed indeed,
to be thus suddenly called upon before such an audience
as this, if I supposed you expected a speech from me.
I know you do not. You will not be disappointed.
[Laughter and applause.] I looked at this magnificent
audience, as I sat here and heard the eloquent address
of the ex- Governor of this state, and said to myself, that
one of the great things that we might be under obligations
to Father Louis Hennepin for, was that he had discovered
the Falls of St. Anthony in the 45th degree of north latitude.
[Renewed laughter and applause.] My friends, think for
a moment, and suppose that he had made the great dis-
covery possibly away down in the island of San Domin-
go ! [Great laughter.] You recollect very well what
-3

62 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Mark Twain said about that country, about those lati-
tudes, and the people inhabiting them. ''Why," said he,
"if you took five hundred deacons from the State of
Massachusetts, and five hundred elders from Connecticut,
and sent them down there, in the third generation all
their boys would be riding upon little jackasses, with
a fighting cock, each one, under his arm, going, on Sun-
day, with a broken umbrella, to fight chickens." [Great
laughter.] Now, as I looked upon this exhibition of in-
telligence, which I see in the faces here, and at a pop-
ulation such as would well compare with the most ad-
vanced places in the world, I said to myself, that among
all, and above all things that we are under obligations to
this ancient father for, is that he located the Falls of St.
Anthony just where he did, in about the 45th degree of
north latitude. [Laughter and applause.]

But, my friends, as I said, I have no speech to make-
I recollect very well, as do many of my venerable friends
who sit around me here to-day, when we heard the "first
low tread of nations yet to be," and witnessed the "first
low wash of waves, where soon shall roll a human sea.''
And, my friends, under the dispensation of Providence,
just as likely it is, that when our day comes, as it soon
will, to go out of the world, we may go hence with
peace and contentment, feeling that those who come after
us will say, that we have done enough to satisfy the
ambition of the most sanguine. I thank you for this
kindness, in giving me this reception. [Great applause.]

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 63

GEN. WM. T. SHERMAN'S ADDRESS.

In response to repeated calls for "General Sherman,"
that officer appeared, amid tumultuous applause. When
this had subsided, he said:
Ladies and Gentlemen of Minnesota, and Gentlemen of the

Historical Society of ^Minnesota:

I am one of those referred to by the Orator of the day
as having came a long distance to be here to-day to do
honor to the memory of him who discovered the Falls of
Saint Anthony. I have come more, however, to recognize
the worth of the Historical Society, and to do what I can
in my humble sphere, to encourage them in collecting the
data, notl only relating to that one great adventure, but
of La Salle and of Marquette, and of all that noble body
of men, who, two centuries ago, roamed over this land,
and told] their fellows of its wealth and resources, and
printed books to induce others to follow in their footsteps;
and I am glad that that duty has fallen to this Society,
whose orator has this day drawn out lessons of wisdom
which we may all heed. He has pointed out why the
French had failed in making a permanent lodgment in the
great valley of the Mississippi, and, still more, why the
Spaniards, the ablest and bravest men of that day, had
also failed; and why the English and other colonists who
settled along the Atlantic Coast, came over rivers, mount-
ains and plains, and finally settled here. That one lesson
is sufficient to pay us for coming here to-day, and I have
listened to itjwith great pleasure and profit. The day is
coming, young men, when we will not go back to Homer
and ^neid for our epics, but these brave men of two

64 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

hundred years ago will be the heroes of a volume quite
as good as the JEiueid. [Applause.]

But there is one thing which your orator did not touch
upon, to which I will briefly advert. I am very glad, as
the Secretary of War said, that Father Hennepin located
this great falls in the forty-fifth parallel, and not down
at the mouth of the Mississippi; but, still more, that he
did not discover any gold here. [Laughter.] The black
soil over which we have been traveling now for eight
hundred miles is far richer than the gold mines of
California [applause], and I, therefore, hope that you
young people won't be caught with the gold fever. There
is more gold in the wheat fields, the oat fields, the tim-
othy fields of Minnesota, than in the Black Hills, or in
Colorado. [Applause.] Moreover, the soil raises children,
and such as we see here, and makes homes where people
may be virtuous and good. If you go into the gold mines,
you have to carry a pistol on one side and a knife on the
other, and work hard always, and when your year's work
is done you have nothing left. Therefore, I am very glad
that your fate has brought you to this beautiful valley of
the Mississippi. I hope each and every one of you will
enjoy it, and realise and improve your advantages.

I hope this Historical Society may live and prosper. I
honor them from my heart, and have come here for that
purpose. I also thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for
giving me so much of your time and applause. I am
much obliged to you. [Prolonged cheering.]

President Sibley here remarked, that it had been ex-
pected that Archbishop Tache, of Manitoba, would have
made an address, but that the latter had asked to be

HENNEPIN BI- CENTENARY. 65

excused on account of great fatigue from his journey.
He would call on Bishop Ireland, of Saint Paul, a mem-
ber and ex president of our Society, to address us in his
place. Bishop Ireland then came forward, amid a hearty
and earnest applause, and said:

BISHOP IRELAND'S ADDRESS.

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: The scene
which this assembled multitude commemorates to-day is
indeed one well-deserving, on this two-hundreth annivers-
ary, the attention of the people of the Northwest. A
group of weary voyagers, Louis Hennepin and his two
companions, Accault and Auguelle, stood in mute aston-
ishment before yonder cataract — the first white men into
whose ears pealed its solemn music — whose eyes feasted
upon its tumultuous waters, then free and unfettered, as
they hurried over the precipice in wild, unbridled play.
There was, however, to the scene a significance far
broader than its exterior outlines might suggest — it was
the dawning upon the Northwest of the bright day of
civilization. It was the registration of the state of Min-
nesota on the page of history. [Applause.] Hencefor-
ward, the name of Louis Hennepin can never be spared
from our history. His name is the first which the pen of
annalists will trace. The first picture which the painter
of noted events in the history of Minnesota will color
with his pencil, will be the long- gowned Franciscan, with
his two companions at his side, hands uplifted, christen-
ing the cataract under the name of one of the heroes of
the church, Saint Anthony, of Padua. [Applause.]

66 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Hennepin, immediately upon his return to Paris, France,
chronicled his discovery, and narrated in quaint and pic-
turesque language, his story of the Northwest, and owing
to his book, this northwest was henceforward before the
eyes of the world. On all the maps which afterwards
were traced of the American Continent, maps which still
revealed the fact that a great portion of our country was
wrapped in obscurity, the Falls of St. Anthony were
always one of the greatest landmarks, as if around them,
as it seemed, should cluster in the future, the destinies
and the glories of the land of Columbus. [Applause.]
Hennepin must remain the hero of this anniversary, the
hero of the early history of Minnesota. His is a name
which we cannot forget. Is it a name, I will briefly ask,
that we can to-day pronounce with affectionate pride?
Certainly, in many respects, he is not unworthy of our
admiration. Hennepin was a brave voyageur. He was a
scholar. He was a zealous and disinterested missionary
of the cross. It has been said that his writings show a
little vanity; that he dwells with rather too much. com-
placency on what he himself has said and done. But we
can well overlook the weakness when we remember that
having been for long years, during his solitary journey-
ings, accustomed to dwell only on himself, and what he
did, he naturally continued, without any preconceived ef-
fort, to still talk, a good deal, in his narrative, abou
himself. [Laughter. ]

We can well believe that his little vanity, or what is
called vanity, was the love of narrating peculiar to trav-
elers in distant, and in our own, lands, and not at all
the result of a deep-seated or odious pride.

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 67

But it has been said that Hennepin stands forth in his-
tory as an untruthful writer, as having designedly made
false statements. Is this assertion proved?

Hennepin, in 1683, three years after his discovery of
the Falls, published in Paris, his ''Description of Louisi-
ana." This volume has never been translated into Eng-
lish. It will, in a few weeks, be given to the American
public, from the pen of John Gilmary Shea, of New York.
Now, this volume is undoubtedly the work of Hennepin,
and, we may add, it is undoubtedly accurate and truthful.
There is no one statement in any contemporary writer,
that would lead us to doubt the statements of Hennepin
in this volume. His description of the life among the
early Sioux, is admitted to be very accurate by the Amer-
ican historian, Parkman. Hennepin was the first writer
to give to the world Sioux words, and the Sioux scholars
to-day recognize all of those words, though his notation of
them, at times, was somewhat singular.

A letter addressed to Paris by Sieur Duluth, at
the same time that Hennepin was in Paris, in the
Monastery of Saint Germain, writing this book, sub
stantiates Hennepin's account of his captivity in the
northwest. Duluth says that having been on Lake Super-
ior, he followed a river leading to the Mississippi, where
he heard of the captivity of Hennepin and his companion,
and, having rowed down the Mississippi for over eighty
leagues, he found Father Hennepin, and re -ascended
with him the Mississippi. He gives the details of Henne-
pin's captivity. He states even the fact that his sacer-
dotal vestments had been stolen from him by the Sioux —
thus corroborating the details of Hennepin's book. Hen

68 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

nepin, when he wrote this book in Paris, appeals to the
testimony of his companion, Accault, then also in Paris.
And, seven years later, LeClerq quotes Hennepin's work
as one of undoubted authority, referring his readers to it.
Here, then, we have Hennepin, the author of the volume
published in Paris in 1683, undoubtedly a truthful narra-
tor; and whatever accusation could be, or has been,
raised against him, cannot be based upon this volume.

What, then, was the occasion of this accusation? It
was this: Fourteen years later, in the year 1697, a
volume of travels, "New Discoveries," as it was called,
was published at Utrecht. This is the volume which was
at an early day translated into English. Through this
volume, mainly, Hennepin has been known to our Eng-
lish and American writers. Now, in this volume, there
are really pages which cannot be said to contain a truth-
ful narration. In these pages, it is related that Henne-
pin made a voyage down the lower Mississippi, in the
spring of 1680, allowing himself so short a time to make
the voyage, that it becomes at once an absolute impos-
sibility. If Hennepin wrote all the volume, we must
abandon the defense. Now, this book has lately been
subjected to a very close scrutiny by one of our most
renowned American scholars, John Gilmary Shea. Some
years ago, Dr. Shea wrote on Hennepin, and wrote very
bitterly about him, stating that he could not be put
forth as a truthful historian. On later, and more careful
examination, Dr. Shea has changed his opinion. His book
will be before the public in a few weeks, and will pre
sent in full, his line of arguments. He has compared,
one with the other, the two volumes, the volume writ-

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 69

ten at Paris, and the one at Utrecht. The style is
different. The Utrecht edition embraces all that was
said in the first edition, with additions, the object of
which additions seems to have been, to bring the volumes
up to date. Errors occur, blunders of which Hennepin
could not be supposed capable; blunders in the wording
of things relating to the Catholic church, which shows
that the compiler of the second volume could not even
have been a Catholic. For instance. Catholic priests —
who in French, are always set down as cur^s, are
called pasteurs — while the word pasteur, in the French
language, essentially indicates a Protestant minister.

When Hennepin came over to America, he was the com-
panion of Bishop Laval, later appointed Bishop of Que-
bec. It was under his jurisdiction that Hennepin was
to labor in this country. Bishop Laval had been pre-
viously Bishop for twenty years, of Petrea. Now the com-
piler of the second volume says that at the time of
Hennepin's voyage to America, Bishop Laval had been
lately appointed Bishop of Petrea.

Again, one of the missionaries in Canada was Fenelon,
Now any Frenchman of any sense whatever who had ever
been in France could not have dreamed that this Fen-
elon was the famous Archbishop of Cambrai; and yet
this volume says that this was the Fenelon who after-
wards became the Archbishop of Cambrai.

Again, Hennepin was a scholar. He knew geography
too well to give himself only a few days (I do not now
remember the exact number of days this second volume
takes for the voyage, but something less than a month)
to go down to the Gulf of Mexico and return. Some-

70 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

thing yet more to the point: Dr. Shea remarks that it
"is evident, whatever we may think of the remainder of
the book, that the ten pages containing the so-called
voyage on the lower Mississippi, were an interpolation
in the volume, after it had been issued from the press."

The volume is numbered to page 313, then these ten
pages, differing in type and in the spacing of the lines
from the balance of the book, are all inserted in the
volume under the same paging, with a star after the
number of the page (313*), showing plainly that these
ten pages were added to the book after it had come
forth from the hands of the printer.

Now, what is the conclusion of all this? Simply that
it cannot be proved that Father Hennepin was ever the
author or publisher of this Utrecht volume.

In those days, literature was not governed by the same
rules and customs as now. There were then no interna-
tional laws protecting the rights of publishers. Those
were not the days of railroads or telegraphs, or literary
reviews; and it was no unusual thing when a book had a
great "run" in one part of the world, to bring it out
under the same name, in another part. Thus, another of
La Salle's companions, Tonty, wrote three volumes, which
were published under his name, being his genuine works;
and afterwards, as Parkman tells us, a fourth one was
put forth under the same name (of Tonty), which had
never come from Tonty's pen.

Hennepin's book had made much noise in France.
Utrecht was a great literary center. It is very easy to
suppose, then, basing our verdict upon the facts which I
have put before you, that the second volume, the one

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 71

published at Utrecht, was made up, and published, not
by Hennepin, but by some stranger, some man who had
adopted the principal part of the Paris edition, adding
on certain notations, which he got from Le Clerq's "Es-
tablishment of Christianity," in the new world, to bring
it up, so to speak, to date.

About that time, much was said in Europe about the
discovery along the Gulf of Mexico, and it is quite natural
to suppose, that these ten pages were interpolated after
this book had been published, to give to the curious
public all that would be desired by them.

The very matter of these ten pages, shows that they
were interpolated. The pages tell us that Hennepin was
at the mouth of the Arkansas, on the 24th of April, and
yet, in the following pages, he is said to have been
captured near the Wisconsin, on the 24th day of April,
the date according to the Paris edition. Besides, in
these ten pages it is stated that Easter Sunday occurred
on the 23d of March. Now, Hennepin could never have
made such an error. In 1680, Easter Sunday occurred
on the first of April, and it is so stated in Hennepin's
first volume. These are very significant facts, which
cannot be overlooked, and when we take them all into
consideration, together with the general appearance of
this second volume, when we remember him as the scholar
and close observer, which the Paris volume shows him to
have been, when we remember the habits of literary
piracy that were then common in Europe, have we not
solid foundations for saying, that it cannot be proven that
Father Louis Hennepin wrote and published, himself, the
second volume? This Utrecht volume is the one upon

72 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

which all the accusations against him have been based,
and once take away from it Hennepin's name, there is no
ground whatever to impeach.

It affords me much pleasure, on this day, to be able to
say a few words in defence of the old hero — to be able
to advance a few arguments by which to attempt to wipe
from his venerable brow the stain which historians have
placed upon it. [Great applause].

One thing is certain. Hennepin loved the northwest.
In the first volume, he describes it as a most fertile and
beautiful country. "I wish," he says, "that the day
would come, when large and enterprising colonies from
the over-populated countries of Europe, would come and
possess the rich land." We can, without much effort,
fancy the spirit of Hennepin hovering over this multi-
tude to-day and rejoicing that the desire of his heart
has more than been fulfilled. [Great applause.] For,
however great or extravagant might have been his
dreams, two hundred years ago, never could he have
fancied that on this, third day of July, 1880, such a
spectacle would be witnessed, as the one which this
assembled multitude now offers. [Applause.] Hennepin,
two hundred years ago, offered prayers for the rapid
development of the country. While congratulating our-
selves on the past history of Minnesota, let it be the
prayer and desire of our hearts, that this development
may be proportionately greater in the future, than what-
ever it has been in the past, and when, in 1980, our
own spirits, with that of old Hennepin, will hover over
this campus, amid the throngs commemorating the three
hundredth anniversary, we will rejoice, as we do to-day.

HENNEPIN BI-CENTENARY. 73

that the Creator has given to the children of men, a
land as beautiful, and as richly teeming with treasures,
as our beloved Minnesota.

The conclusion of Bishop Ireland's address was marked
by enthusiastic applause. The exercises were then ter-
minated with a brief address by Gen. Thos. L. Rosser,
marshal of the day.

FROM LABOR TO REFRESHMENTS.

The exercises of the day being completed, while the
military companies, societies and bands were entertained
at their headquarters and visitors generally were supplied
with refreshments at the tables spread in the groves,
the Historical Society and its guests with their ladies
and many friends, were the guests of Gov. Pillsbury
in a grand marquee covering tables at which two or
three hundred persons were seated and were fed boun-
teously. After refreshments. Gen. Sherman and Gov.
Pillsbury were at home to everybody for a long time
during which both gentlemen had a steady succession
of friendly greetings and hand- shakes.

Slowly, as if loth to leave the place of pleasure, the
organized companies and societies gathered and marched
away and the visitors and their hosts of the day one
by one dropped away. But so great was the number
present and so leisurely their departure that it was
near nightfall before the campus began to assume a
deserted appearance.

All the incidents and pleasures of the day could not
be well described in one issue of a journal, attempting
also to give the general news of the day. There were

74 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

exhibition drills by the militia companies, interesting
reunions, and pleasant social and personal events worthy
of mention, which have to be omitted. In fact, while the
great crowd was at and around the grand stand, there
was enough going on in other parts of the field to
have left a score of reporters busy.

It was a great day for the Historical Society, for
Minneapolis, and for the Recollect Missionary of two hun-
dred years ago.

EARLY DAYS AT RED RIVER SETTLEMENT,

AND FORT SNEL.LING.

REMINISCENCES OF MRS. ANN ADAMS.

1821-1829.

PRELIMINARY NOTE.

During the winter of 1836-87, I learned that Mrs. Adams, whose very interesting
and valuable reminiscences of a long and eventful life, (a portion of it passed at
Fort Snelling) is given below, was visiting one of her grand-children in West St.
Paul, and I took advantage of this fact to call upon her, and secure her statement
of events and occurrences in early days at Red River and Fort Snelling. The in-
terviews consumed most of two days, and I wrote down, under her dictation, quite
a lengthy narrative of her reminiscences of life on our frontier. I found Mrs.
Adams to be a lady of much intelligence, with a tenacious memory of the events
of seventy years ago, and narrating them with vivid interest, and in the most des-
criptive and graphic language. Her story is a very entertaining one, and gives
valuable data for our early history. In person, Mrs. Adams is a handsome woman,
notwithstanding her age, and possessed of a vigorous and elastic physique, which
has sustained her during all the hardships of her adventurous career on the fron-
tier, as narrated in the following pages.

J. FLETCHER WILLIAMS.

I cheerfully consent to your request, to give you an
account of the hardships and adventures of the party of
Swiss emigrants, who, in 1821, went from their native
land to Selkirk's Settlement, and many of whom eventually
settled in Minnesota; of which party, by the will of Divine
Providence, it was my fortune to have been a member.

I was born in Switzerland, in thd Canton of Berne,
December 18, 1810, and am now in my 77th year. My

76 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

parents and my grand parents were Huguenots. My full
name is Barbara Ann Shadecker (since Adams). My
father's name was Samuel Shadecker.* He spoke the Ger-
man and French tongues, and had been educated for a
physician. He married Ann Kertz, also a native of Berne.
To this couple were born five children, two girls and
three boys. My brothers' names were John, Samuel and
Christopher. My sister's name was Marianne. She was
older than I.

LORD SELKIRK'S EMIGRATION SCHEME.

My father and mother were both Protestants in faith,
and were devoted members of the Reformed Lutheran
Church, in which belief they also raised their family.
We always lived happily and contentedly in Berne until
the year 1820, and supposed that the peaceful valleys of
Switzerland were to be our home always. But this was
not to be. In 1820, a person named Capt. Rudolph Mae,
or Mai, came into that locality, and soon made himself
known to the simple Swiss, by a flattering scheme which
he proposed. Capt. Mae was a native of Berne, and
had been some years in the military service of England,
where he became acquainted with the Earl of Selkirk.
Selkirk had been for some years engaged in a scheme
of emigration, the object of which was to induce persons
in Scotland and elsewhere, to remove to Rupert's Land
in the center of North America, and form an agricul-
tural colony there. This colony had been planted since

*Mrs. Adams spelled it thus. But in the records of the colony at Red River,
the name is spelled Scheidegger, and Scheidecker.

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 77

1812, but the Scotch settlers from the Highlands and
Orkneys whom he had induced to go there, were dis-
satisfied and many had left. He now conceived the idea
of securing Swiss immigrants. Capt. Mae was entrusted
with the work, and was well fitted for it, being a native
of Berne himself, and speaking the language of its peo-
ple. The Earl of Selkirk prepared and caused to be
published in the French and German languages, a
pamphlet giving a full, but over-colored description of
the new country, its climate, soil and productions, and
offered to all heads of families, or those who were un-
married and over twenty-one years of age, land free of
cost, with seed, cattle and farming implements, all on a
credit of three years. The route from Europe to the
new colony, was to be via Hudson Bay, Nelson River,
and Lake "Winnipeg. The pamphlet alluded to, was
freely distributed by Capt. Mae, and others of Lord Sel-
kirk's agents, in the French-speaking cantons of Neu-
chatel, Vaud and Geneva, and in the German- speaking
canton of Berne.

THE SWISS COLONISTS.

The false, but tempting accounts of the country, and
the inducements held out to colonists, soon did their
work, and shortly over 150 persons agreed to enroll in
the party being made up. About three-fourths of these
were French-speaking persons. All were Protestants,
and generally intelligent and well-to do persons, some
of them possessed of considerable means. Among them
were several persons quite prominent in their commu-
nities, and who a,fterwards, in America, became citizens
-4

78 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

of repute and wealth. At the same time, it should be
remembered, that but few of these adventurers were
fitted for such a life as they were about to embark in,
But a small number of them were agriculturists, and in
general they were watchmakers, or skilled in some
other branch of artizanship, totally unsuited to the
wilderness into which they were going. My parents
were among those captivated and seduced by this
agent's glowing accounts and his promises, and after
daily consulting together about the project, they con-
cluded to go with the party which was soon to leave
their native mountains for the distant and unknown spot
in the new world, that seemed bright with promise for
the poor Switzers. I was then but eleven years old,
and little realized the importance of the fateful step
which my parents were about being enticed into. At
this very time (the summer of 1820) the Earl of Sel-
kirk, the originator and promoter of this scheme, was
already dead, but we did not know it for more than a
year subsequently.

Considerable preparations were made by the colon-
ists for the life in their new Home. All of them in-
vested what they could in goods and merchandise, to
trade with in the new world. My father's intention
was to establish himself as a weaver in Red River. A
tan yard was another industry which some of the party
made preparations for.*

*Abram Perret (or Perry), one of the earliest settlers of St, Paul, with
his wife and four children, were among this party of Swiss immigrants.— J. F. W.

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 79

THE PARTY SETS OUT.

On May 3, 1821, the party of adventurers, not one of
whom were ever to see their dear native mountains
again, left Berne and other places near by, and assem-
bled, to the number of 165 persons, at a small village on
the Rhine near Basle. Why they did not assemble at
Basle, which is a city of some commercial importance,
seems a little strange. It was afterwards conjectured
that the managers feared to take them to a large city,
lest some unfavorable facts regarding the wild country
to which thej/ were being taken, should be communi-
cated to them by persons who might have suspected,
that they were victims of deception, and would point
out to them the fallacy of the promises and hopes
which had engaged them in the enterprise. However
this may have been, two large flat boats or barges
were provided for their use at the point of embarka-
tion above named, and in these they floated down the
Rhine, delighted with its picturesque scenery, and the
many historic spots and points along its banks. Still
their hearts were burdened with the responsibilities of
the important step they were about engaging in, and
perhaps oppressed with grief at leaving their beautiful
homes among the vine-clad hills and lovely valleys of
dear Switzerland, one of the most beautiful countries of
Europe. And the Switzers are a people who are pro-
verbially attached to their homes. Yet, with their
cheerful disposition and their strong religious faith, they
bravely and hopefully looked forward to their future
life in the new world as a realization of the dreams

80 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

which all must have indulged in, of fortune and hap-
piness greater than could ever come to them in the
humble chalets of Helvetia.

THE OCEAN VOYAGE.

The voyage down the Rhine occupied ten days, when
the colonists reached a small village, Dort, or Dord-
recht, near Rotterdam, where the party embarked on
the vessel Lord Wellington, and on May 30, 1821, cleared
for Fort York, Hudson's Bay. After setting sail, their
course lay east and north of Great Britain and just south-
of Greenland, to Hudson, Strait. Soon after leaving
Holland, the unpleasant discovery was made that the
provisions issued to them were of quality greatly infe-
rior to that stipulated before their departure. Complaint
was duly made to the commander of the vessel a bout-
it — a stern, but kind hearted old seaman. The latter
acknowledged that the complaint was just, but said that,
he was not responsible for it, which was doubtless true.
The water was also bad, and issued in insufficient quan-
tities. Arriving at Hudson Strait, 'latitude 62° north,,
the Lord Wellington overtook two English ships bound
for Fort York, or York Factory, situated at the mouth
of the Nelson river, laden with Indian goods and sup-
plies for the garrisons at Forts York and Douglas, and
for employes of the Hudson's Bay Company. The strait
was filled with floes and bergs of ice, and the ships
were thereby detained over three weeks. One day, in
August, as the Lord Wellington lay moored alongside an
ice field, a number of the passengers got out and danced
on it. One of the supply ships was seriously damaged

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 81

and nearly lost, by collision with an iceberg.. Finally
with much difficulty and no little peril, Hudson's Bay
was entered, and after a long and tedious voyage of
nearly four months, the wearied colonists were landed
at Fort York, about Sept. 1st. Seven children had been
born on the voyage out. As soon as " Mackinaw boats "
could be procured, which took about a week, the party
began the slow and toilsome ascent of the Nelson river.

FURTHER HARDSHIPS OF THE COLONISTS.

They had to propel their heavily laden boats, of which
there was quite a fleet, by rowing, or poling, frequent-
ly against a very strong current, and, of course, pro-
ceeded slowly. Twenty days alone were occupied in the
passage to Lake Winnipeg. Here they encountered fur-
ther difficulties. The season was now quite advanced.
The autumnal gales had set in, and their progress,
skirting along the west shore of the lake, was slow
and laborious. Head winds and high waves delayed
them. They were frequently drenched with water, and
chilled with cold. At night, hungry, fatigued, and be-
numbed with cold, we would land on some sheltered
spot, prepare a camp, build fires, and make ourselves
as comfortable as possible. In addition to our other
troubles, our store of provisions ran short, and we were
compelled to resort to fishing to keep from starving, but
soon the supply of these was scanty. While we were
traversing Lake Winnipeg, my brother Samuel, a boy,
died suddenly. We stopped on an island and buried him
hastily, not having anything to make a coffin of, even.
At the end of the third week, our party arrived, half

82 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

famished, at the mouth of Red River. Here more sad
news awaited us. All the crops of the colonists in the
settlement, had been completely destroyed by grasshop-
pers, and the supply of breadstuffs which the colony
had depended on for subsistence, thus destroyed. With
heavy hearts, our party proceeded on up the Red River
about thirty-five miles, to Fort Douglas, situated on the
west bank of the river, below Fort Garry. This was
then the principal trading post and headquarters of the
Hudson's Bay Company. Governor Alexander McDowell,
and other prominent officers of the company, were there
at the time. They received us with kind and encour-
aging words, and what was of more importance to us
just then, gave us a good supply of palatable food, and
otherwise provided for our wants.

THE NEW COMERS HEAR BAD NEWS.

We here had an opportunity of conversing with some
of the colonists and residents who had been here for some
years, many, indeed, since 1813, when Selkirk's first col-
ony had settled here. They did not give a very flattering
account of life in the colony. They had all suffered great
hardships. The climate was excessively severe, the win-
ters long, and tho' the soil was rich, the shortness of the
summers made it difficult to raise crops. Then there had
been for several years past a cruel warfare between the
two rival fur trading companies, the "Hudson Bay" and
the ' ' Northwest, " and considerable blood-shed. This, how-
ever, they said, was now changed, by the consolidation of
the two companies.

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 83

At this place, we heard another item of discouraging
news, which, for some reason, had been concealed from
us before. This was the death of Lord Selkirk, which
had taken place, in fact, in April of the year preceding,
in Europe. Still, as there was then only one mail per
year to that distant point, brought by the annual expedi-
tion via Hudson Bay, with supplies for the posts, it may
be that the officers of the company had not heard the
news of Selkirk's death, until the arrival of their mails by
the company's ships, which arrived simultaneously with us
at Fort York. But it tended to further discourage the
colonists, and to fill them with gloomy forebodings.

A SHARP COMPETITION FOR WIVES.

We had hardly landed at Fort Douglas, when a new
sensation awaited us, which, in some of its features, was
quite amusing, and a decided surprise to the colonists. It
seems that there was quite a large class of men in the
colony who went by the name of the "De Meurons."
They had been recruited in Canada by Lord Selkirk, sev-
eral years before, to act as soldiers in the hostilities men-
tioned a moment ago, and were (if I remember correctly)
called De Meurons because their commander had borne
that name. After the hostilities were over, and the men
discharged. Lord Selkirk induced many of them to settle
on lands which he donated to them, around Fort Douglas.
They all became well-to-do farmers, but were without
wives, a very necessary help -meet to farmers, and were
all anxious to obtain them, but that was out of the ques-
tion in the colony. When they heard that a colony of
Swiss settlers were coming, with a number of females,

I

84 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

they resolved to repair to the Fort on its arrival and en-
deavor to secure partners. We had not been at this place
more than 24 hours, before the De Meurons, notified of
our arrival, began to flock in, each eager to get a wife.
And some were very eager. They went at it without any
hesitation or backwardness. On finding a maiden that
suited their fancy, they would open negotiations at once,
either with her or her parents, and would not take any
refusal. I saw an amusing incident during this matrimo-
nial fair. An eager De Meuron seized a woman by the
hand, saying, '*I want to marry you," but was much dis-
appointed when she told him, "I have a husband." The
result of this aggressive onset was, that not a few of the
De Meurons did get wives among the families of the set-
tlers, and generally both parties were suited. My sister
was one who thus consented to share the lot of a Red
River farmer. The weddings were celebrated with as
much gaiety as was possible, considering the circum-
stances of both the colonists and the settlers.

The elders of our company (for we children did not
understand much of these troubles), soon began to realize
into what a predicament they had come, and there were
heavy hearts and sad countenances. Governor McDowell
plainly told the newly arrived emigrants that there were
not provisions enough in the Colony to carry them all
through the winter, and the problem seemed for a time
to be a very serious one. After some consultation, it was
deemed best to divide the party. He directed that about
seventy-five of the youngest and strongest should proceed
about sixty miles farther up the river, to a place called
Pembina, on the United States side of the boundary line

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 85

(though then supposed to be north of that line), where it
was believed that game, such as buffalo, elk, deer, fish,
etc., were more abundant, and where a good supply of
"pemmican" could be obtained from the Indians and half-
breeds in that locality.

THE COLONISTS PASS A HARD WINTER.

This was consequently carried into effect. My father's
family was one of those selected to go to Pembina, and
we proceeded thither, arriving just at the beginning of
winter. Here father secured a habitation, such as it
was, but it at least gave us a shelter. But we were ab-
solutely destitute of food, and winter was just commenc-
Ving with all the severity known in that climate. For-
tunately, my father had money, and he at once hired two
Indians to hunt buffaloes. We soon had an abundance
of meat, and lived on that kind of food as long as we
remained there. Sometimes his Indians had to bring it
a long distance, but fortunately our supply did not fail
us, most of the time, although at one period, when there
had been very deep snows, we were three days without
food. Another privation was, that we had no salt, and
were compelled to eat our buffalo meat without it.

There was a post of the Hudson's Bay Company near

there, and when our food gave out, my father applied

there to purchase some. The agent was absent, and his

wife absolutely refused to sell him any. But during the

argument, she espied a handsome gold watch which my

K mother carried, and demanded that in return for the food

^ft needed. Although its intrinsic value was considerable,

^B it was prized more on account of its associations, and my

I

86 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

parents were reluctant to give it up. But they at length
yielded to necessity, and gave the watch for the food, it
being many fold greater in value than what we received
for it.

After some time of enduring these hardships, my father
heard of a place down the river some ways, where we
would doubtless fare better, and had us taken there in
dog sleds. We were two days in going there, and had
to camp out at night, in the snow, with nothing to eat
but buffalo broth. The place to which we went, was a
trading post. There was a house there, where the owner
rented us one room, in which we lived the balance of
the winter. We had nothing to sleep on but buffalo
robes, but we had abundance of food, and thus got along
very well. The cold now began to be intense. It was
said to be the severest winter known for years. At
night the trees would crack, with the fierce cold, like the
reports of guns. But we passed the rest of the winter
without any serious discomfort.

THE SEASON OF 1822.

In the spring of the next year (1822), the two sec-
tions of the colony were again united, and land having
been apportioned to them, under the original agreement
made by Selkirk's agents, they all commenced to make
settlements, near Fort Garry, and erect houses. The lo-
cation chosen by my father was about three miles above
Fort Garry, on the Red River, where he had a log
house built for him. He was engaged in partnership in
his farm enterprise with a Mr. Fletcher, an English-
man. I may here remark that not one of us could, at

I

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 87

that time, speak a word of English, and we experi-
enced considerable difficulty on that account. The agri-
culture carried on by the Swiss settlers that season was
of a very limited and rude sort. Not one of them had
any plow cattle, and what little they raised was done
by digging the ground merely. But we lived more com-
fortably than before, and now had hopes that our rash
move in coming to that region would not prove so dis-
astrous to our fortunes and happiness as we had, at
first arrival, supposed. We all entered somewhat into
the life of the settlement. I soon learned to paddle a
canoe, to fish, and to swim. On June 10, 1822, my sis-
ter, Marianna, was married (as I before mentioned) to a
Mr. Mathias Schmidt, by the Rev. John West, an Eng-
lish Episcopal clergyman, well known in the settlement.

THE DISCONTENT OF THE SWISS SETTLERS.

The poor Swiss colonists, who had been beguiled into
making their homes in that region, were not long in get-
ting their eyes opened to the fact that their credulity had
made them the dupes of the agents of Lord Selkirk.
Though some of them were poor in their former hemes,
they had at least comfortable dwellings, and occupations
which would give them bread. Here they had nothing to
look forward to but destitution, trouble and toil. My
father kept up a brave heart through it all, although his
scanty means were being gradually consumed. His strong
religious faith was one thing which sustained him. Every
night he wo aid gather his family together, and after
reading the Sacred Scriptures, pray with great fervor to
our heavenly Father for help and guidance. He never

88 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

lost faith in a kind and over-ruling Providence, in the
darkest hours we experienced, while living in the Red
River settlements.

The winter passed by the Swiss colonists at Pembina,
had been one of great hardship. It was a winter of
unusual severity, and the snow much deeper than had
been known for years. This latter fact sometimes almost
cut off their supplies of meat. They were compelled to
fish through holes in the ice, and even Indian dogs were
bought and eaten! Several settlers were maimed for life
by the freezing of their hands and feet.

Several families, disheartened at their privations, and
finding that the supplies of cattle, etc., promised them,
were not forthcoming, resolved to leave the Red River
region at all hazards. Five families got away in the fall
of 1821, and reached Fort Snelling in safety, where they
were permitted to settle on the military reservation. A
general discontent prevailed among all the Swiss. There
were only a very few who, by some fortunate chance, had
got a good location, and felt encouraged enough to remain
and "stick it out." Even most of these left after a few
years, and went to Minnesota. Among them was Abram
Perret and family, Joseph Rondo, Benj. and Pierre Ger-
vais, Louis Massie, and others, who left after the great
flood of 1826, and subsequently settled at St. Paul. My
father's means, which he had brought with him, were
gradually becoming exhausted, and destitution would soon
have stared us in the face. The summer of 1822 was
another year of crop failure, owing to the grasshopper
scourge, and it seemed that the cup of our afflictions was
full. My father, during this winter, resolved to leave at

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 89

all hazards, for Fort Snelling the next spring, and others
had also made the same resolve.

THEY RESOLVE TO ABANDON RED RIVER.

Consequently, in the spring of 1823, as soon as the grass
was grown sufficiently, father and his family, with twelve
other Swiss families, started for Fort Snelling. There
were twelve men and a boy in the party, who were gen-
erally well armed; all the rest were women and children,
one or two of the latter being infants in arms. We had
hired several "Red River Carts," drawn by oxen, which
carried our provisions etc., and of course every body had
to walk, except, perhaps, some of the younger childrea,
who rode occasionally, and one or two men, who had horses.

Two or three of the women carried babes in their arms,
walking thus twenty miles per day. We followed the trail
on the west side of the Red River, over the prairie. Two
mounted guides accompanied us (the drivers of the carts),
who could speak the Sioux language, in case we met any
Indians, and act as hunters, to supply us with food. They
killed several buffalo on the way. Our habit was to camp
out at night, and we always had a guard carefully patrol
our camp during these bivouacs. Very often the women
would thus stand guard, in order to allow the men to rest.
Several times we met parties of Indians, whose good will
we had to conciliate by giving them presents of food,
ammunition, or trinkets, a small supply of which we had
brought for that purpose. They did not seem to desire
to injure us in any way, but when we reached Fort Snell-
ing, a few weeks subsequently, we learned that, on the
very road we had traversed, they had just killed part of

90 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

a family who, like ourselves, had been on their way from
Pembina to Fort Snelling.

THE TULLY FAMILY.

This was a family named Tully. Mr. Tully was a
Scotchman, and a blacksmith by occupation, who, like many
others, had been living at the Red River settlement, and
had got starved out. He had started a few weeks before
our party, to go to Fort Snelling, and very unwisely went
alone. He was met near what is now Grand Forks, by
some Sioux, who demanded of him to give up his provi-
sions. Of course, to do this, would be to leave his family
to perish, so he refused. The Indians then killed him, and
his wife, and also a little baby. John and Andrew Tully,
two boys, attempted to escape, but were pursued and
caught, when one of the Indians partially scalped John,
but the rest interfered and they took both prisoners. Col.
Snelling, hearing of it, sent persons to rescue them, and
the boys were taken to Fort Snelling, where they were
when we arrived. They were cared for by Col. Snelling
in his family. John Tully soon after died, but the other,
(Andrew) grew up as an inmate of Col. Snelling' s family,
and is now living in an eastern city.

TROUBLE PROM THE INDIANS.

We had several bad frights from Indians, however. One
evening we were camped on the Bois de Sioux River,
shortly below its exit from Lake Traverse, when I
stepped down to the edge with a pail to get some water.
I heard noise on the opposite bank, and limbs crackle; a
dog also barked. I was certain it was Indians, and slip-

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 91

ping back quietly to the camp, I told the men what I
had heard. They carefully scouted in the direction
named, but saw nothing. But they suspected some am-
buscade, and resolved on a plan to baffle the red skins.
They built a large fire, and stuffing some men's clothes
with grass, to resemble human forms, laid them by the
fire, so that if the savages really were lying in wait to
attack us, they would fire into these supposed bodies, and
thus get baffled. They did not, however, attack us, and
it is probable were only endeavoring to steal some of our
horses.

Near Fort Traverse, a trading post on the Lake of that
name, some Indians overtook us on a prairie. They were
on horseback. We had just crossed the river by ford-
ing. They were angry with us for killing buffalo. The
Indians rode along with us a little distance, and just
then some one noticed that one of them had disappeared.
We feared some treachery, and kept a close lookout.
We saw that we were approaching an Indian village,
still some distance off. Apparently some signal had been
given, for a number of mounted Indians came riding
towards us, firing guns, not at us, but in the air. They
got to us, and at once mounted the carts, and threw
everything out. A young Indian caught hold of me,
and being alarmed, I started and ran. He pursued me
some distance, I do not know why, when a chief, as I
presumed him to be, rode up, and probably ordered him
to desist, as he stopped. This same chief harangued
the warriors, and doubtless commanded them to desist,
as they ceased any further demonstrations against us.
The same Indians followed us to Fort Traverse. We

92 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

were compelled to give them a considerable ransom.
Father gave them one horse. They did not molest us
any farther, and even sent two Indians with us for some
distance, to notify other bands we might meet, not to
harm us. While we were with them they showed us an
old battle field where some of their tribe had been
killed. One of our carts ran over a bare place on this
spot, which seemed to enrage them. It had some sig-
nificance which we could not understand. We camped
near this spot, and the Indians howled all night.

THEY DESCEND THE ST. PETER'S RIVER.

It now began to be late in the fall. The families who
were with us, the Moniers, the Chetlains, Schirmers,
Langets, and others, being anxious to reach Fort Snel-
ling before navigation should close, so that they could
go on down the river, hurried on ahead, leaving father
and his family to finish the rest of the voyage alone.
Our destination was Fort Snelling. We at once made
for a trading house on the Minnesota River, where father
and my oldest brother built, after some delaj and hard
labor, for they could not get the proper tools, a big
dug-out, of a Cottonwood log. Into this we embarked
all that we had left, provisions, clothing, etc. The carts,
and their drivers, who had brought us so far, now left
us, and returned to the Red River settlement, and we
pushed off, in our rude pirogue, down the Minnesota
River, then called "the St. Peter's." The river was
quite low, and we experienced considerable trouble in
getting over, or around, sand bars, or shoals. Such was
the slowness of our progress that it was quite late in

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 93

the season when we reached Fort Snelling. In fact, ice
was already floating in the river before we concluded our
trip.

The other party of refugees, had, after a brief stay
at Fort Snelling, been provided by Col. Snelling with
provisions and boats, in which they started off as soon
as possible, down the Mississippi. (Steamboats had
reached Fort Snelling for the first time that yea>-, but
their trips were few and far between.) The colonists
mostly went to St. Louis and made their homes there,
though some went as far as Vevay, Ind. In a couple
of years, most of those at St. Louis went to the newly
opened lead regions at and near Galena, and became
prosperous citizens. My father and mother joined the
party at that place subsequently. Descendants of this
party are scattered all over the west, many of them
having attained distinction. General A. L. Chetlain, of
Galena, who was associated with Gen. Grant in the war,
was the son of Louis Chetlain, one of this party of
refugees.

THE ARRIVAL AT FORT SNELLING.

We landed at the Fort with a feeling of joy and grat-
itude. Our journey through the great wilderness which
stretched between Fort Garry and Fort Snelling, was
one of fatigue, danger and privation; it had consumed
nearly five months. We now felt that we had gotten
into a land where we could live with comfort, and in
the hope of a happy future, a condition we could not look
forward to in the Selkirk settlement. The trials, hard-
ships and anxieties through which we had passed the past
two or three years had told visibly on my dear parents.
-5

94 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Both of them had aged rapidly, and it had sowed in the
constitutions of both the seeds of premature decay, which
shortened their lives .

FORT SNELLING IN 1823.

Col. Snelling, to whom my father applied for permis-
sion to remain on the Military Reservation, very kindly
acceded to our request, and expressed much sympathy
for us, ordering that provisions should be issued to us,
although there was a scarcity in the garrison at that
time, for some cause, (a miscalculation on the part of
the commander as to what amount was necessary, I be-
lieve, ) and the troops were actually on half rations. A
part of the old barracks at " Coldwater," as it was
called, was assigned for our occupancy, and we installed
ourselves there, and made ourselves as comfortable as
possible, under the circumstances. Father got some em-
ployment on the reservation, and Mrs. Snelling, a kind
and benevolent lady, gave me a home in her family,
where I aided her in the care of her little children, a
task for which I was well fitted, as I was now 13 years
of age, and very strong and active. Thus, again, for-
tune smiled on us, and we began to take fresh hope,
after all our trials and losses. I had a comfortable and
pleasant home in Mrs. Snelling's family. Both she and
the Colonel treated me with the greatest kindness, and
the children soon became greatly attached to me, so
that my position in the Snelling family was a really en-
viable one. I think of those days as among the happiest
of my life, and feel thankful for my good fortune.

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 95

Port Snelling was not, at that time, completely finished,
but was occupied. Col. Snelling had sowed some wheat
that season, and had it ground at a mill which the gov-
ernment had built at the falls, but the wheat had be-
come mouldy, or sprouted, and made wretched, black,
bitter tasting bread. This was issued to the troops, who
;got mad because they could not eat it, and brought it
to the parade ground and threw it down there. Col.
Snelling came out and remonstrated with them. There
-was much inconvenience that winter (1823-24) about the
scarcity of provisions. Some of the soldiers had the
scurvy, and I believe some died. Whiskey rations were
issued to the troops regularly, however, and sometimes
it seemed that about all they had was whiskey. These
troops were a part of the Fifth Infantry. Adjt. Green's
little boy died at the fort while I was there, and was
buried in the cemetery attached to the fort. Several
soldiers were also buried there, during the period I
lived in the fort, and a regular military funeral was
:given each of them, the band playing a dirge, and their
company firing volleys over their graves.

THE SNELLING FAMILY.

The names of the Snelling children living then were
^ Henry, James, Josiah and Marian. They had lost some
others prior to the time I had lived with them, but the
[above grew up to adult age. James became a captain in
the U. S. Army and died in 1855; Josiah is, or was some
time ago, a physician in Illinois; Marian married a Mr.
Hazard and lives in Newport, Ky. ; Henry Hunt Snelling
was quite an able writer and poet.

96 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

Mrs. Snelling was a very fond and indulgent mother,
and spared no pains or sacrifices to make her children
happy. As there were no schools at the Fort, she taught
them herself, as well as she could. I taught them the
prayers which my parents had taught to me. Col. Snelling
also had a son, by a first wife, who lived with us a part
of the time. He was then (1823) about twenty years oid.
His name was William Joseph, or Wm. Josiah Snelling ;
they called him "Jo" usually. Mrs. Snelling did not
seem to have any great fondness or respect for him, and
perhaps with good reasons; but the Colonel was greatly
attached to him, and would do anything for him. Jo. led
rather an ungoverned life for some years. He had been
at one time appointed a Cadet at West Point, and a son
of Maj. Hamilton, of Fort Snelling, was there at the same
time. These lads committed some breach of discipline
while at the military academy, and were sent home. Mrs.
Hamilton was much distressed at this, and wept profusely.
Jo. Snelling married, while quite young, a French girl
from Prairie du Chien, very handsome, but uneducated.
They lived in a sort of hovel for awhile, and, owing to
cold and privation during the ensuing winter, the poor
girl took sick and died. After this, he returned to Fort
Snelling, and thence went to lake Traverse, where he
was engaged in the Indian trade. He subsequently went
to Boston, married again there, and died a few years
later. Jo. somewhat resembled the Colonel in person,
but his hair was darker. The Colonel's hair was quite
red. He was also slightly bald. From this peculiarity
the soldiers nick-named him, among themselves, the
"prairie-hen." Once Jo. told his father of this. The
Colonel laughed at it as a good joke.

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 97

GARRISON LIFE DESCRIBED.

Intemperance, among both officers and men, at that
time, was an almost universal thing, and produced de-
plorable effects. I regret to say that the commandant
was no exception to this rule. Usually kind and pleasant,
when one of his convivial spells occurred, he would act
furious, sometimes getting up in the night and making
a scene. He was severe in his treatment of the men
who committed a like indiscretion. He would take them
to his room, and compel them to strip, when he would
flog them unmercifully. I have heard them beg him to
spare them, "for God's sake." Col. S. was quite improv-
ident in his habits, and usually in debt. One time, old
Mr. Spalding, who had been employed in the Commis-
sary service for some years, and had saved several hun-
dred dollars, mostly in silver, brought it to Col. Snelling,
and asked him to take care of it for him. Col. S. said
he would. After Col. Snelling's death, Mr. Spalding used
to declare that it had never been returned to him.

SOCIETY AT THE FORT.

During my sojourn at Fort Snelling, of six years, I had
opportunity to become acquainted with nearly all the
officers of the Fifth Infantry stationed there during
that period (1823-29). Among those whose names I
can now remember, were Col. Josiah Snelling, Surgeon
J. P. C. McMahon, Maj. Joseph C. Plympton, Maj.
Thomas Hamilton, Maj. Nathan Clark, Captains Watkins,
Wm. E. Cruger, St. Clair Denny, De Lafayette Wilcox,
and Lieutenants Robert A. McCabe, David Hunker, J. B.
F. Russell, Joseph M. Bayley, Melancthon Smith, Wm. E.

98 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Cruger, Piatt R. Green, Louis T Jamison, etc. I believe
that not a single one of the above are living now. Many
of these officers were men of the highest ability, most of
them having been graduates of West Point. Several of
them, unfortunately, contracted social habits in the army
which ultimately clouded the honor which they would
otherwise have won from their meritorious military
careers, and more than one of them closed his days even
in disgrace and poverty. Army life was not favorable to^
saving money; no officer that I ever knew made any
money while in the army. There was less blame to be*
attached to their error in the way of conviviality, tham
there would have been to men in other occupations. Gar-
rison life at Ft. Snelling and other frontier posts, those
days, was a very monotonous round of existence. The
routine duties of the day consumed but very little
time, ordinarily, and the rest of the time must have hung:
very heavy on their hands. In summer they could amuse
themselves with hunting, as game was always abundant.
But during the long and rigorous winters it was a greafe
problem, "how to kill time." Card playing and drinking:
thus came into an unfortunate prominence. This some
times resulted in disputes and quarrels, which, in several
cases, led to duels between officers. Two or three of
these meetings occurred while I was there. I do not now
remember the names of those who took part in them 7,
but I can recall that they made considerable talk and
excitement at the time.

Nearly every officer I have named was married, and in
almost every case to ladies of the best families, and wha
were endowed with beauty and many accomplishments.

• MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 99

Thus the society at the Fort at that period was of the
most select and aristocratic. Many of these ladies would
have shone in any circle. Their households in the garri-
son were attractive places, and showed evidences of
wealth and good taste. I remember that Mrs. Maj.
Plympton brought the first piano to Fort Snelling, which
was brought to Minnesota. I knew Mrs. Maj. Clarke
well. She was the mother of Mrs. Van Cleve, and was
an amiable and lovely woman. I remember the latter
(Charlotte Clarke) when she was "a little tot," three or
four years old, playing near the door of her father's
quarters. She used to play with the Snelling children,
who were in my care. When Gen. Scott visited the Fort
in 1826 there was a great striving to do him honor. The
resources of the larder were limited, at Fort Snelling,
those days, but everything possible was done that in-
genuity suggested. He was a guest of Col. Snelling, and
the spread was a creditable one. All the officers and
their wives were present at his reception in full dress.
Many of the ladies wore blazing diamonds. But the dress-
maker was an institution not at hand in those days. Op-
portunities for frequent renewals of wardrobe were scanty.
The arrivals of steamboats, which brought supplies from
the states, were few and far between, even in the sum-
mer time. Of course there were weeks in the winter time
when there was not even a mail. The latter were brought
by "dog- train" from Prairie du Chien, or in some such
way, at rare intervals.
My parents had lived at Fort Snelling some two years

iwhen they concluded to remove to the Galena lead mines,
where most of the other Swiss colonists had settled, and

100 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

were doing well. Father soon after died there, and mother
returned to the Fort to live with me. My brothers grew
up, and lived in Wisconsin. John, the eldest, died at
Fort Howard, Green Bay, where he was a trader. Chris. ,
the younger, died in the army during the rebellion.

VARIOUS INCIDENTS OF FORT LIFE.

The Indians used to bring buffalo meat to the Fort,
and sell it to the soldiers, and others, who relished it
greatly, as the meat issued to them for rations, was
always salt. Once an ox got drowned in the river near
the Fort, and the Indians got its body, and cutting it
up, sold it to the soldiers as buffalo meat. When the
soldiers found out how they had been hoaxed, they
were furiously mad.

A Mr. Camp was once stopping at Col. Snelling's
house, was taken sick and died there. He had either
been an officer, or perhaps connected with the sutler's
store. He was buried in the cemetery near the Fort,
and the band played at his funeral.

Two men of Capt. McCabe's company once quarreled,
and one stabbed the other with a butcher's knife, so
that he died. The murdered man was an Englishman.
I understood that no punishment was ever meted to
the one who killed him — why, I never learned.

A man named Angell came to the Fort from Red
River while I was there and had in his possession a
considerable quantity of gold, which he buried, for
safety. He was, not long after, taken sick, and died.
He tried to tell those who were with him, where it
was, but could not. So his gold slept in the ground

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 101

for over fifty years, and was discovered not long ago
by some laborers digging for foundations of the new
buildings for the post. Burying money was common
those days, as there were no banks, or even safes to
keep it in securely.

Once a soldier and his wife, both young people, were
found to be making and circulating bogus money. He
was drummed out of the service and both sent adrift
from the fort in a canoe. I have often wondered at the
fate of those persons. There was not a human habi-
tation between Fort Snelling and Prairie du Chien, and
I have thought they may have perished from hunger
and exposure.

At various times members of the families of officers
at the fort died there and were buried in the military
cemetery. Adjt. Green lost a child thus, and also Lt.
Melancthon Smith. Mrs. Snelling buried at least one
there, and the cemetery there in time contained quite a
group of graves. Headstones were erected to most of
them, but after the families would move away to other
parts, the graves were generally neglected.

I remember also seeing Count Beltrami, the Italian,
who came to Fort Snelling in 1823. He had been up
to Red River, and on his return stopped at the fort
some time. He could not speak English, but could
speak French. He was at Mrs. Snelling's a great deal,
and Mrs. Snelling could converse with him in French:
she had been studying it under the tuition of an old
soldier belonging to the garrison.

Major Taliaferro, the Indian agent, was another of the
characters well known at the fort. Hardly a day passed

102 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

without delegates of Indians of some tribe or other vis-
iting him and having a grand palaver with him. Thus
parties of them^were encamped almost constantly near
the fort. Sometimes these were of hostile tribes, and
fights very frequently took place between them.

A PERILOUS JOURNEY IN EARLY DAYS.

In the summer of 1825, Col. and Mrs. Snelling with
their children, and the Tully boys made a trip to Detroit
to pay a visit to her relatives, the Hunts and Mcln-
toshes, at that place.* I accompanied them on that
journey, and it had some features which are worth
relating. Our mode of conveyance to Prairie du Chien,
was in Mackinaw boats, with soldiers for crew. We
had to camp every night, which was not very pleasant
at all times, as it rained frequently, and the mosquitos
were excessively troublesome. Adjt. Green accompanied
us. One day he lost his military hat, in the river, and
could not recover it. I loaned him a sun bonnet which
I had, and rather than go bare-headed to Prairie du
Chien, the nearest place where he could buy another
hat, he wore it during the whole river trip. But there
was no one to make fun of him, for we saw not a soul,
white men or women, that is, on the whole route. In
gratitude for this favor, when we reached Mackinaw, he
purchased me a handsome bonnet.

When we reached Prairie du Chien, we put up at
Fort Crawford, and tarried there a day or two, to rest.

*Mrs. Ellet in her memoir of Mrs. Snelling, in '* Pioneer Women of the
West." p. 330, gives a somewhat fanciful account of this trip. Mrs. Adams'
account is far more minute, and undoubtedly more correct. W.

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 103

The Snellings were guests of Col. and Mrs. Zachary
Taylor, who were stationed there then. It was a daugh-
ter of this couple which Jefferson Davis married, while
a lieutenant in the army. I fell sick here, and wanted
to return home, i. e., to the Fort. There was really
nothing the matter with me but home-sickness. I had
never been separated from my parents before. Mrs.
Snelling was alarmed, as she did not know what to do
unless I accompanied her on the journey, to care for
the children. She talked about it with Mrs. Taylor.
That lady came to see me. She was a fat, motherly
looking woman. She told Mrs. Snelling the best way
was to divert me and I would soon forget my ailment.
This was done, and the cure succeeded.

We soon resumed our voyage, this time up the Wis-
consin river, still in our Mackinaw boats. But it was
more tedious now, as it was up stream. The soldiers
rowed and poled, and had very fatiguing work to get
us along, and it was very slow, at times. Mrs. Snell-
ing stood the fatigues of the trip well. We had the
best cooks along, who prepared our meals in good style.
We passed over the portage between the Wisconsin and
Fox rivers, and then down the latter, to Green Bay,
where we embarked on a schooner for Detroit, which
we reached safely.

We spent several weeks with the Hunts, at Detroit,
and late in the fall started on our homeward trip, and
retraced the same route we came. From Prairie du
Chien, we ascended the river in keel boats. The one
in which the Col, and his family were, had a very com
fortable cabin. There was a crew of eight or ten men

104 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

We took in at Prairie du Chien the Colonel's son, Jo,
and also an Indian trader, going to the Sioux river.
He was attacked with the ague. Mrs. Snelling nursed
and doctored him as well as she was able, but there was
really nothing on board that could be given him — not
even whiskey.

Our progress up stream was very slow, although the crew
toiled hard. The weather began to get cold and stormy,
and it seemed that winter was approaching fast. Our sup-
ply of provisions began to look ominously small; we act-
ually were reduced to corn. Above Lake Pepin the ice
stopped us once, and during a gale of wind, the boat was
driven fast among some trees. The Col. said, "it looks
as if we would have to stay here for good." The men
pulled hard. Even Mrs. Snelling and I helped at the ropes.
Night came on cold and tempestuous. Finally, the men
went ashore and built a fire, and prepared to pass the
night as best they could. The women and children re-
mained in the cabin. At night the boat sprung a leak,
having been injured by the ice, and the water poured in,
frightening us badly, as we expected the boat was about
to sink. The wind was still roaring and the waves beat-
ing against us noisily. It was at this place, or very near
here where it had been reported that the Indians, a few
days before had killed two white men, and chopped them
to pieces. Col. Snelling uncautiously mentioned this, and
that again increased our terror.

Early next morning the Colonel dispatched his son Jo.
and a soldier named Butterfield afoot to the Fort for help.
They both knew the country well, and were used to bush-
whacking. Some parched corn was all the provisions our

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 105

cook could supply them with, so reduced our stores had
become. Each had an ax and a blanket, nothing more.

The Col. now rallied the men and bailed the boat out,
when we got it loosened from the trees, and crossed the
river, where we were in a sheltered place. Here the boat
sank. Fortunately, the water was shallow, and we got out
all the contents and carried them ashore. The men now
made a rude hut or tent of poles, etc., and we (the women
and children) made the most of this uncomfortable bivouac.
Among the stores that was left was a barrel of cider.
The Col. had hoped to take this home to the fort, where
it would have been a welcome treat to his fellow officers,
but unperceived by him, some of the men slyly tapped it,
and were commencing to show signs of intoxication, when
he detected the joke, and to avoid any further trouble,
stove in the barrel with an ax. Amid all our trials, the
Col. was merry and light-hearted and was continually crack-
ing jokes at our expense.

Jo. Snelling and Butterfield, as it subsequently turned
out, were unable to pursue their journey far. They came
to a river (the St. Croix?) which they could not cross,
although they made some attempt to construct a raft. Not
long after they had left us, the Colonel started two more
men for the Fort, on the other side of the river, so as to
double our chances of securing help speedily. These scouts
arrived at the Fort safely, and two mackinaw boats were
at once started off to our relief, with provisions, etc.
Unfortunately, the ice had gorged at a narrow place in the
river, (perhaps above Hastings,) and the boats were thus
blockaded there. One or two of this crew then started
off to meet us, carrying sacks of bread and meat.

106 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

All this had taken some time, and we were still in
our wretched tent, hungry and shivering. It seemed the
best way to go on and meet the expected relief, so as
to hasten the time when we would receive it. Our men
carried the tent and what other necessaries we had to
have, and we started off on our painful and slow journey
up the river. When night came we had not made much
advance, and again camped by the river, where a huge
fire helped to warm and cheer us. That night was as
near an experience of being homeless and foodless as any
of us ever wanted to realize. The long night wore away,
and when the dull, cold morning dawned, we ate what
scanty food we had, and again started on our weary
tramp. All that sustained us in this painful march was
the thought that it was a matter of life or death for us;
that if we did not soon meet the expected relief w^e
would perish of cold and hunger.

Hour after hour passed by, and it must have been
after noon when we were electrified by a cry of ' 'they're
coming, they're coming." The help had come, and we
were saved. The bags of meat and bread were quickly
attacked, and we soon satisfied our hunger. Mrs. Snel-
ling and I cried for joy. Johnny Tully said, "what fools
you are to cry now. Why didn't you cry when we were
in danger of starving?"

Encouraged and strengthened, we soon reached where
boats were awaiting us, and started in them, with hearts
sensibly lighter, up the stream. It was still many miles to
the Fort, and night came on us sooner than we expected.
We were again compelled to camp out as best we could,
but this was not esteemed such a hardship, as we knew

MRS. ADAMS* REMINISCENCES. 107

we were so near home. That night there was a violent
storm of snow and wind, and our tent was once blown down.
The next morning the snow was quite deep. Just then two
sleighs met us, which had been sent from the fort to hasten
our arrival. The Colonel and his family and I mounted
in these, and we started off. There were no roads, however,
and our progress was very slow. We upset four times, and
did not arrive at the Fort until after dark. Mr. and
Mrs. Clarke had a good, warm supper ready for us when
we arrived. The garrison fired a cannon salute when the
Colonel drove in the gate, and there was great rejoicing
at our safety.

His first act was to inquire about Jo. and Butterfield,
who had not arrived. The Col. was very uneasy, and
dispatched scouts in search of them, with directions to
fire shots every few minutes. They were found in due
time, almost famished, and brought in safely.

The Col. was much impressed by our escape from the
dangers encountered, and said he recognized the hand of
Providence in it. He became quite religious, and had
prayers in his family for some time, but little by little
the conviviality and worldliness of garrison life effaced
these impressions, and we saw no more of them.

INDIAN HOSTILITIES AND ITS RESULT.

The year 1827 witnessed some exciting events. I men-
tioned before, that parties of the O jib was and Dakotas,
two intensely hostile tribes, used to encamp at the same
time near the Fort, and that collisions occurred between
them from that cause. In May, that year, a disturbance
of this kind happened, that was of more than usual im-

108 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

portance and note. A considerable party of O jib was, and
several Dakotas, were encamped near the Port, and the
Dakotas treacherously sent proposals of peace and friend-
ship to the Ojibwas. The latter accepted them, and sev-
eral of the Dakotas, armed, visited the wigwam of their
chief, and were there hospitably entertained and feasted.
They withdrew after a time, but on getting outside the
lodge, turned and fired a volley into it and wounded
eight of the Ojibwa inmates, of whom a part died of
their wounds. Col. Snelling and Maj. Taliaferro, the
Indian agent, had before strongly charged on these savages
that no hostilities would be permitted within the area
around the Fort, that it would be an insult to the United
States flag. When this last cowardly act occurred, he at
once notified them that they must make ample reparation.
Several were put under arrest, and held as hostages until
the real murderers, who had fled, should be delivered
up. Runners were at once sent out to the villages, and
in a day or two, four of the Dakota culprits were in the
guard house awaiting their fate, and were identified as
the guilty persons. Col. Snelling, after consulting with
the other officers, as to what way he could make an ex-
ample of them, agreed to leave it to the Ojibwas. The
latter proposed that the Sioux murderers be made to ' ' run
the gauntlet ;" that is the Ojibwas should be stationed on
the prairie, with loaded guns, and the Dakotas placed a
few yards off, and told to run. If they could escape un-
harmed, well and well, but the Ojibwas would do their
best to kill them. This was all carried out, as planned.
The place chosen was just outside the Fort, on the
level prairie, but the Colonel would not permit any of

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 109

the garrison to go out and witness it. He said it was
an Indian trouble entirely — the whites had nothing to
do with it. Mrs. Snelling and I got up on the roof of
their house, and thus had a clear view of it all. It was
a lovely warm bright May morning. I remember the
whole scene as if it had been yesterday.

The Ojibwas tied the arms of the three Dakota mur-
derers, and led them out 30 yards. When the signal
was given, the Dakotas bounded off like deer. The guns
cracked, and soon all three of the culprits leaped into
the air and fell, either dead, or dying. One of these was
a great coward, and showed signs of the most mortal
terror. The other two had been brave and defiant, and
sang a war song when the Ojibwas were tying them.
They also upbraided the cowardly one.

When the victims fell, the Ojibwas gave their scalp cry,,
rushed up to the two brave dead ones, scalped them, and
dipping their fingers in the gushing blood from their
wounds, licked and sucked them. Some caught the blood
in the hollow of their hand and drank it. This made
their faces look bloody and horrible, and they looked wild
and savage like demons. The body of the cowardly one
was not noticed, nor did they drink his blood. Colonel
Snelling then went out and told the Ojibwas they must
not leave the bodies lying there, and they must drag
them away. They took the corpses by the heels and
dragging them to the steep bank of the river above the
fort, threw them over into the water. It chanced that
there was a large tree on the bank, blown over into the

I water. They took the Indian that had not been scalped
and tied his hair to one of the limbs of this tree, in
r

110 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

the water. For several days it rocked up and down by
the motion of the waves, exposing the ghastly face of
the dead to sight every moment or two. I saw it sev-
eral times as I was going along the bank to visit my
sister, and it horrified me. I spoke to Mrs. Snelling
about it, and she got the Colonel to have some one dis-
lodge the body and let it float off.*

THE MILITARY EXPEDITION TO PRAIRIE DU CHIEN.

In July, 1827, some murders committed by drunken Win-
nebagoes on settlers near Prairie du Chien, created a great
panic in that region, and the whites rushed into old Fort
Crawford, to take refuge and protect themselves. I should
have observed, before, that in the fall of the previous year.
Fort Crawford had been measurably abandoned, and the
two or three companies of the Fifth U. S. Infantry which
it contained, had been sent to Fort Snelling, making that
garrison very full. There was, really, no danger that the
Winnebagoes would attack the people entrenched in Fort
Crawford, because their spree was already over, and every-
thing had got quieted down, but all the whites were so
panic-stricken and alarmed, that an express was sent to
Col. Snelling, imploring him to send down relief at once.
Of course, Col. Snelling could not refuse this appeal. He
at once hurried off with four companies, in keel-boats, and
several days afterward, several more companies followed.

*A very interesting account of this incident, undoubtedly written by Wm.
J. Snelling, will be found in tlie collections of this society, vol. 1, p. 439. Anoth-
er account, written by Mrs. C. O. Van Cleve, is given in vol. 3, p. 76. The
account given by Mrs. Adams is very similar to the two foregoing. Beyond
doubt, Mrs. Van Cleve and Mrs. Adams, are the only two persons now living,
who witnessed the interesting event. W.

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. Ill

under one of the other regimental officers, leaving Fort
Snelling almost deserted.

Mrs. Snelling and the children went with the Colonel,
and I accompanied them. The upshot of the whole expedi-
tion was, that not a hostile Indian was seen on the whole
trip, and not a shot was fired. The troops simply
"marched down the hill," and then "marched back again."
Two of the Winnebagoes, called Red Bird and Wee-Kau,
were apprehended and imprisoned on charge of murder,
and if I remember aright, were sentenced to be hung, but
it was, I think, never done, for fear of arousing an out-
break of the tribe. [Mrs. Adams was misinformed. The
Indians were executed.]

The expedition to Prairie du Chien had quite an impor-
tant turn for myself, because, while there, I was united in
marriage to Joseph Adams, who was an officer in the Ord-
nance department at Fort Snelling, and accompanied the
troops on their expedition. Mr. Adams was a native of
Derbyshire, Eng. , and was a true model of a manly soldier
in every respect. I had known him at Fort Snelling, and
highly respected him for his fine qualities. Our married
life was an extremely happy one. "We returned to Fort
Snelling in a few days after our marriage, and lived there
over two years.

THE FIFTH REGIMENT GOES TO ST. LOUIS.

In the fall of this year (1827) the Fifth Regiment was
ordered to Jefferson Barracks, at Saint Louis. Colonel
Snelling proceeded to Washington in August, to attend to
some business there, and while in that city, was seized
with inflammation of the brain, and died suddenly, on

112 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Aug. 28. His death was a terrible blow to Mrs. Snelling,
and a source of grief to all of us who knew him. I had
been an inmate of his family for four years, and his
kindness to me had made me greatly attached to him.
I parted with his sorrowing family, soon after, feeling
that I had lost my best friends.

SAULT STE MARIE, AND NOTABLES THERE.

My husband and I went to Jefferson Barracks with the
Fifth Regiment in 1827, and not long after reaching there
my mother died. From this post, we were transferred
to Detroit, and then to Fort Brady, at Sault Ste Marie,
where we remained some time. At this place there were
a few quite notable characters, that interested me very
much. Henry R. Schoolcraft was Indian agent there at
that time. I became well acquainted with him and his
wife, and his wife's sister, Mrs. Hurlbut. These two
ladies were half-breeds, but very finely educated and
accomplished ladies. They spoke Ojibwa, French and
English.

JOHN TANNER, THE INDIAN CAPTIVE.

Another noted character there, that I knew well, was
John Tanner, the U. S. interpreter. Tanner was a white
man, who was stolen by the O jib was, while a child,
some time in the latter part of the last century, near
Cincinnati, O., and taken to the Manitoba region, where
he lived some years, becoming a thorough Indian in man-
ners and ideas. At the time I knew him in 1830, or '32,
he was about 45 years of age. He had totally forgotten
his native tongue while in captivity, but afterwards re-

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 113

gained its use, and was interpreter at the Indian agency
when I saw him, at Sault Ste Marie. He had again
adopted the dress and life of a white man, and had been
married to a sqnaw, by whom he had three dirty, black
half-breed children. His squaw had died, or else he got
rid of her in some way, because while we were at Sault
Ste Marie, he conceived the idea that if he could get a
white wife, it would raise him in the social scale consid-
erably. He therefore secured a new outfit of clothing,
and went to Detroit, where, by false representations of
his position and means at Sault Ste Marie, which he
pretended were respectable, he succeeded in deceiving a
young woman into marrying him. She was a poor girl,
but respectable and well thought of, and a member of
a Baptist church in Detroit. When she got back with
him to Sault Ste Marie, and was taken to his hovel, and
found his coarse and ignorant half-breed children there,
she was terribly heart-broken. There was no help for it
then, however, and she had to live with him, and make
the best of it. We all pitied her sincerely and did all
we could to help and encourage her. But her life for a
few months must have been wretched. Tanner even
abused her, as though she was a common squaw. In the
meantime, a babe was born to her. She now saw that
she must escape from him at all hazards. Some friends
managed to get Tanner sent out of the way one day
while a steamer was in port, bound for Detroit, and she
slipped on the] vessel, and thus got away. One of Tan-
ner's sons became a Unitarian clergyman afterwards, but
I have heard very disparaging statements regarding his
unclerical conduct. While we were at Sault Ste Marie,

114 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

there was a doctor, Edwin James, an army surgeon at
Fort Brady, who was a fine scholar. He got Tanner to
tell him all his story of captivity among the Indians, and
all about their daily life and customs, and wrote quite
a book from his statements. Tanner finally came to a
wretched end, though that was after we had left there.
It was about 1846, I think, Mr. Schoolcraft, the Indian
agent, had a brother living there, whom Tanner believed
to have had improper relations with one of his daugh-
ters. Watching an opportunity, he shot Schoolcraft and
killed him. Tanner at once fled at full speed to the
forest, and was never seen again, alive. It was supposed
that he had gone back to the Red River Indians with
whom he had formerly lived. But years after that some
hunters found, in a swamp a few miles from the Sault,
the skeleton of a man with a gun lying by it. On ex-
amining the latter, it was recognized as Tanner's. It is
thought that the violence of his exertions in escaping
had burst a blood vessel.*

There were two or three good missionaries at Sault
Ste Marie, among whom was Rev. Jeremiah Porter, a
Presbyterian, who labored hard to convert the Indians

*The account of Schoolcraft's murder, and of Tanner's connection with it,
was the story believed for many years by every body at Sault Ste Marie.
But recently, (I am informed by (Japt. Dwight H. Kelton, U. S. A.) that cir-
cumstances were developed during a few years past, which exonerate Tanner
from the crime of murder, and seem to prove that both Schoolcraft and Tanner
were victims of a third party. The really guilty parly, says Capt. K., was an
officer of the U. S. army, stationed at Fort Brady, at that time (1846) who, for
motives which are explained by some old settlers who claim to Icnow the facts,
felt it necessary to get rid of Schoolcraft, and throw the suspicion of the crime
on Tanner. He, therefore, (so they assert positively) killed Schoolcraft, and also
Tanner, burning the body of the latter in his house, so that all evidence of the
latter crime was. for a time at least, destroyed, and it was given out that Tanner
had fled, after killing Schoolcraft. The officer now believed guilty of this double
crime, subsequently went to Mexico, where he was cashiered for some offence,
and died a few years subsequently, in an interior town of New York. W.

MRS. ADAMS' REMINISCENCES. 115

and held prayer meetings among them, but I do not
believe that very many were changed much in that way.
Some good was done in the temperance line, however.
The Indians had been a wretchedly drunken set, but the
missionaries persuaded many of them to sign the pledge.
Even the squaws signed it. Some of the white men and
soldiers were converted, however.

THE ADAMSES GO TO CHICAGO.

In 1833, Capt. Adams was transferred to Fort Dear-
born, Chicago. We lived there a number of years, and
were among the earliest settlers of what afterwards be-
came the great city. I attend the annual re-unions of
the old settlers now, with great pleasure. Hardly any
one of the period of 1833, but myself, now remains.
The wonderful changes I have seen, seem like a dream.
Everything was primitive those days. We can hardly
realize it now. I remember the trouble we had some-
times to light a fire. Capt. Adams would gather a hand-
ful of dry stuff, and fire a gun loaded with powder into
it. Then we had to gather up the combustibles, and
blow it, until it ignited into a flame. Others used a
flint and steel, with tinder.

When the Florida war broke out in 1835, Capt. Adams
was opposed to going. He had had enough of army
life. So he left it, and we went to farming. Our sub-
sequent life was quiet and happy. Capt. Adams lived
to the age of 90 years, and enjoyed excellent health and
activity up to that time. We have been blessed with ten
children, and I have now some 25 or 30 grand- children,
and several great- grand- children.

PROTESTANT MISSIONS

In The Northwest,

BY

REV. STEPHEN R. RIGGS, D. D.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.

The writer of this paper has gathered the facts in regard to the Mission of the
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, among the Ojibwas, from
the Missionary Herald mainly, having received some suggestions from Mrs. Leon-
ard H. Wheeler. The materials for the history of the American Board's work
among the Sioux have been within my own Icnowledge.

For the short account of the Swiss Mission I am indebted, mainly, to Rev. S. W.
Pond.

Dr. Alfred Brunson, in the "Western Pioneer," and Judge Gale's "Upper Missis-
sippi," have furnished the materials for the Methodist Episcopal Mission among
the Sioux and Ojibwas.

For the account of the work of the American Missionary Association among the
Ojibwas, I am indebted to Dr. Strieby and Mr. S. G. Wright.

And lastly, I am quite obliged to Bishop H. B. Whipple for the communications
of Rev. E. S. Peake and himself. This brief history of the Missions of the Protes-
tant Episcopal Church among the Ojibwas and Sioux, is mainly in the form which
they furnished. S. R. RIGGS.

Beloit, Wis., May, 1880.

If the question be asked, why, in the first settlement
of this country, Protestant Missions were not pushed
westward among the Aborigines, as Catholic Missions
were, the answer is tw^o-fold. First. — The pilgrims of
New England came for the purpose of making homes,
with freedom to worship God, for themselves and their

118 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

children. Trading with the Indians appears to have been
an after- thought, and efforts to convert them to the reli-
gion of Christ were left to be made by individuals, as
they were moved by the Holy Ghost. On the other hand,
the first immigrants to Nouvelle France, came for the pur-
poses of trade, and Catholic Missions were believed to be
necessary helpers in the fur-trade. Thus the influence of
the government of France, and of its colony, was given
to the extension of the Roman Catholic religion.

Second. — The traders of New France found themselves
located on the water that flowed from the great lakes.
These formed a natural and convenient high -way, for both
trader and priest, to visit the Hurons, Ottowas and the
Illinois tribes. Hence we find them, more than two cen-
turies ago, on Lake Huron, and at the head of the Gitche
Gumme or Lake Superior, and on Lake Michigan, and
even down the Illinois river.

In the meantime, while the Protestants, hemmed in by
the mountains, were making homes on the Atlantic coast,
John Eliot, the Mayhews and David Brainerd, among the
Mohegans and Delawares, were as zealous and successful
in converting Indians to Christianity, as any of the Jesuit
Fathers among the Hurons. And a century afterwards,
before the emigration of white people had crossed the
Alleghanies, the Moravian missionaries followed the Dela-
wares into western Pennsylvania and Ohio, and their labors
were crowned with success.

But this far northwest was, until after the beginning of
the present century, almost an unknown country to the
Protestant communities of the United States. As the set-
tlements came westward, the Christian churches were too

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 119

much engaged in "strengthening their stakes" to do much
at "lengthening their cords."

After the American Fur Company had made Mackinaw
their depot of supplies for the northwest, Rev. William M.
Ferry, a graduate of Union College, and father of the
present Senator Ferry, of Michigan, in 1822, came to
explore the field, and in the following year, with his wife,
commenced the Mackinaw school, where, for many years,
were gathered Indian children from all the tribes in this
northwest territory. This may be our starting point; for
quite a number of the half-bloods, children of traders and
Ouhers on the upper Mississippi and Minnesota, were after-
wards found to have been scholars in this school.

SECTION I.

MISSION OF THE A. B. C. F. M. WITH THE OJIBWAS, 1830.

The Ojibwas, or Chippewas as the name was formerly
written, belong to the Algonkin family. Two hundred
years ago they appear to have been occupying only the
shores of Lake Superior and farther east. But coming first
into contact with white people, and obtaining from them
fire arms, they became aggressive on the territory of their
more powerful and warlike neighbors, the Sioux, and grad-
ually drove them westward and southward, so that fifty
years ago, when Protestant Missions were first commenced
among them, they were in the possession of Yellow Lake
and Sandy Lake and Leech Lake and Red Lake, places
that had been occupied by bands of the Dakotas.

Mr. Frederick Ayer was the first Protestant missionary
teacher who visited the Ojibwas at LaPointe. In the sum-

120 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

mer of 1830, Mr. Warren, whose trading post was on Mag-
dalen Island, came to Mackinaw with an extra boat, for
the purpose of taking back with him a missionary. Mr.
Ayer, the teacher of the boys' school, was then the only
available person. Accordingly, with one of the scholars
of the school for interpreter, he accompanied Mr. Warren
to his port, surveyed the field and immediately opened a
school. This he appears to have continued during the
winter, and to have gone back to Mackinaw the next season
with Mr. Warren.

In the meantime the American Board had commissioned
Kev. Sherman Hall and his wife and Rev. William T. Bout-
well, all of New England, and instructed them to proceed
to establish Missions at LaPointe and elsewhere among the
Ojibwas.

At this time there was residing at Mackinaw, Doctor
James, Surgeon of the U. S. army, who was skilled in the
language of the Ojibwas, and who had already done some
thing in the way of translating portions of the New Testa-
ment. Mr. Boutwell elected to stop there for awhile and
take lessons in the language.

On the 4th day of August, 1831, Mr. and Mrs. Hall and
Mr. Ayer embarked with the company of the Fur Trade,
five boats and about seventy persons, and arrived at Mr.
Warren's station at LaPointe on the 30th of the same month.
It is a little remarkable that such a caravan of traders
should rest on the Sabbath as they did. Thus in the
Providence of God a Protestant Mission was now estab-
lished where one hundred and sixty-six years before the
Jesuits had raised the banner of the Cross.

PROTESTANT MISSIONS- 121

In the summer of 1832, Mr. Boutwell made an extensive
tour, with H. R. Schoolcraft, United State Indian agent,
among the Ojibwa villages scattered between Lake Super-
ior and the sources of the Mississippi river. While on this
journey, as Mr. Boutwell has since stated, they entered a
lake with their canoe which fchey had good reason to believe
was the true source of the Father of Waters. Resting upon
their oars, and searching for some name to express the
thought they had, Mr. Boutwell said, "Veritas Caput,"
from which Henry R. Schoolcraft cut out Itasca.

In the autumn of 1832, Mr. Ayer went to Sandy Lake
near the Mississippi, and opened a school at the trading
post of Mr. Aitkin; and Mr. Boutwell joined Mr. Hall at La
Pointe. They gave themselves to learning the language,
to teaching the school which was there altogether in Eng-
lish, and to visiting from house to house. They describe
the natives as very poor, often suffering for the necessa-
ries of life — living on fish, wild rice, sugar and wild meat.
They were idle and wasteful, and consequently often in
want. Poorly clad, poorly housed in their birch bark
wigwams, and poorly fed, filthy and dirty in the extreme,
could these savages be civilized and christianized? The
full answer will have to come after many years. In the
meantime these missionaries will give their best life to
them. They will learn the language and prepare school
books in it. They will sing hymns of praise to Christ,
some of which they find already in the language, prepared
by the Methodist Episcopal Missionaries in Canada; and by
and by, they will preach to them in their own tongue and
tell them of Jesus. Even at this time they speak of being

122 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

helped by some converts to Christianity who came up from
Mackinaw.

In the Report of the Board for 1833, other helpers are
mentioned, as, Edmund F. Ely, Mrs. Ayer, Miss Cook,
Miss Stevens, and Miss Crooks. Mr. and Mrs. Ayer with
Miss Crooks opened a new station at Yellow Lake; Mr.
Boutwell and Mr. Ely take up the work at Sandy Lake,
and Mr. Boutwell looks over to Leech Lake and prepares
to occupy that field the next year, by marrying Miss Hes-
ter Crooks. Then Mr. Ely leaves Sandy Lake and opens
a station at Fond du Lac, near the head of Lake Superior.
At every place they sow some seeds which will bear some
fruit after many days. Mr. Ayer's effort, at Yellow Lake,
is on the plan of separating those who desire to be edu-
cated and adopt civilized habits, from their heathen neigh-
bors, and it is in a good measure successful. Such are of
course persecuted and opposed by their heathen relations,
and they are branded with the name of "Praying Indians."
Some such there are already. During the winter of 1835-6,
both at LaPointe and Yellow Lake there was much relig-
ious interest. Several conversions are mentioned at each
place.

In the spring of 1836, the mission of Mr. Ayer was
removed from Yellow Lake to Pokeguma. This was
deemed to be, on all accounts, the most favorable place to
commence a civilized community. The lake called Poke-
guma, though small, was well stocked with fish, and was
connected by a short channel with Snake creek and the
St. Croix, and so with the Mississippi. They were, here,
but two days and a half by canoe from St. Peter's (now
Mendota), which became the base of supplies. In the sum-

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 123

mer of 1837, while we were stopping at the Lake Harriet
station, we were rejoiced to meet Mr. Ayer and an Ojibwa
native convert, at our first celebration of the Lord's supper
in Dakota land. At this time, Mr. Ayer had the assistance
of Mr. John L. Seymour, and the work went on bravely,
both here and at the other stations. At LaPointe, Mr.
Hall was supported by Mr. Joseph Town and wife. Mr.
Ely of Fond du Lac was married to Miss Bissel of Macki-
naw, and had for his assistant Mr. Granville T. Sproat;
while Mr. and Mrs. Boutwell labored alone at Leech Lake.
In the judgment of missionaries, the prospects were very
encouraging,

Mr. Town appears to have remained but a little while at
LaPointe, as in the Report of the Board for this year 1837,
his name is omitted, and Mr. Sproat has gone to LaPointe,
leaving Mr. Ely alone at Fond du Lac.

In the spring of 1838, other changes were made. At
Leech Lake, as recorded, ' ' Mr. Boutwell had little encour-
agement in his labors, and at times, was greatly annoyed
by the savage and violent conduct of the Indians." Then
Mr. and Mrs. Boutwell withdrew to Pokeguma, and Mr.
and Mrs. Ayer went to Fond du Lac for a time. During
this year, the gospel of John and the Acts of the Apostles
were printed in the language of the O jib was. Luke had
been printed previously. The gospel had been taking
effect, especially in the little civilized ("partly) community
of Pokeguma. Seven couples had been married; a num-
ber had erected houses, and were living somewhat like white
people, while eight or ten persons were regarded, in the
judgment of charity, as christians. Quite a spiritual
quickening had been experienced during the winter pre-

124 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

ceding. But, as was natural, this very progress of the
gospel aroused the opposition of the heathen party, who
proceeded greatly to annoy the missionaries, by killing
their cattle, and threatening to drive them from the coun-
try. This was partly owing also to the fact that they had
ceded to the United States in the summer of 1838, a por-
tion of this land, and immediately, before the Treaty was
ratified, white people began to take possession.

When this trouble had passed, as was supposed, and
christian Indians and missionaries were hopeful again, sud-
denly war came upon them. The Ojibwas and Sioux were
immemorial enemies. Peace was made only to be broken.

In the early spring of 1838, Hole-in-the-Day with a party
had come over to the Chippewa river near Lacquiparle.
They came to three teepees of Sioux, who entertained them
in princely style with a dog-feast. They lay down to rest,
but arose and killed their entertainers.

In retiring from this treacherous massacre, the party of
Hole-in-the-Day took one women prisoner. Elder Alfred
Brunson, of Prairie du Chien, was at this time establishing
Methodist Missions among both the Sioux and Ojibwas.
In the first days of July 1838, he passed Sauk Rapids aifd
Little Falls, and reached the village of Hole-in-the-Day,
while the agent was holding a council with the Indians
about returning this Sioux captive. As Mr. Brunson repre-
sents the matter, Hole-in-the-Day himself was the last to
consent to her return, because he ''hated the Sioux." But
finally the matter was arranged and the agent took the
Sioux woman down to Fort Snelling, and she was restored
to her friends. In a week or ten days after, for what
reason is not apparent, Hole-in-the-Day took five braves

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 125

and went down to Fort Snelling. They were quartered at
Baker's stone house a mile from the Fort. Their presence
becoming known to the Sioux, two young men secreted
themselves and fired upon the first man who made his
appearance. This happened to be an Ottawa who was liv-
ing among the Ojibwas. The party of Hole-in- the-Day
sallied • forth and killed two Sioux. The white soldiers
interfered and prevented a general war.

In June of 1839, a thousand Ojibwas came to Fort Snell-
ing. They were under the protection of the military and
so the Ojibwas and Sioux fraternised. They started home
in two companies, by Rum river and the St. Croix. The
night after they left, two Ojibwa young men,* to avenge
the killing of their father, waylaid and killed a Dakota
man on the shores of Lake Harriet. This made the war
spirit boil in the hearts of the Dakotas. Two war-parties
were made up to follow the Ojibwas, and more than ninety
scalps were brought home. One of the battles was fought
where Stillwater now stands, which had its influence on
the little settlement at Pokeguma. By these occurrences
three Mission stations were eventually broken up — the
station of the American Board at Lake Harriet, and the
one at Pokeguma; and the Methodist Mission station at
Little Crow's village.

SECTION II.

MISSION OF THE AM. BOARD WITH THE SIOUX, 1835.

The Sioux or Dakotas were the enemies of the Ojibwas.
Hence it is supposed they were called, by tribes farther

*Said to be nephews of the man killed the year before.
-7

126 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

east, "Nadouessioux." But the Ojibwas proper called the
Dakotas by the name of ' 'Bwan, " which is perpetuated in
the name Assinaboine. On the other hand the Dakotas
named the Ojibwas " Hahatonwan, " Dwellers at the Falls —
not the falls of St. Anthony, but of the St. Louis river,
probably, or the falls of Sault Ste Marie.

Mr. Jedediah D. Stevens and wife had come, from cen-
tral New York, in the summer of 1827, to the mission
station at Mackinaw, where they continued two years. In
the summer of 1829, Mr. Stevens was sent on an explor-
ing tour among the Ojibwas of Wisconsin, and to the Da-
kotas of the Mississippi river. This journey was extended
to Fort Snelling. But after his return, he and his wife
labored with the Stockbridge Indians on Fox river, near
Green Bay. In 1834, they were commissioned by the Am.
Board to commence a Mission among the Dakotas, but
they were prevented, by circumstances, from reaching
Fort Snelling until the spring of 1835, and spent the win-
ter preceding at Mackinaw.

Thomas Smith Williamson, M. D., was the son of Rev.
William Williamson and Mary Smith, and was born in
Union District, South Carolina, in March, 1800. He was
converted during his stay at Jefferson College, Cannons-
burg, Pa., where he graduated in 1820. Soon after he
began reading medicine with his brother-in law. Dr. Wil-
liam Wilson, of West Union, O., and after a very full
course of reading, considerable practical experience, and
one course of lectures at Cincinnati, O., completed his
medical education at Yale, where he graduated in medicine
in 1824. He settled at Ripley, O. , where he soon acquired
an extensive practice, and, April 10, 1827, was united in

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 127

marriage with Margaret Poage, daughter of Col. James
Poage.

Dr. Williamson continued in the successful practice of
medicine nearly ten years, but in the spring of 1833 he
placed himself under the care of the Chillicothe Presby-
tery and commenced the study of theology. In August of
that year he removed with his family to Walnut Hills and
connected himself with Lane Seminary. In April, 1834, in
the first Presbyterian Church of Red Oak. he was licensed
to preach by the Chillicothe Presbytery.

Previous to his licensure he had received from the
American Board an appointment to proceed on an explor-
ing tour among the Indians of the upper Mississippi, with
special reference to the Sacs and Foxes, but to collect
what information he could in regard to the Sioux, Winne-
bagoes, and other Indians. Starting on this tour about
the last of April, he went as far as Fort Snelling, and
returned to Ohio in August. At Rock Island he met with
some of the Sacs and Foxes, and at Prairie du Chien he
first saw Dakotas, among others Mr. Joseph Renville, of
Lacquiparle. On the 18th of September he was ordained
as a missionary by the Chillicothe Presbytery, in Union
Church. Ross county, Ohio.

A few months afterward he received his appointment
as a missionary of the A. B. C. F. M., to the Dakotas;
and on the first day of April, 1835, Dr. Williamson, with
his wife and one child, accompanied by Miss Sarah Poage,
Mrs. Williamson's sister, who afterward became Mrs. Gid
eon H. Pond, and Alexander G. Huggins and family, left
Ripley, Ohio, and on the 16th of May they arrived at Fort
Snelling.

128 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

But a year previous to this, in the spring of 1834, two
brothers from Washington, Conn., Samuel W. and Gideon
H. Pond, had come self- moved, or rather God-moved, to
the land of the Dakotas. When they reached Fort Snell-
ing and had. made known their errand to the commanding
officer of the post, Maj. Bliss, and to the resident Indian
agent, Maj. Taliaferro, they received the hearty approval
and co-operation of both, and the Agent at once recom-
mended them to commence work with the Dakotas of the
Lake Calhoun village, where some steps had already been
taken in the line of civilization. There, on the margin of
the lake, they built their log cabin.

While stopping there for a few weeks. Dr. Williamson
presided at the organization, on the 12th of June, of the
First Presbyterian Church — the first Christian church or-
ganized within the present limits of Minnesota. This was
within the garrison at Fort Snelling, and consisted of 22
members, chiefly the result of the labors of Major Loomis
among the soldiers.

Having concluded to accompany Mr. Joseph Renville,
Dr. Williamson's party embarked on the Fur Company's
Mackinaw boat on the 22d of June; reached Traverse des
Sioux on the 30th, where they took wagons and arrived
at Lacquiparle on the 9th of July. There, on the north
side of the Minnesota river, and in sight of the "Lake
that speaks," they established themselves as teachers of
the religion of Jesus.

Mr. Stevens immediately proceeded to erect Mission
buildings, on the margin of J Lake Harriet, in the vicinity
of the village at Lake Calhoun, and opened a small Board-
ing School, which, for several years, was taught success-

\

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 129

fully by Miss Lucy C. Stevens, a niece of Rev. Mr. Ste-
vens. Thus the Mission of the American Board among
the Dakotas was fully commenced. The brothers Pond
had spent the previous year in learning the language and
helping the Indians. Mr. Gideon H. Pond aided Mr. Stev-
ens in the erection of the Mission buildings, and the next
year was transferred to the station at Lacquiparle, where
he was married to Miss Sarah Poage and remained until the
spring of 1839. Mr. Samuel W. Pond went back to Con-
necticut in the autumn of 1836, where he was licensed and
ordained as a missionary to the Indians, and soon after
his return his name was placed on the Roll of the Ameri •
can Board.

On the 1st day of June, 1837, the writer of this article,
born in Ohio, and graduated at Jefferson College, Pa.,
with his wife, born in Massachusetts, and educated in the
schools of Miss Lyon and Miss Grant, arrived at Fort
Snelling, as missionaries of the American Board to the
Dakotas. They were kindly entertained by Lieut. Ogden,
in the garrison, and soon proceeded to the station at Lake
Harriet, where they spent the summer, and then were
transferred to Lacquiparle.

From the commencement, the work at this station was
very promising. Mr. Joseph Renville, the Bois Brule
trader at this place, was earnestly desirous to have his own
family educated, so that as soon as possible after their
arrival. Miss Poage commenced teaching a class in Eng-
lish. Mr. Renville himself professed to be a christian, and
in less than a year, Dr. Williams had organized a native
church, which, in the autumn of 1837, when I joined the
mission force at Lacquiparle, counted seven Dakotas. Five

130 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

years after, the number received from the beginning had
been forty-nine. This was a very successful commence-
ment.

The language of the Dakotas existed only in sounds. It
was to be written. During the three years of occupancy
before my arrival, the system of notation had been, in the
main, determined upon; though a number of changes have
since been made. The brothers Pond rightly claim the
honor of teaching the first Dakota to read and write his
own language. Mr. Samuel Pond thus tells the story: "In
the spring of 1835, while my brother and I lived at Lake
Calhoun, a young Dakota named Maza-hda-ma-ne came to
our house and asked us whether we thought Dakotas could
learn to read. There was then nothing printed in the
Dakota language, and we had only a short time before
arranged an alphabet in which it could be written; so that
we could furnish him with lessons only by writing them
with a pen. It was not much trouble to teach him, for he
learned rapidly, both to read and write, and was soon able
to write letters to us which we could understand very well,
so far as we then were acquainted with the language."

Previous to this time, some efforts had been made by
officers of the army and others, to write the language by
the English alphabet alone, and a collection of four or five
hundred words had been made. When we commenced
learning the Dakota language in the summer of 1837, this
collection, together with one made by Rev. J. D. Stevens,
the result doubtless, in great measure, of the gathering by
the Messrs. Pond, came into our hands. And, when to
these were added what Dr. Williams had gathered, the
vocabulary amounted to over two thousand words, which

I

PROTESTANT MISSIONS- 131

was the nucleus of the Dakota grammar and dictionary I
published fourteen years after.

The mission station at Lake Harriet, which was estab-
lished with the band of Dakotas then most advanced in
civilization, was not destined to continue long. The fresh
outbreak of the war- spirit, and the triumphant battles of
the Sioux, fought with the O jib was in midsummer of 1839,
referred to in treating of the Ojibwa mission, were fatal
to the occupation of the village on Lake Calhoun. The
Indians were afraid to remain there longer, and so moved
over to the Minnesota river. Thereupon Mr. Stevens, re-
ceiving the appointment of farmer for Wabasha's band,
living near where Winona now stands, withdrew from the
service of the Board. In the summer of 1842, he was
preaching to white people at Prairie du Chien. Mr. G.
H. Pond accepted the position of farmer for the Lake
Calhoun band. He and his brother occupied the mission
houses at Lake Harriet for a while, and then took up
quarters near the Fort, where they resided until they
established their station in 1842, at Oak Grove, eight
miles up the Minnesota.

At Lac qui Parle among the Dakotas, the same kind of
obstacles had to be met that are spoken of by the mis-
sionaries among the Ojibwas. The winter of 1838-9 Dr.
Williamson spent in Ohio, getting some printing done.
By the aid of Mr. Joseph Renville the gospel of Mark
had been translated from the French. This was the first
printing of any portion of the Bible in the Dakota lan-
guage. Before his return in the summer of 1839, Eagle
Help went on the war-path to avenge the killing of the
three families a year previous. The mission strongly ad-

132 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

vised against the war party, and in return we had sev-
eral of our cattle killed. This form of opposition was
carried to such an extent, in the next few years, as to
make it well nigh impossible for the missionary to re-
main. But in the meantime, notwithstanding the perse-
cutions that came upon them, some Dakota men were re-
ceiving education and seeds of gospel truth, which be-
gan to germinate and bring forth some fruit.

When Dr. Williamson returned from Ohio, he brought
with him Miss Fanny Huggins, who afterwards became
Mrs. Jonas Pettijohn. It was thought that some manu-
facturing industries might profitably be introduced among
the Dakota women. Accordingly several spinning wheels,
both for flax and wool, were purchased by the mission.
Mr. Renville had a flock of sheep, the remnant of a drove
lost by a white man some years before. Mr. Huggins
sowed the seed and raised the flax. He also made a loom
for weaving. Thus the materials and the machinery were
furnished the Indian women, to spin yarn, knit stockings,
and weave cloth for short gowns, skirts and blankets.
Mr. Huggins and Miss Fanny gave a good deal of time
to teaching these industries, and with very considerable
success. Quite a number of women made articles for
their own and others use. This effort had its place in
the civilizing influences, but it could not be made profita-
ble. One that was less pretentious in the commencement
has borne much larger fruit, to- wit: Teaching the Da-
kota women to ivash. It had been their custom to put on
a garment and wear it until it could be worn no longer.
They were quite ignorant of the gospel of soap, as well
as of the gospel of salvation. Mrs. Riggs had been less

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 13^

accustomed than some others to do the hard work of the
wash-tub. Hence she was more willing to give time and
patience to the education of Indian women in this line.
At first it was impossible to obtain any but the lowest of
the Dakota women for this service. But by and by it
became popular, and has done much for their elevation.

Thus the work of education was carried on at Lac qui-
Parle. In the mean time a good deal of work was done
in the line of Bible translation and the preparation of
books. Under date of May 10, 1842, Dr. Williamson wrote
thus to the Prudential Committee: "Much of the time of
Mr. Riggs and myself, for a year past, has been em-
ployed in this business, though most of the translating
was done more than a year ago. Beside preparing a
small Dakota hymn book and some school books, he has
translated the Acts of the Apostles, the book of Revela-
tion, and all the Epistles of Paul, also about one-third of
the Psalms. He has also copied and prepared for the
press the Gospel of John and a number of Psalms trans-
lated by Mr. Renville. I have carefully read over his
translations and made suggestions, and he has done the
same for me in respect to the book of Genesis, which I
have translated." To the above was added the Gospel of
Luke, translated by Mr. G. H. Pond. To oversee the
printing of them in Boston and Cincinnati, the Board
authorized me to make a visit east. We left one child
and took two with us. On our return in the spring of
1843, we were authorized to commence a new station,
which we did in June, at Traverse des Sioux.

134 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

i

SECTION III.

THE SWISS MISSION AMONG THE DAKOTAS, 1836 TO 1846.

About the same time that the American Board deter-
mined to send missionaries to the Dakotas, two young
men, Rev. Daniel Gavin and Rev. Samuel Denton, were
appointed by a society at Basle, in Switzerland, as mis-
sionaries to the Indians of North America. They selected
as their field of labor the land of the Dakotas. Both
were unmarried when they came to this country ; but
before commencing his labors with the Dakotas, Mr.
Denton was married to Miss Paris Skinner, who had,
for several years, been engaged in the service of the
American Board at the mission school at Mackinaw. In
1839, Mr. Gavin married Miss Lucy C. Stevens, at Lake
Harriet.

They first located at Trempeleau, with the Wabasha
band of Sioux'; but the next year Mr. and Mrs. Denton
removed to Red Wing, where Mr. Gavin soon afterwards
joined them. In the autumn of 1838, Mr. Gavin came up
to Lac qui Parle and spent the winter with us, giving
aid in our work of translating and other missionary labor.
From the following spring the two families were associa-
ted at Red Wing, until 1845, when Mrs. Gavin's ill-health
compelled them to leave the Dakotas. Thenceforward
Mr. Gavin labored with success among the French Cath-
olics in Canada, until his death, which occurred about
1859. Mr. Denton remained a few years after Mr. Gavin's
departure, when he too was obliged to leave on account
of ill-health, and died soon after in Missouri.

While the Dentons were still at Red Wing's village,
in the summer of 1846, the present writer made a canoe

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 135

voyage, with his wife, down the Mississippi, and stopped
for ten days with them, at the Wood- Water-Hill village.
Here I remember visiting a young man who was sick,
and who now is the stalwart and honored pastor of our
Santee Agency Mission church— Rev. Artemas Ehnamane.
So that, if the question "cui bono," is asked in regard
to the ten years of the Swiss mission, I reply: It was a
time of seed sowing. Quite a number of children and
young folks learned to read more or less in both English
and Dakotah ; and many older ones heard prayer and
instruction from the word of God, from these earnest
workers. The harvest came a score of years afterwards
in the prison and in the camp.*

SECTION IV.

MISSIONS OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH, AMONG
THE SIOUX AND OJIBWAS, 1837.

Early in the present century the Methodists embarked
in missions among the Indians. In 1819, John Steward,
a free colored man, commenced a successful religious and
educational work among the Wyandots, on the upper
Sandusky. The influence of this effort extended over into
Oanada, to others of the Hurons. John Sunday and John
-and Peter Jones, of the Ojibwa tribe, were converted
^nd became active helpers. This was in 1823. In 1830,
and onward, we find John Sunday and George Copway
-and others, going on missionary tours on Lake Superior.
In 1833, they established a successful and permanent
mission at L'Anse, on Kewenaw bay, in Michigan. Here
was commenced a civilized and Christian community—

*The statements in regard to the mission are, many of them, taken from an
article furnished by Rev. S. W. Pond, and published in the lapi Oaye of April, 1874.

136 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

the Indians laying by their annuity money, after 1842,
to enter their lands as white men. Of these and other
missions. Rev. John Clark, whose headquarters were at
Sault Ste. Marie, was the Superintendent.

Rev. Alfred Brunson, of the Pittsburg Conference, had
become interested in the Indians of the Northwest, by
reading Lieut. Allen's account of his voyage with School-
craft, when on search of the head of the Mississippi.
He communicated this interest to the conference at its
meeting in July, 1835, and receiving an appointment to
that work, he immediately set out on horse back and
traveled through the states of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois,
and up to Fort Crawford, at Prairie du Chien. In the
winter he rode back to his home in the Meadville dis-
trict, and found his family ready with a boat to remove
in the early spring. It was the middle of July when
they reached Prairie du Chien, too late to commence
operations in the Indian country. But in the meantime
Mr. Brunson, considering that an interpreter was needed
in commencing mission work among the Sioux, and learn-
ing that James Thompson, a slave, who had a Sioux
woman for a wife, was with his master, an officer, at
Fort Snelling, and could be purchased for $1,200, he
wrote on to his friends in the east. This was the time
when the anti-slavery feeling ran highest in Ohio, and
multitudes of people were only too glad to contribute to
the fund that was started in Cincinnati, for the purpose
of obtaining for James Thompson his liberty, that he
might serve in the Methodist church in giving the gospel
to the Sioux nation. No doubt this transaction had a
good result in keeping the an ti- slavery fires burning

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 137

brightly, but as a missionary investment it was an act
of very doubtful utility. So it appeared to us of the
Presbyterian mission. Thompson was a very indifferent
interpreter and not a reliable man, and so was dismissed
from the mission before its disbandment.

During the winter of 1836-7, Elder Brunson made his
arrangements, and on the 19th of May, embarked on a steam-
boat for Fort Snelling. After consulting with the agent
and officers of the garrison, the village of Kaposia, six or
eight miles below the Fort, on the west side of the Missis-
sippi, was the place selected for their first station. This
was long known as "Little Crow's village." At this time
the name of the chief was Wamde-tanka, Big Eagle. His
father's name was Chatan-wakoowa-mani — '^ Who-walks~
pursuing-a-hawk,'' — from which "Little Crow" seems to
have been taken. The dynasty became extinct in Ta-
oyati-doota — the Little Crow of the outbreak of 1862.

Superintendent Brunson had with him David King, as
teacher, with his family, and a farmer and his family, with
Jim, the interpreter, and a hired man. Immediately they
commenced to erect mission buildings of logs. Elder
Brunson returned to Prairie du Chien for supplies, and in
his second trip up he took with him George Copway, John
Johnson and Peter Marksman, three young O jib was, who had
been converted in Upper Canada, under the labors of Peter
Jones and "William Case. More recently they had been
employed by Rev. John Clark in the Indian missions of
Ottawa and Lac Court Grilles, in Wisconsin. They were
t:> go down to the Methodist mission school at Jacksonville,
Illinois, but in the meantime they could put in some months
work on the upper Mississippi. The Sioux could hardly

188 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

believe that they were Ojibwas, for they worked, they said,
like Frenchmen. In September of that year a treaty was
made with the Ojibwas by Governor Dodge, at Fort Snell-
ing. Mr. Brunson and his three young Ojibwa converts
were present, and made a good impression.

At the conference which met at Jacksonville, in October,
1837, supplies were voted to carry on the new missions,
and Rev. T. W. Pope and Rev. James G. Whitford, with
Hiram Delap, were added to his force of workers. These
new men went immediately up to the station at Kaposia.
while Elder Brunson purchased supplies. The row boat
which took up these was frozen up in the middle of No-
vember, and they had to be transported on the ice, from
the lower end of Lake Pepin.

Early in May, 1838, Superintendent Brunson took a
steamboat and went to visit the Sioux mission. He found
that the mission had wintered comfortably — the school
under Mr. King, had been somewhat successful — and the
spring work, for the Indians, was prosecuted with such
vigor that more than 100 acres of land was ploughed for
them, to the great delight of the Indians. In their school,
contrary to the practice of the other missions among the
Sioux, they determined to teach only English.

At this time the war spirit ran high at Little Crow's
village, in consequence of the three families killed in April,
near Lac qui Parle, by Hole-in-the-Day. But nevertheless
Mr. Brunson, with three white men and his interpreter^
started in the last days of June, up the Mississippi, to visit
the Ojibwas and arrange for the establishment of a mission
among the Ojibwas. They reached Crow Wing, the village,
of Hole-in-the-Day, while the question of returning the

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 13^

Sioux captive woman was being discussed. Mr. Brunson
represents Hole-in-the-Day, the dirtiest and most savage -
looking of them all, as not being willing for her delivery
for some time ; and finally yielding under pressure. In the
then excited state of affairs the missionary company did no
more at this time than examine some localities where a
mission could be established.

In the month of August, Elder Brunson took "Whitford
and Randolph" with "Bungo," as Ojibwa interpreter, and
started up the St. Croix to visit Lac Court Grilles. But
when they had almost reached the place, some dogs, one
night, ate up the bacon, and they were obliged to return.
This seemed to be providential ; for in the meantime,
Hole-in-the-Day had come down to Fort Snelling with a
few men. One of these had been shot by the Sioux, and
they in turn killed two of their enemies. "Whereupon, to
keep the party of Hole-in-the-Day from being entirely cut-
off, the commandant of the garrison took them within its
walls. This greatly enraged the Sioux, who were now
planning to attack the Fort also. In this storm of excite-
ment the occupants of the mission got some of their effects
into a large bark canoe, and would have fled down the
Mississippi; but Little Crow commanded them back to their
house — placed his son, the third Little Crow, as guard
over them, and assured them of safe protection. The next
day, unexpectedly to them all, Elder Brunson returned.
They talked and prayed over the situation, and concluded
that it was safe for them to lie down and sleep under the
protection of the Great Father above. But the Elder
himself went out by night to see the Scalp Dance.

When Superintendent Brunson returned to Prairie du

140 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Chien that fall, Hiram Delap and family, Witt Randolph
returned with him. He went down to Alton, Illinois,
and attended conference, and then purchased supplies
for the mission and went up on the steamer "Gypsy,"
where as passengers he met Dr. Emerson and wife,
with the afterwards famous "Dred Scott," as their
slave. From this trip Elder Brunson returned home
sick and did not wholly recover for several years.

In the mean time the good Methodist people, not
considering that a mission to savage Indians is not a
harvest field in which they could reap immediately, nor
even "a prairie farm," from which a crop might be ex-
pected in two or three years, but real scrub-and-grab
land, which required an immense amount of hard work
before the harvest came, became dissatisfied, and com-
plained that there were no results and a great expen-
diture. This was unreasonable, but Methodism then had
not learned to work and wait for fruit in such unprom-
ising fields.

In the summer of 1839, Rev. Mr. Pope's health hav-
ing failed, he left the mission as Elder Brunson re-
signed his superintendency, and Rev. B. T. Kavenaugh
was appointed in his place.

Among the "same fruit" in the spiritual harvest of
the first years of this mission work, Mr. Bennron men-
tions the conversion of one Jacob Fallstrum and his
family. As a Swedish boy Fallstrum had come over
to Lord Selkirk's settlement, married a half Ojibwa
woman and worked his way down to the neighborhood
of Fort Snelling. As he talked the Ojibwa language
they made him a preacher to his wife's people.

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 141

Immediately after his appointment, Elder Kavenaugh
proceeded to his missionary field, taking with him Rev.
Samuel Spates, Rev. Mr. Huddleston, Rev. John Johnson
and Rev. Peter Marksman — the two latter native Ojib-
was. With them he proceeded up the Mississippi and
established a Mission at Elk River on the east bank of
the Mississippi. There on the 30th of December, 1839,
Mr. Huddleston died of dysentery and was buried on
the top of a hill overlooking the river. It is recorded,
that Hole-in-the-Day cast a heap of stones on his grave,
"to mark the place where the good man lies, who came
to bless us."

In the fall of 1840 a new Mission was established at
Sandy Lake under the charge of Mr. Spates. Owing to
the incursions of Sioux war parties, Hole-in-the-Day's
village was deserted, and the Mission removed in Feb-
ruary of 1840 to Rabbit river. But this appears to
have been very soon abandoned and stations formed
farther in the interior — at White Fish Lake and Fond
du Lac of Lake Superior. In Judge Gale's "Upper
Mississippi" this statement is made in regard to this
mission: "In July, 1841, the Missions were consolidated
into that at Sandy Lake, in charge of Rev. H. J. Bruce
and Rev. Samuel Spates, with a school of thirty schol-
ars; that at White Fish Lake, in charge of Rev. John
Johnson; and that at Fond du Lac, in charge of Rev.
George Copway, with his wife and her sister and James
Simpson, as teachers.*

* T am sorry that I have not been able to obtain reliable materials for
tracing this Ojibwa branch of the Methodist mission to its close.

-8

142 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

The missioji among the Sioux at Kaposia was much
annoyed by the war parties in the spring of 1841 and
the school was closed by order of Little Crow. Mr.
Holton and his family had, before this time, retired from
the Mission and made a home on the other side of the
Mississippi in the edge of Red Rock prairie. Others
perhaps settled on the same prairie. The Indians be-
came insolent and exacting. Perhaps they had been
spoiled from the beginning by having too much done
for them by the missionaries. It was reported to us
that Indian men would come in the night to the mis-
sion and demand food, which the missionaries felt
obliged to give. Accordingly Elder Kavenaugh put up
buildings on Red Rock prairie where a school was main-
tained for several years for Indian half-breed and white
children. This was of course a preaching station, and
became the starting point for Methodism in Minnesota.
As such, I leave its further history to be traced under
another head.

More than any other member of our Dakota Mission,
Rev. S. W. Pond had an opportunity to form the ac-
quaintance of these Methodist missionaries. He met sev-
eral of them frequently and sometimes had the pleasure
of entertaining them at his house. He speaks of Rev.
David King as a good man whom he knew best, as
he came up with the first in 1837 and remained after the
others had gone.

It is pleasant to believe that the Lord Jesus, who
has said, "Go, preach the gospel," knows even the be-
ginnings of good, and will suffer no well-meant effort to
fail, but will gather all up at the revelation of that

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 143

day. To us it seems as if they did not hold on until the
harvest came, and the reaping has fallen mainly into
other hands.

SECTION V.

MISSION OF THE AMERICAN BOARD WITH THE OJIBWAS CON-
TINUED: 1840 — 1854.

As we commence this second decade of the Mission among-
the Ojibwas, we find but two stations occupied. At La
Pointe, are still Mr. Hall and Mr. Sproat, with their wives;
and at Pokeguma, are Mr. Boutwell, Mr. Ayer and Mr.
Ely, with their wives and Miss Sabrina Stevens. Mr. and
Mrs. Seymour have retired from the service of the Board,
and the station at Pond du Lac has been abandoned in con-
sequence of the removal of the Indians. The Report of
the Board gives this record: "The number of Indians to
whom the Mission have had access, both at LaPointe and
Pokeguma has been larger than heretofore, and at the
latter place there is manifested an increasing desire to lead
a settled life; and were it not for their hostilities with the
Sioux, the prospect for improvement in their character and
habits, under the influence of Christian instruction, would
be highly encouraging."

At Pokeguma they had erected a pleasant log building,
which gave them joy as a convenient place for school and
church, in both of which their progress during the next
winter was very satisfactory. But the shadow of war hung
over them. In the summer of J 841, Mr. Ayer wrote to the
committee in Boston: "War has desolated Pokeguma.
On the 24th of May more than one hundred Sioux fell upon
our quiet settlement, and in two short hours made it the

144 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

scene of war and death. " It appears that three large war-
parties were made up, all to attack the village of Poke-
guma. The first was headed by Little Crow, father of the
Little Crow of 1862 notoriety. At the Falls of the St. Croix
two Ojibwa young men stumbled upon them and killed two
sons of Little Crow. One of them was killed in return,
and the other carried the news to their home at Poke
guma. This party deeply chagrined at their loss returned
to Kaposia. The second party turned back from the mouth
of Snake river, and the attack was made on the village by
the third party. Two girls belonging to the Mission school,
who had gone to the farther shore of the lake in a canoe,
were killed; but the battle was mainly near the Mission
with the praying Indians, the wilder part of the band hav-
ing their homes on the island. So far as taking scalps
was concerned this battle was not a success for the Sioux,
as they left more than they took. But nevertheless, the
result was, that the Indians abandoned the lake, and the
Mission there was brought to a close. As Mr. Ayer wrote,
the Sioux were resolved to blot out the name of Poke-
guma.

In the meantime reinforcements for the Ojibwa Mission
were sent forward. In the summer of 1841, Rev. Leonard
H. Wheeler and Mr. Woodbridge L. James, with their wives,
and Miss Abigail Spooner, joined the station at LaPointe.
Some of the Indians fleeing from the Sioux attacks on
Pokeguma appear to have gone back to Magdalen Island.
So that, in the winter following, the schools, both for boys
and girls, were filled up and very prosperous. Mr. and
Mrs. Wheeler and Mr. Sproat taught night schools, and
thus a larger enthusiasm was created in the work of edu-

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 145

cation. On the Sabbath, they held two public religious
services in Ojibwa and one in English, besides a Sabbath
school. Mr. Hall wrote at this time: "Notwithstanding
the troubles between the Sioux and O jib was, I think there
never has been more encouragement to labor for the con-
version of the Ojibwas, than there is at present."

Mr. James' health failed soon after their arrival at La
Pointe, and they were obliged to return home. In the
spring of 1842, Mr. Ely removed to Fond du Lac, whither
some of the Christian Indians had fled from the Sioux war
on Pokeguma. At this latter place Mr. Boutwell and
Mr. Ayer still remained, and visited the Indians from time
to time in their hiding places. In their winter encamp-
ments both Mr. Boutwell and Mr. Wheeler visited them
and at different times administered the Lord's supper. *0n
one of these occasions, two new members were added to
the litle band of believers. When the spring of 1843 came,
the fear of their enemies had so far passed away that
many of the old settlers at Pokeguma returned, pagans
as well as Christians, and again cultivated their fields and
occupied their houses. Of that summer Mr. Boutwell
wrote: "Our place of worship has often been well filled
with attentive listeners on the Sabbath; pagans have fre-
quently attended whom I have never seen in the house of
God." By the Indians living on Mille Lac, Mr. Boutwell
was invited to occupy that place, but the Pokeguma band
would not consent to his leaving.

In the meantime Mr. Ayer had made a winter journey
through the north country, to Leech Lake west of the

*Mr. Wheeler's visit was in the spring of 1842, when the Indians were encamped
on the lake shore near where Duluth now stands.

146 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Mississippi, and on to Red Lake, which communicates with
the Red River of the North. At Leech Lake the principal
chief endeavored to persuade him to remain there, and not
go beyond, saying that although there were some bad men
there, the most of them were not so, and would treat mis-
sionaries well. In this he counted beyond his power, for
three years after the missionaries of the A. M. A. were
obliged to leave, and at a still later day the Episcopal
Mission was broken up by them. Mr. Ayer pushed on to
Red Lake, which he regarded as a very favorable field,
and in the spring and summer of 1843, he and Mr. Ely
proceeded to occupy it. In this spring of 1843, the Ojibwa
missionaries, Mr. Hall, Mr. Boutwell, Mr. Ayer and Mr.
Ely, all joined in a letter to the Prudential committee,
asking for reinforcements, and saying that the Ojibwa
country appeared to them open, as it had not done before,
to the teachers of religion and letters. Partly, we may
suppose, as a result of this letter, the American Mission-
ary Association entered the Ojibwa field in this year 1843,
and established several stations, as detailed in another sec-
tion of this paper.

In June 1844, Mr. Wheeler communicated the particulars
of a very interesting revival work, which took place at
LaPointe the winter preceding. It commenced in the native
church, where there was mutual confession of sin, accom-
panied with tears of repentance. ' ' During the winter some
twelve or fourteen professed submission to Christ " for the
first time. This was cheering to the hearts of the mission-
aries, so that they could say: "In view of all which the
Lord has done for us during the past winter, we feel
greatly encouraged to go forward in our work."

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 147

In the Report of the Board for 1844, it appears that Mr.
Ely is back at Pokeguma, and Mr. and Mrs. Ayer
remained at Red Lake, which station was held, for a num-
ber of years, conjointly by the American Board and the
A. M. A.'s Mission. The whole of the New Testament was
now printed in the Ojibwa language and also a hymn book.
These were grand helps in the work of evangelization; and
we should not be surprised to find the preaching of the
gospel taking effect, during the next two years, at the
far-off station of Red Lake. This seems to have been
chiefly, though not entirely, in a family of half-bloods; an
old woman of eighty, with her daughter and husband, and
several of their children were among the dozen persons
who were received into the church in March 1846. For
the two years previous, some of these Indians had been
making rapid strides in civilization, making small plant-
ings and building houses. They were away from the influ-
ences of fire-water, and at this time had no resident trader
among them.

The soil about La Pointe on Magdalen Island, was found
to be poorly adapted to tillage. Hence in the spring of
1845, many of the Indians removed to Bad River, on the
main land, about 20 miles to the southeast, where they
had previously cultivated small fields, and where an ag-
ricultural settlement could be established. Mr. and Mrs.
Wheeler went with them to this new settlement and com-
menced a mission station, which has since been called
"Odonah," that is being interpreted "village." During
the next two years comfortable and substantial dwelling
houses and school house and other convenient buildings
were erected at this new station. The Indians also made

148 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

**some progress in outward improvement" and were ''much
more industrious than formerly." The gospel, although
it has not yet proved the power of God unto salvation
to many of them, has evidently done much to soften the
savage ferocity of their character." Thus wrote Mr.
Wheeler in the last days of 1847.

In the meantime other important changes in the mission
had taken place. The reoccupation of Pokeguma by the
Indians in the summer of 1843, noticed by Mr. Boutwell,
and the attendant encouraging prospects for missionary
labor among them there, were not destined to be of long
continuance. The country around there was now ceded,
and white people began to come in and occupy it. The
Indians retired before them, so that in 1845, Pokeguma
as a missionary station was abandoned, Mr. Ely going to
La Pointe to take Mr. Sproat's place in the school, and
Mr. Boutwell being released from his connection with the
Board, remained to preach the gospel to the incoming
settlement of white people. After a service of fifty
years, for the elevation and salvation of Indians and
white people, Mr. Boutwell is still living near Stillwater.

The influx of white settlers brought evil more than good
to the O jib was. The men who came to work the mines
were neither religious nor very moral, as a class, and
their influence upon the Indians was, in the first instance,
debasing. At every point plenty of fire-water came into
the country, and thus the red men were tempted too
strongly on their weakest side. In the beginning of the
year 1847, Mr. Hall wrote a letter to the Prudential com-
mittee, deploring this changed state of things, in which
he expressed the belief that * ' nothing will prevent their

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. U9*

utter destruction but a thorough conversion to God."
And theirs were not the environments in which the mis-
sionaries could strongly hope for the influence of the-
Holy Spirit. But dark as the prospects were, they did
not give up hope. Not in themselves, not in their schools^
not in their books, not in the gathered settlements for
civilization, Mr. Hall says, but in God, was their hope.
At Red Lake too there were dark clouds. The war spirit
was rampant, and the missionaries lamented the desertion
of several of their native church members. Even at this^
remote station, from Pembina and the Red River settle-
ment as well as from the east, the means of intoxication
flowed in upon them, and they were but too ready to
welcome the " minnewakan. " Still there were hopeful
signs. The old Indians said, ' ' Our children will all
pray." But ''we cannot pray now; we must go to war
next summer; and we cannot fight and pray too." So-
reasoned the Ojibwas.

In the year 1849, Rev. Frederick Ayer of Red Lake, was.
released from his connection with the Board, and the station
turned over to the American Missionary Association, whose-
missionaries had been there for several years. The same
year Mr. Ely also was released from his connection with
the American Board, and his place as teacher at La Pointe
was supplied by Mr. Charles Pulsifer, who with his wife-
had recently joined that Mission.* For two or three years
from this time onward, the Ojibwas on the south side of
Lake Superior were kept in a state of great excitement
by orders of the government for their removal to the

*In the summer of 1849 Mr. Hall and Mr. Wheeler made a tour through the north,
country as far as Red Lake.

150 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Mississippi river country. In the autumn of 1850 they
were required to go to Sandy Lake to receive their annui-
ties. Some went and some did not; and those who went
fared the worst, as the provisions were scanty and poor,
many sickened and died, and only some goods were dis.
tributed. At this time Mr. Hall made a visit to that part
of the country, that he might be prepared for action in
the future. The winter following, Mr. Wheeler, being on
a visit to New England, went with one of the secretaries
of the Board, Rev. S. B. Treat, to Washington, to repre-
sent to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs the desirable-
ness and propriety of permitting those Indians to remain
on the shores of Lake Superior. On his return to Bad
River in the spring, he could not give the Indians any
assurance that the government would comply with their
request to remain; but he could tell them that the only
possible conditions on which they could stay were, that
ihey should adopt the dress and the habits of white people.*

This information and advice had a good effect. The In-
dians were put on their character. They planted more.
They did not make dances. They sent their children to
school, and they themselves came to church. And they
greatly abstained from intoxicating drinks. The church at
La Pointe now numbered 22, some of whom were white
persons. On the whole the missionaries had a good many
things to encourage them.

The government persisted in the plan of removing the
La Pointe Indians to the Mississippi. In 1852, Mr. Hall was
requested to take charge of a boarding school, to be com-
menced on the left bank of the Crow Wing River, about

* See Mr. Wheeler's letter in the Herald of Oct., 1851.

I

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 151

ten miles from its junction with the Mississippi, under the
auspices of the U. S. government. In September he vis-
ited the place, and being pleased with the prospects, he
removed his family thither in the following spring; and
was accompanied by Mr. Pulsifer and Henry Blatchford, a
native catechist. The station at La Pointe having been
occupied now more than twenty years, was abandoned.
Mr. Wheeler was left in charge of the whole mission work
on the lake shore. The effort to remove these Indians was
so distasteful to them that the government finally aban-
doned the plan. This left Mr. Hall and his companions
on the Crow Wing, with so few Ojibwas about them, and
with so much firewater and so many Sioux war parties,
that the attempt of the government to establish there a
l)oarding school was abandoned.

In the year 1854, Rev. Sherman Hall, having been almost
a quarter of a century in the service of the American Board
among the Ojibwas, retired from that service, and thence-
forth gave himself to home mission work. Mr. Hall died
Aug. 31, 1879, at Sauk Rapids, Minn.

The effort of the government to remove the Indians from
Lake Superior having been given up, the annual payment
ivas made there in the autumn of 1853. The Indians were
well pleased with the change of plan, and became from
that time more desirous to come under the conditions of
civilization and Christianity. The next year Mr. Wheeler
Tepresents as "one of progress;" "a number of Indians,"
he says, "including three chiefs, have identified them-
f.selves with the Christian party, and call themselves 'Pray-
ng Indians.'"

152 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. •

SECTION VI.

MISSIONS OF THE AMERICAN BOARD WITH THE SIOUX —
CONTINUED— 1843.

In the month of June, 1843, the new station at Traverse
des Sioux was commenced. There accompanied us, from
Ohio, Mr. Robert Hopkins and his young wife, Agnes, Miss
Jane S. Williamson, sister of Dr. Williamson, and Miss
Julia Kephart. Also, there came from Massachusetts,
Thomas L. Longley, a brother of Mrs. Riggs, in the
strength of his young manhood. Aunt Jane Williamson,
as we all learned to call her, stopped with her brother at.
Fort Snelling. The Doctor had spent the year previous
at that point in the place of Mr. S. W. Pond, who was at
Lac qui Parle. And he had arranged with the surgeon
of the post to spend a few months in the garrison during
the summer. Consequently Mr. and Mrs. Hopkins pro
ceeded, for the year, to Lac qui Parle, as Mr. Pond had
already come down. Mrs. Riggs went up with the party
to bring down our little girl. They had the bad fortune
to fall in with an Ojibwa war party at Chippewa river,
who had just kill and scalped two Sioux on their way
out to meet friends.

The young man, Thomas Longley, remained with me
at the Traverse, to erect a log cabin. A part of the In-
dians at that place were favorable to our commencing a
station there, and a part were opposed to it. But we
trusted they would come around all right. Before our
cabin was ready to be occupied, and only a few days
after Mrs. Riggs had returned from Lac qui Parle, Thomas
Longley, while bathing in the Minnesota river, was
drowned. The Indians of the opposition said that "Oonk-

I

I

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 153

tayhe", their Neptune, was angry with us missionaries,
and this was made a justification for their killing the
yoke of oxen we had. A third ox, which I purchased to
haul wood with the next winter, went the same way, the
following summer. Besides, this was the commencement
of the flooding of the Minnesota country with fire-water,
by white men. The Indians at the Traverse were drunk
most of the time, and our house was often visited by
them in a state of intoxication. Doubtless we should
have been justified by most persons if we had abandoned
the station. But we held on — made a little progress in
the education of children — built a chapel, and had some
listeners to the preaching of the gospel.

At Lac qui Parle the opposition took the same form as
at the Traverse — that of killing Mission cattle. For a
while it seemed as if the Lac qui Parle station would
have to be given up for lack of means of transportation.
In the month of March, 1846, Mr. Joseph Renville died.
He had been such a good friend of the Mission for about
eleven years, could it be carried on now without him,
and against so much opposition? Dr. Williamson may
have felt doubtful. At any rate, when he received an in-
vitation, that summer from Little Crow's band, to come
down and establish a school and Mission at Kaposia,
where the Methodist Mission had been a few years
before, he regarded it as a call from God, and went.
This made it necessary for me to return to Lac qui Parle,
although, having suffered so much at the Traverse, it was
hard to feel quite satisfied to leave a place so conse-
crated. But the hand of God was in it. Thencefoward
there was less of opposition, and great success attended

154 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

our Mission work. Dr. Williamson built at Kaposia. The
brothers Pond had become located at Oak Grove — Samuel
W. soon after this time branched off to the village of
Shakopee. Mr. Hopkins and Mr. A. G. Huggins occu-
pied at the Traverse; and Mr. Jonas Petti John, who had
married Miss Fanny Huggins, was with us at Lac qui
Parle.

In these years St. Paul was in its infancy and noted
only for its grog shops. Dr. Williamson, living near by,
preached the first sermon (Protestant) in the place, and
was instrumental in having Miss Harriet E. Bishop, one o f
Gov. Slade's girls, come out there as the first school
teacher.

At all our stations the work of education and evangel-
ization appeared more hopeful. Mr. Robert Hopkins and
Mr. G. H. Pond were licensed and ordained by the Da
kota Presbytery, organized in the fall of 1844. In the
summer of 1848 the board sent out several additional
workers — Rev. M. N. Adams, Rev. John F. Alton, Rev.
Joseph W. Hancock and Rev. Joshua Potter. The latter
came up from the Cherokee country and did not remain
long, as the Sioux field did not look inviting. Mr. Han-
cock and Mr. Alton occupied Red Wing, which had been
vacated by the Swiss missionaries. Mr. and Mrs. Adams
spent several years at Lac qui Parle, starting a small
family boarding school. Thus the work made some prog-
ress, but hardly in proportion to our enlarged force of
workers.

Then came the summer of 1851, with its treaties of
Traverse des Sioux and Minnesota, by which the white
people got possession of the State of Minnesota, and the

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 15S

Indians were removed to the Reserve on the upper part
of the Minnesota river. This arrangement was followed
by many changes in our Dakota Mission. Even before the
treaties were ratified, white people began to come into
the newly ceded territory. The Irdians were shortly re-
moved from the Mississippi and lower Minnesota. In the
summer of 1852, Dr. Williamson selected a location and
erected a mission house above the Yellow Medicine, which
he called "Pazhehootaze. " Late in the autumn he removed
his family to the new station, where they had to live
much by faith during the severe winter that followed.

It should have been noticed that while the Treaty of
Traverse des Sioux was in its preparatory state, by a.
mysterious providence. Rev. Robert Hopkins was suddenly
called away to the other world. On the morning of the
4th of July, 1851, he went out to bathe in the overflow of"
the river, and was drowned. Mr. Hopkins was a consci-
entious Christian man and a faithful worker in the mis-
sionary field.

When the Indians were removed from Red Wing, Oak
Grove, Shakopee and Traverse des Sioux, the missionaries
elected to remain and cast in their lot with the new and
fast growing white communities. Thus J. W. Hancock
organized, and for many years ministered to, the First-
Presbyterian church of Red Wing. G. H. Pond organized
the Oak Grove church and was its successful pastor for
twenty years. In like manner, S. W. Pond was the or-
ganizer and for many years the pastor of the Presbyte-
rian church of Shakopee. In 1852, M. N. Adams re-
ceived an invitation to come and build up the Presbyte-
rian church at Traverse des Sioux. Thus our Indian

156 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Missions gave of their jewels to the white people and
the work of Foreign Missions dovetailed in with the Home
Mission upbuilding. These gifts reduced the Mission of
the American Board to its lowest terms. Could it be
conducted to a successful issue with such diminished
forces? Henceforth the lesson to be learned was, ''Not
by might nor by power, but by my Spirit, saith the Lord."

SECTION VII.

MISSION OF THE A. M. A. WITH THE OJIBWAS, 1843 TO 1859.

The American Missionary Association, which had been
formed in the interest of the colored people, by some
of the best Christian men and women of the country,
very soon after its organization, turned its attention to
the Indians. Their Mission among the Ojibwas of Min
nesota was commenced in the fall of 1843, by sending
out from Oberlin, Ohio, Rev. Alonzo Barnard and wife;
Dr. William Lewis and wife; P. O. Johnson and wife;
and D. B. Spencer and S. G. Wright, who were unmar-
ried. At the same time Rev. J. P. Bardwell went, as
blacksmith, to Sandy Lake, in the service of the gov-
ernment.

Mr. Barnard and wife with Mr. Spencer and S. G.
Wright were located at Red Lake, to labor in connec-
tion with Rev. Frederick Ayer of the American Board.
And Dr. Lewis and Mr. Johnson commenced a station
at Leech Lake, where Mr. Boutwell and wife had been
some years before. But these Indians at Leech Lake
were bad Indians, the Pillagers, and treated these mis-
sionaries no better, (if indeed so well) than they had Mr.
Boutwell. They killed the Mission cattle, and were per-

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 157

sistent beggars, ugly and threatening in their demands.
In the fall of 1845, this station was abandoned, when
P. O. Johnson and wife retired from the work, and Dr.
and Mrs. Lewis were transferred to the station at Red
Lake. In the previous year (18M) this Mission force at
Red Lake had been further increased by Mr. O. A. Coe
and wife from the States; Mr. Coe went out as farmer.

But in the summer of 1847, Rev. Mr. Barnard and Mr.
Spencer formed a new Station at Red Cedar or Cass Lake,
which was joined the same year by Mr. A. B. Adams
and wife, new missionaries. This appears to have been
commenced under very favorable circumstances, as we
have it on the record, that a church was formed soon
after, and six Indian houses were built in the year (1848)
following, when J. S. Fisher and wife and Francis Spees
and wife were added to the missionary force at Cass Lake.

In the neighborhood of the Red Cedar or Cass Lake,
was Lake Winnebagooshish or Winnipeg, which appears
by the records to be counted as a station of the A. M.
A. as early as 1849. This was dropped three years after-
wards, and again taken up in the spring of 1856, the
missionary laborers going from Cass Lake. In the mean-
time two new men joined the force at Red Lake, viz :
Mr. R. M. Lafferty and Mr. E. Carver. So that, although
in this year of 1851, Dr. Lewis and wife retired from the
service of the Association, the next year, the Missionary
workers in the employ of the Society had reached the

I highest number — 21. When 1853 came around, Winneba-
gooshish was dropped, and new stations were commenced
at St. Joseph and Belle Prairie and the workers were
counted at nineteen.

158 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

The number of men and women in this work had now
begun to decrease. No additional ones came. And A.
B. Adams and wife retired in the summer of 1852, and
settled at Belle Prairie. And in 1854, Rev. M. Barnard
and family left the work, after being in the service
eleven years. Mr. Coe also left the same year, and set-
tled at Belle Prairie. But notwithstanding the diminished
force of laborers, a Boarding School was commenced at
Red Lake.

In 1856 the Association reports four stations and sev-
enteen missionary workers. This year mission work was
renewed at Winnipeg or Winnebagooshish, and a large
force sent from Red Lake and Cass Lake — Mr. Bardwell,
Mr. Lafferty, Mr. Fisher, Mr. Spencer, Mr. Carver, Mr.
Specs and Mr. Wright — and all had their families with
them except Mr. Spees. Mr. Bardwell and Mr. Specs
remained but a short time, but still there was a large
force left. And this, for missionary work, under the
circumstances, was a disadvantage. The Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, Mr. Manypenny, with the best inten-
tions in the world, placed in the hands of the A. M. A.
and its missionaries the expenditure of not only the ed-
ucational but the civilization funds of that section, thus
bitterly antagonizing the missionaries with the Indian
agent and the traders. The agent cursed the mission-
aries and told the Indians if they killed them no one
would care. For missionaries to obtain the handling of
government money is always a grave mistake. Added
to this antagonism of the forces which should have
helped each other in the work of civilization, was the
fact that "fire water" was brought in by the barrel,

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 159

and the Indians were drunk the greater part of the time.
It is put upon the record that about this time the
work of the Society at Red Lake was "suspended on
account of unreasonable demands of the Indians upon
the missionaries for secular labors and assistance." This
is from the Society's records. It does not appear that
they resumed work there for some years, although "Mr.
Wright wrote of the steadfastness of the little church
there."

In 1858 this record is made: "Rev. J. P. Bardwell
visited the Mission and reported the Indians at Cass
Lake and Winnipeg as making improvements in agricul-
ture." But, as Mr. Wright reports: "In the spring of
1859 the Missions at all the different points, were dis-
continued." And the secretary of the Association writes:
"It was decided to relinquish the Mission. Among the
reasons were the following: 1. The anticipations of the
missionaries were very far from being met. 2. The par-
ents have so little regard for the education of their chil-
dren. 3. Intemperance and the facilities for obtaining
the means of intoxication increased. 4. The licentious
habits of white men, and the influence of the traders."

Thus closed the work of the A. M. A. for the Ojib
was. They had occupied the field for sixteen years with
a good force of workers. One counts over one hundred
and sixty years of missionary labor performed and at an
expenditure of probably not less than ^50,000. And with
what results? Mr. S. G. Wright, who, after his connec-
tion with the Society closed, was for many years a teach-
er under the government, makes this answer: 1. "A
great amount of prejudice has been removed from the

160 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

minds of the Indians. When we first met the Indians
at Red Lake we found them full of prejudice against
the whites. The old chief told us he believed all white
men would lie — that they were all dishonest and were
not the friends of the Indians. I am sure the chiefs
and all the people came to regard missionaries, at least,
in a very different light. 2. Another result was, under
the influence of the Mission, the majority of the men
were induced to adopt habits of industry. In 1843, only
four men had been known to assist the women in cul-
tivating the ground. Now there are very few Indians
in the country who do not work with the ax and the
hoe. 3. Another result of these years of labor is — a
great amount of religious instruction has been given.
All through the land of the O jib was the gospel has
been preached — in the wigwam, by the wayside and in
the church. 4. Churches were organized at different
points, and, although we could not speak of any great
gathering, there were conversions all along, and we have
witnesses the growth of some remarkable Christian char-
acters. Many of them have passed away to join the
company of all languages and nations who are around
the throne."

Leech Lake appears to have been a hard place. First
Mr. Boutwell and wife spent several years there after
1834. Thus the mission of the A. M. A. was established
there in 1843, for two years only. Next Rev. Mr. Breck
established an Episcopal mission in 1856, but left in two
years, on account of bad treatment from the Indians.
Again at two different times, and for several years each
time, between 1860 and 1871, Mr. Wright was there as

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 161

government teacher. But in all this time no one was
known to become a christian. But in 1875, Mr. Wright
was again employed there as a teacher under govern-
ment. This time he continued for three years and a half.
And now commenced the gathering of the harvest.
"From the beginning of our work," Mr. Wright says,
"we had good and very attentive congregations. Some
very remarkable conversions took place the first year.
And from that on, there was no time when there was not
considerable religious interest. Nearly forty were hope-
fully converted." This is a good record. "Though the
blessing tarry, wait for it," is the divine command.

SECTION VIII.

MISSIONS OF THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH AMONG
THE OJIBWAS AND SIOUX — 1852 TO 1880.

Rev. John Johnson, called by his people '' Enmegah-
bowh — the one who stands before his people," was an
Ottawa by birth, and had been adopted by the Ojibwas.
He was converted under Methodist preaching in Canada,
educated at the Methodist Mission school at Jacksonville,
Illinois, and became a preacher of the gospel. In the
autumn of 1839 he accompanied Elder T. B. Kavenaugh
up the Mississippi river, and was thenceforward a mis-
sionary of the Methodist Episcopal church among the
Ojibwas, until they withdrew from the field.

In the summer of 1852, at the solicitation of Enmegabowh,
Rev. James Lloyd Breck, a minister of the Episcopal
church, left St. Paul and traveled on foot up the Mis-
sissippi to the mouth of Crow Wing, and thence to the
shore of Gull Lake. He had as his companion in the

162 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

journey, a young divinity student from their Seminary
at Nashotah, Wisconsin. Arriving at Gull Lake, he held
a council with the chief men, a majority of whom favored
his proposition to establish a Mission and school among
them.

Under the tall pine trees of Gull Lake, he immediately
commenced his school. Soon after he obtained a tent
from Fort Ripley, 22 miles distant, in which the school
was continued until the autumn, when the first log build-
ing was completed. To this additions were made from
year to year, until the St. Columba Mission House was
the result, with its church and bell.

The work of teaching soon demanded more laborers,
and teachers came from the East. Mr. Samuel Hall,
Miss Mills, who afterwards became Mrs. Breck; Miss
Frink, Miss West, Miss Allen and Miss Wells were
among the assistants from time to time. Charles Selkrig
and Enmegabowh acted as interpreters, and Mr. John
Parker, now of St. Paul, was employed in the erection
of the buildings from 1852 to 1857.

Northward from Gull Lake, about 60 miles, is Leech
Lake, the home of the Ojibwa band called "The Pillagers."
Their name seems to have been quite a good index to
their character, in those years. In 1838 they had, by
their annoyances, driven away Rev. T. W. Boutwell and
wife, missionaries of the American Board; and in like
manner, in the year 1845, they made it impossible for mis-
sionaries of the American Missionary Association to re-
main. But now, in the year 1856, these same wild Pillagers
by their head man, invite Rev. Mr. Breck to establish a
school at Leech Lake, and give him control of their edu-

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 163

cational money. Will they do better by him than they
did by former missionaries? We shall see.

Buildings were erected at Leech Lake, near the head of
the Mississippi, in the summer of 1856, and on the 12th
of November of that year, Mr. Breck, with his family
and assistants, removed to the new mission . On the same
day that Mr. Breck left Gull Lake, Rev. E. S. Peake ar-
rived to take charge of the St. Columba Mission. Mr.
Peake was a young clergyman from the Nashotah semi-
nary, who had spent the previous year in frontier work
in the valley of the Minnesota and in the Sioux country,
and was appointed to the mission among the O jib was by
Rt. Rev. Bishop Jackson Kemper, then the Bishop in
charge of Minnesota. Mr. Peake went with his wife in
the stage from St. Paul to Gull lake.

Mr. Charles W. Rees and his family, with Miss Emily
West and Miss Kate Heron, spent the winter at Leech
Lake, with Mr. and Mrs. Breck.

In the spring of 1857, the turbulent spirits among the
Pillagers became very insolent and troublesome, partly, at
least, in consequence of the removal of the U. S. troops
from Fort Ripley. Mr. Breck' s life was repeatedly threat-
ened by Indians, who came to the Mission House, break-
ing the windows with clubs, and entering the house in
their war dress of paint and feathers. This conduct forced
Mr. Breck to retire from Leech Lake, and abandon the
mission there, which he did in June, 1857, after residing
there only eight months.

The same causes which forced the abandonment of the
upper mission in June, soon led to violence in the vicinity
of St. Columba. The murder of a German by some intox-

164 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

icated young Indians, was followed by the arrest of three,
who were summarily executed by lynch law, on their
way to St. Paul for trial. This greatly exasperated the
Indians, and endangered the lives of the missionaries. Mr.
Peake with his wife and sister, and Miss Frink and Charles
Selkrig retired, for a time, to Fort Ripley, which was in
charge of an ordnance Sergeant and the Chaplain. Enme-
gahbowh remained at the mission. The troops were soon
ordered back to Fort Ripley, but the commanding officer
considered it unsafe for the members of the Mission to
spend the winter among the Indians, and invited the mis-
sionary to occupy a set of vacant officers' quarters in the
garrison. This he thankfully accepted. Fifteen children
were brought from the Mission, and the school was kept
up, while Mr. Peake continued to visit St. Columba, 22 miles
distant, at the end of each week, for divine service, per-
forming the journey usually on foot.

In the spring of 1858, the Mission family returned to St.
Columba; and in the summer of that year, John Johnson
— Enmegahbowh — was admitted by Bishop Kemper to the
first order of the Episcopal ministry, at Faribault.

Rev. James L. Breck, on retiring from the Indian coun-
try, established Mission schools at Faribault, one of which
was for Indian children, named after the first missionary
to the Mohawks, Andrews Hall. It was in the care of
Miss Susan L. Phelps, Miss Mary J. Mills and Miss Emily
J. West. It had from twenty to thirty Indian children of
Ojibwa and Sioux parentage. "Of these children," Bishop
Whipple writes afterwards: "Several have become min-
isters of Jesus Christ."

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 165

In the summer of 1859, Mr. Peake removed with his fam-
ily across the Mississippi to Crow Wing, in the edge of
the reservation, and built a chapel there. Rev. John John-
son continuing in charge at Gull Lake, and Mr. Peake still
had a general supervision, and visited St. Columba every
month to celebrate the holy communion. This continued
for three years until the Sioux outbreak in 1862, when the
St. Columba Mission was broken up by the war parties.
John Johnson alone remained and continued to preach the
gospel to his people as a forlorn hope, encouraged by the
chaplain at Fort Ripley and by Bishop Whipple, who was
now in charge of the diocese of Minnesota.

In the year of our Lord, 1859, the Right Rev. H. B.
Whipple was consecrated Bishop of the Protestant Episco-
pal church of Minnesota. It is the testimony of others,
that from his first coming into the country, he took a deep
interest in the salvation of the red men, visiting the coun-
try every year, and traversing it from Crow Wing to Red
Lake in canoe and on foot, that he might preach the com-
ing of the Son of God in all their villages. How he has
stood up manfully and Christianly, and plead the cause of
the Indian, in the face of opposition and scorn, in high
p]aces and low places, many of us know right well.

At the time of his coming, and for years after, hope for
the salvation of the Ojibwa Indians had well nigh died out.
The picture drawn by the Bishop is a very dark one, as
well as a true one. At that time, the Rev. J. Lloyd Breck
had been driven from the Mission at Leech Lake, by
drunken Indians. The Rev. E. S. Peake had been com-
pelled to remove his family from Gull Lake to Crow Wing.
The missionaries of the American Board had retired from

166 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

this part of field some years before. The Methodist Mis-
sion at Sandy Lake and the Mission at Rabbit Lake were
things of the past. And in this year, 1859, the American
Missionary Association, owing to annoyances and exactions
of drunken Indians, had withdrawn their Missions from
Red Lake and Lake Winnebegoshish. Thus Christian work
for the Ojibwas seemed hopeless. The deadly fire-water
flowed freely — vice and immorality were open and unblush-
ing. The poor Indians were dragged down to depths of
degradation their fathers never knew. Only one clergyman,
Rev. John Johnson, Enmegahbowh, remained among the
Ojibwas.

The Mission at Gull Lake was destroyed by the Indians
during the outbreak of 1862. Rev. E. S. Peake became a.
chaplain in the army in 1863. For several years there did
not seem to be a ray of light on their future. Each year
Bishop Whipple, with John Johnson and others of hi&
clergy, traveled hundreds of miles in the Indian country,
to tell the story of God's love. They saw but little fruit
of their labors.

But in 1869, a new era commenced. A few Indians were
induced to remove to a new reservation at White Earth.
Others followed until all of the Gull Lake band, as well
as many others, were removed. For the first time this
people had an abiding place — a home. Rev. John Johnson
removed with his people, and commenced services in a log
house. Some of the chiefs and head men were converted;
among these, one of the great warriors of the tribe, named
Nabonaskong. His whole soul was consecrated to the new
service. He talked constantly of the love of Jesus Christ,
and with tears plead with his heathen countrymen to turn

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 167

to God. Many were baptised, and a church and parsonage
were built.

In 1874, Rev. Joseph A. Gilfillan joined the Mission, and
a school was opened for the training of Indian clergy. A
Mission house, and also a hospital with thirty beds, were
erected. Since then eight Indians have been ordained to
the ministry: Samuel Madison, Frederick Smith, George
Johnson, Charles Wright, John Coleman, George Smith,.
Mark Hart and George B. Morgan. And Rev. Edwin Bene-
dict, an Indian clergyman from Canada has joined the
Mission.

When, in the first term of Gen. Grant's administration, the
arrangement was made to divide up the Indian field, and
give to the various religious denominations the nomination
of Indian agents, the whole of the Ojibwa nation was.
assigned to the American Missionary Association. Thus,
this Association selected the agents for Lake Superior and
Leech Lake and Red Lake and White Earth agencies.
They also selected and sent out teachers, whose salaries
were paid out of government funds. This was the case at
Leech Lake. At Red Lake the A. M. A., for a number
of years, supported a missionary. Rev. Francis Spees.
This was their second occupation of this field; the first hav-
ing been given up in 1859. The writer of this paper vis-
ited Leech Lake and Red Lake in the summer of 1874, in
connection with other agencies, and to him the whole
Ojibwa country appeared like an open and promising field.

But for reasons satisfactory to themselves, mainly it is
believed financial, the Congregational church relinquished
their Mission at Red Lake in 1877, and in 1879, their
school at Leech Lake, and both places have been occupied

168 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

by Bishop Whipple. Church buildings have been erected
at the agency at Red Lake, at Mah-dwa-go-nind's village
on Red Lake; at Wild Rice River, at Leech Lake and at
Pembina settlement. The plan of the Bishop is to send
out his Indian clergy two and two. All of the above
churches are in the charge of Indian clergymen, whose
-devotion and piety will compare favorably with that of
their white brothers.

Last fall the Indians at White Earth held their first
agricultural fair. There were fifteen hundred and twenty
entries, representing twenty-five thousand bushels of wheat,
besides large quantities of other cereals, and every variety
of vegetables and household industry. The exhibitors were
Indians, the judges were Indians and the police were
Indians. U. S. Senator McMillan said that the fair would
compare favorably with any county fair he had ever at-
tended. The Indians at White Earth are a civilized peo-
ple, as quiet and orderly as any in the state. And there
is a marked movement going on throughout the whole
Ojibwa nation, leading them to Christian civilization.

Bishop Whipple has confirmed 350 Ojibwas. And the
Episcopal church has at this time one hundred christian
families of five hundred souls, and about 250 communicants.
This has been accomplished without government to punish
■crime, without law to protect the innocent, without indi-
vidual titles to property, but is the result of the gospel
of Jesus Christ.

Almost half a century has passed since the first mis-
sionaries of the American Board entered this part of the
Ojibwa field. Then came the Methodist missionaries in
1839. Four years after this, in 1843, the American Mis-

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 169

sionary Association sent in a large force, and occupied
several stations. Then in 1852, the Protestant Episcopal
church commenced Mission work. True and earnest
hearted workers, men and women, lived and labored many-
years among the O jib was for this uplifting, and some died
on the field. Among thorns, on stony places, and on the
hard beaten roads of sin, they scattered the seeds of life.
At length these seeds, though buried long, have sprung
up and grown and fruited. To Bishop Whipple, in the
main, it has been granted to gather the harvest. And we
all thank God for it. Thus it is still true, that one sow-
eth and another reapeth. But blessed shall be both the
sowers and the reapers, for they shall rejoice together, in
the spiritual harvest.

The Episcopal Mission among the Sioux was com-
menced by Bishop Whipple in 1860. This was at what
was called Red Wood or Lower Sioux Agency. The
missionaries of the American Board had a small number
of church members at this place. These were mainly
those who had been members of Dr. Williamson's church
at Raponia, before their removal. Rev. John P. Wil-
liamson had just finished his Seminary course at Lane
Seminary, and was to come out and occupy the Lower
Agency in this autumn of 1860. Bishop Whipple was
doubtless not fully acquainted with these facts, when he
acted on the request of the chiefs of the Lower Sioux
Agency, to establish a Mission among them. At the
time, the Presbyterian missionaries felt that he hardly
acted towards them in accordance with the principles ,of
Missionary comity; but they have since been abundantly
satisfied that the movement was of the Lord, that there-

170 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

by the good Bishop might be identified with the spir-
itual work for the Sioux against the time of need.

In the autumn of 1860, he sent Rev. Samuel D. Hin-
man and wife and Miss Emily J. West to this Agency,
when a Mission and school were commenced with every
promise of success. A small Christian company had been
gathered, when the Mission was destroyed by the out-
break of August, 1862. Every Christian Indian was faith-
ful during this terrible war. The lives of the white cap-
tives were saved by the members of the Presbyterian
and Episcopal churches. They rescued more than a hun-
dred women and children from captivity. The story of
their heroism reads like the tales of the early church.
Taopi, Good Thunder, Owancha-maza, like John Other
Day, Simon Anawangmane, Paul Mazakootamane and
Ijorenzo Lawrence performed deeds of bravery which
deserved the gratitude of the whole American people.

The Episcopal Mission was continued in the camp of
Indian prisoners at Fort Snelling, and removed with the
Indians to Crow Creek on the Missouri river. Bishop
Whipple confirmed one hundred and thirty- seven Sioux
while the Mission was under his care. In 1875 he licensed
'George W. St. Clair, a Sioux Indian as catechist and
lay reader, to care for the scattered families of Sioux
residing at Faribault, Shakopee, Mendota and Red Wing.
He was ordained in 1879, and is now an itinerant mis-
sionary to his people. About thirty persons, in these
settlements, have been confirmed.

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 171

SECTION IX.

JMISSION OF THE AMERICAN BOARD AMONG THE SIOUX OR
DAKOTAS, CONTINUED — 1853.

It will be remembered that, as a result of the Treaties
of 1851, the Sioux were removed from the Mississippi
and Lower Minnesota, to reservations on the Red Wood
and Yellow Medicine, and that consequently the Stations
at Red Wing, Little Crow's Village, Oak Grove, Prairie-
ville and Traverse des Sioux were abandoned, all the
missionaries connected with these Stations, except Dr.
Williamson, electing to remain and labor among the white
people. It was also noted that Dr. Williamson had, in
the autumn of 1852, occupied a new Station a few miles
above the Yellow Medicine. Also that in the next year Mr.
Adams had received a call to take charge of the Church
at Traverse des Sioux, which he had accepted. Mr. and
Mrs. Petti John had also left Lac qui Parle and taken a
homestead in the neighborhood of Traverse des Sioux, so
that there were but the two families left. Dr. Williamson's
and my own. Jane P. Williamson resided with her brother
at Pay-zhe-hoo-ta-zee, and taught the school; while in my
own family, we were fortunate to have Miss Lucy Spoon-
er, afterwards Mrs. Drake, for two years after our return
in the summer of 1852. Thus the work was carried on
at the Yellow Medicine and Lac qui Parle. At the latter
place, on the 3d of March, 1854, our Mission buildings
took fire and were burned to ashes, including almost
their entire contents. This event brought out largely
the sympathy of our Dakota friends and others, near
and far off.

172 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

After this event, and while we were preparing to re-
build at Lac qui Parle, Rev. S. B. Treat, of Boston, vis-
ited our Mission, and, after due consideration, it was
decided that our strength was now in a greater consol-
idation. We were only two families, and it was wisely
judged that we could be more helpful to each other,
as well as carry on the Mission work to greater advan-
tage, if we were nearer together. The annuities would
now be paid at the Yellow Medicine, and our Christian
Indians were quite willing to begin anew nearer to the
Agency, and so in the summer of 1854, we built within
two miles of Dr. Williamson, calling our station, at first,
New Hope, but afterwards changing it to Hazelwood.

The plan was now, to commence a boarding school at
the new station, as soon as possible, and to gather around
the two stations as many as were willing to come under
the arrangements of a civilized and Christianized commu-
nity. This plan was eminently successful. To meet the
requirements for building, a circular saw mill was put in
operation by the Mission. This furnished the lumber to
put up a building, the next year (1855), for the boarding
school, and also a neat chapel. Of the 1700 required for
this last object, $500 was raised by the Indians and their
white friends. Also, in the course of a few years, the
Dakota and half blood families were helped to good frame
buildings. The government soon commenced to erect for
them dwellings of brick. The community here was soon
organized into a civilized band called the Hazelwood Re-
public, and was the pattern for the government at the
Lower Sioux Agency. The boarding school went into
operation early in 1856, conducted for the first two years

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 173

or more, by Miss Ruth Pettijohn and Mrs. Anna B. Ack-
ley. In 1859, Mr. Hugh D. Cunningham became steward
of the boarding school, and continued in this position until
the outbreak of 1862. It accommodated from sixteen to
twenty scholars. Besides Mrs. Ackley, Misses Eliza W.
Huggins and Isabella B. Riggs, were at different times
employed as teachers.

In the early spring of 1857, occurred the Spirit Lake
massacre, which proved a disturbing element in our Mission
work during the whole summer. Of the four female cap-
tives taken by Inkpa-doota's party, two perished and two
were brought in by Indians who had learned humanity
from the Bible. Agent Flandrau found efficient help in
executing summary justice upon one of Inkpa-doota's sons
who had the temerity to come into the Yellow Medicine
settlement during that summer. Of the disturbances and
dangers of the season. Dr. Williamson, in the November
following, wrote a very full and graphic account, which
was published in the Missionary Herald for February, 1858.
It may said that all these things turned out for the fur-
therance of the gospel. Year by year some additions were
made to each of the churches, so that our aggregate mem-
bership was now more than sixty. Since this new depart-
ure we had a new Dakota hymn book prepared with the
tunes. Also, the first part of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress,
which I had translated into Dakota, was printed and be-
came an inspiration to our people.

At St. Paul, on September 8, 1858, the Synod of Min-
nesota was organized, consisting of the Presbyterians of
Dakota, Minnesota and Blue Earth. Dr. Williamson, as
the oldest minister, preached the sermon, in which he gave

-10

174 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

a minute account of the trials, toils and sacrifices, as well
as encouragements, attendant on planting the gospel
among the Dakotas. But I refer to this organization of
the synod (which will have its proper place in a paper
by another hand), simply to say, that of the twenty -one
ministers which constituted it, exactly one-third had been,
or were, missionaries among the Sioux.

The Indians, who removed from the Mississippi, located
at the Red Wood or Lower Sioux Agency. Of them, eight
or ten persons had been members of the Kaposia and Oak
Grove churches. These were counted as a part of Dr.
"Williamson's church, and in 1861, were organized separ-
ately. In the spring of 1860, John P. Williamson, the
Doctor's eldest son, finished his theological studies at Lane
Seminary, and, after preaching a few months in Indiana,
came and took charge of this little church at the Lower
Sioux Agency. The next summer he erected a nice little
frame chapel, which was dedicated in the last days of the
year 1861. Before he had completed his dwelling house,
the outbreak of August, 1862, came on, when Mr. William
son was providentially absent on a visit to Ohio.

The causes of this outbreak were not difficult to see.
The Republican administration, as it came in, managed
matters unwisely in several particulars — notably in an at-
tempt to change the money annuities into goods, and in
the consequent failure to meet their engagements at the
proper time in the summer of 1862. By this course of
the government, as well as by a knowledge of the defeats
of our armies in the Southern war, the Sioux of the Min-
nesota were kept in a state of dissatisfaction and unrest,
ever since the autumn of 1861. At the Lower Sioux

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 175

Agency a Tee-go-tee-pee, or Soldier's Lodge, was organized,
which always had been done, either for the protection of
the Buffalo hunt or for war. This was the evidence of
their disaffection and excitement. Lying still deeper than
the causes before mentioned was an extensive opposition
to the adoption of the forms of civilization which had been
pressed upon them. The administration had held out
strong inducements to Indian men to have their hair cut
off and adopt a civilized dress; and this had been attended
by a large measure of success. This, to the so-called
medicine men, represented a change of religion, and,
naturally enough, provoked a strong opposition.

The outbreak itself, with its horrors and devastation,
with its deaths and deliverances, may be mainly passed
over, as not germane to the object of this paper. But the
world has a right to know what part our Christian Indians
took in this emeute. Bishop Whipple testifies: "Every
Christian Indian was faithful during this terrible war. The
lives of the white captives were saved by the members of
the Presbyterian and Episcopal churches. They rescued
more than one hundred women and children from captiv-
ity. The story of their heroism reads like the tales of
the early church." Let us see how far this statement is
true. Taopi, Good Thunder, Owanca-maza and others
breasted the storm of the outbreak at the Lower Sioux
Agency. The next morning, John Otherday, started with
the company of white people, sixty- two in numbers, from
the Yellow Medicine and brought them safely to St. Paul.
Our missionary company of forty odd persons, were mate-
rially assisted in making our escape by more than a dozen
of our Christian men. Peter-Big-Fire went with a war

176 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

party, which was likely to follow our trail, until they had
passed over it, and then returned, having accomplished
his object. While Gen. Sibley's force still lay at Fort
Ridgely, Lorenzo Lawrence brought down two canoe loads
in one of which was Mrs. DeCamp and her children. About
the same time, Simon Anawangmane brought to our camp,
in his one-horse wagon, Mrs. Newman and her children.
In the meantime, Paul Mazakootamane, backed by John
B. Renville and his noble wife and others, worked in the
hostile camp, to bring about a counter revolution, got into
their possession the white captives, and were ready to
deliver them up, after the battle of Wood Lake. This
was done at Camp Release. These were all prominent
men in our Mission churches. Surely Christianity is suffi-
ciently vindicated. True, Peter-Big-Fire and Robert
Hopkins, and one or two other members of our churches,
were condemned and imprisoned, because they had carried
their guns and had been present at some of the battles. But
this imprisonment, like the Apostle Paul's at Caesarea,
and at Rome, was for the furtherance of the gospel.

SECTION X.

MISSION OF THE AMERICAN BOARD WITH THE OJIBWAS,

1854 TO 1880.

The attempt to establish the government school at Crow
Wing having proved a failure, and Rev. Thomas Hall
having retired to Sauk Rapids where he made himself a
home, Mr. Pulsifer and his wife with Henry Blatchford,
native catechist, returned to Lake Superior and were thence-

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 177

forward a part of the Mission at Red River with Mr. and
Mrs. Wheeler. This was now the only station of the Ameri-
can Board with the O jib was. The government at Washing-
ton had now become satisfied of the bad policy of attempting
to remove the Lake Superior Indians to the interior of
Minnesota, and had abandoned it. In the fall of 1853 a pay-
ment had been made on the lake, and now in the autumn of
1854, a commission, consisting of Agents Gilbert and Harri-
man, was authorized to treat with those Ojibwas on and near
the lake in Minnesota and Wisconsin for a cession of their
land. This treaty was made and ratified, and was regarded
as fair and honorable to both parties — six reservations
being allotted to the Indians, one of which was on Bad River.
By this treaty it was arranged that the Indians could secure
in severalty eighty acres of land for a homestead. This
proved quite an incentive to industry, and in the course of a
few years many of these Indians had built cabins and made
homes for themselves on their eighty acre lots. The metawa,
their sacred dance, was allowed to go into disuse; their chil-
dren attended the Mission school, and many of the principal
families ranged themselves on the side of the * Spraying
Indians," and pretty much the whole band exerted them-
selves to keep whisky away from the reserve. A half-breed
who was known to be a liquor seller, applied for permission
to come and be their teacher. ^The chief men said, "No; it
is true we like a drop once in a while ourselves, but we are
afraid to have whisky come here among our people." That
was a brave stand to take.

In addition to the workers mentioned above. Miss Spooner
was there as the school teacher. The school prospered,
having an average attendance of thirty scholars. A school

178 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

at La Pointe was also maintained for a part of the time, as
Indians still resided there for the purpose of fishing. The
hearers of the Word were more numerous than heretofore;
and a few showed an honest desire to obey the gospel. This
appears to have been the condition of Mission work at this
station for several years — that of slow but manifest pro-
gress in the line of civilization and evangelization. In the
summer of 1856, Secretary S. B. Treat from Boston visited
this mission, when the plan was adopted for the establish-
ment of a mission boarding school. For the erection of
buildings needful to carry out this plan the government
of the United States afterwards granted the sum of
$3,000. In the report of the board it was noted that D.
Irenaeus Miner and wife had joined this Mission, "to take
charge of the boarding school." In the meantime, Mr.
Wheeler places this upon the record: "Many things look
like substantial progress among our people. They are
much more industrious, temperate and enterprising than
formerly. There is evidently a growing desire to own indi-
vidual property and make homes for themselves and their
children. Personal religion, too, is becoming more a matter
of independent individual inquiry. And they seem to have,
also, more discernment of what spiritual religion is." This
was written in the first days of the year 1860.

The boarding school, spoken of above, went into effect in
the October preceding with fifteen scholars, which number
had been increased to twenty-four a year afterwards, and a
large day school was also carried on in connection with
the boarding scholars. The steward of the boarding school
was David B. Spencer, and Mr. Miner and Miss Rhoda W.
Spicer were the teachers, and Henry Blatchford was the

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 179

native preacher. After the first year or so Mr. Miner and
his wife appear to have retired from the Mission.

On March 6, 1862, Mr. Wheeler wrote very encouragingly
of the winter's work and of the prospects generally. From
80 to 100 persons had attended their Sabbath services
pretty regularly. And they were greatly encouraged by
''the best schools they had ever had." Thus at Odanah,
which was now the name of the station on Bad River, the
work of Education went on prosperously for several years,
and the people made "decided progress in the arts and
comforts of life." But the church remained in numbers
about what it had been. The report of the Board for 1863
says, "no additions; and there is great need of the reviv-
ing influences of the Spirit." It must then have been a
matter of joy, when Mr. Wheeler could write on the 23d
of February, 1864, "The Holy Spirit seems to be present,
convincing of sin, especially among the youth in the board-
ing school and in Christian families."

As the result of this religious awakening, it was believed
fchat "a few were renewed by the Holy Spirit, and the
moral condition of the communicants had improved." In
1865, Dr. Ellis took charge of the boarding school, and it
is spoken of as continuously doing a good work. But on
other accounts the condition of things was far from satis-
factory. The Indians became distrustful of the govern-
ment, and did not feel secure in their homes. This led
them to go back somewhat to their metawa and other
pagan custolns. The Indian Department at Washington
did not support the boarding school as it should have
done. And the spiritual blessing so long hoped for, did
not come. And the committee said in their report on this

180 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Mission, " It is painful to learn that the prospects of this
tribe are becoming less rather than more hopeful."

In the year following (1866), only Mr. and Mrs. Wheeler
and Henry Blatchford are mentioned as occupying the
Odanah station; and the report says: "The prospects of
the Ojibwa Mission have not improved; and it has become
quite obvious that there should be a large reduction in
the annual disbursements for its support, if nothing more."
Mr. Wheeler's health has not been good for some time,
and the next year the family removed to Beloit, Wis.,
where only a few years of life are added to him. But
he had made his mark upon the civilization and Christiani-
zation of the Ojibwas of Lake Superior. Henry Blatch-
ford was still retained at Odanah as the native preacher.
In the year 1870, this Mission was transferred to the
Presbyterian Board.

In the month of September, 1874, it was my privilege
to visit this station, as also other agencies among the Ojib-
was. The Odanah station was then occupied by Rev. Isaac
Baird, assisted by Mrs. Baird, Miss Phillips, Miss Ver-
beck. Miss Dougherty and Miss Walker. The boarding
school had been revived and was in prosperity. I was
obliged to confess that I had not seen anywhere, twenty-
five boys and girls better looking and more manly and
womanly in their appearance, than those Ojibwas. And
the whole community gave evidence of the good work
done by the school in past years. Since that time, the
native church has greatly increased in numbers, and Henry
Blatchford has become the native pastor. Finally the
government has made arrangements which are supposed
to be satisfactory to those Indians in regard to the own-

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 181

ership of land. The fifty years missionary work has been a

success.

SECTION XI.

MISSION OF THE AMERICAN BOARD AMONG THE SIOUX —
CONTINUED — 1862 TO 1880.

The outbreak of August, 1862, came upon us like an
avalanche. The day before it commenced, the Mission church
at Hazel wood had a grand gathering at the remembrance of
the death and resurrection of Christ the Lord. But now it
seemed to us as if the very foundations were destroyed, and
our work of more than a quarter of a century had come to
naught. What could be the moral meaning of the events,
and what would be its results, we could not tell. During the
days and nights spent on the prairie in making our escape
these questions often came up; but the whole was an
enigma — dark, doubtful.

Step by step the way was made plain. The first thing to
be done was the delivery of the white captives. The next
was to see that justice should be done in punishing the
guilty and shielding the innocent. Then there opened up a
work in the prison at Mankato and in the camp at Fort
Snelling that we little dreamed of. In both places during
winter there grew up an enthusiasm for education and a
hunger for hearing the words of life. Rev. John P. William-
son returned from Ohio immediately on hearing of the out-
break, joined our camp at Red Wood, went with the Indian
families — about 1, 500 persons — in their journey to Snelling,
and thence in the next spring to Crow Creek, and was their
spiritual Moses during all the years of their separation and
afliction. Dr. Williamson, locating his family at Saint

182 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Peter, was ready to enter the open door of the prison at
Mankato. The opposition to education, and the gospel of
Christ, had vanished. The prison became a school of letters
and religion, and the camp at Fort Snelling was not much
behind. In midwinter Dr. Williamson summoned to his aid
Rev. G. H. Pond, and they two baptised 300 prisoners in one
day. At the camp John P. Williamson was indefatiguable in
his labors, and more than 100 hopeful conversions took place.
Many adults and children were baptised. It was my privi.
lege to work somewhat at both places, and to witness the
marvels which God was working in their dark minds and
hearts.

It is matter of history that the condemned men were taken
in the spring of 1863 to Camp McClellan at Davenport, Iowa,
where they were kept for three years. The families of these
men were taken around by the mouth of the Missouri and
landed at Fort Thompson or Crow Creek, in Dakota.
Something more than a score of Dakota men were selected
by Gen. Sibley as scouts, and they and their families
were retained in Minnesota.

By the removals of the inmates of the prison and the
camp, the main part of our Mission work among the Sioux
was removed beyond the range of this paper. But I can-
not forbear saying that the educational and religious work
went on in both communities. Of the three winters that fol-
lowed. Dr. Williamson spent two, and I spent one with
the prisoners at Davenport. While J. P. Williamson, sum-
moning to his aid Edward R. Pond and H. D. Cunning-
ham, for a part of the time cared for the intellectual and
spiritual wants of the women and children at Crow Creek.
These were years of great mortality. At least one-tenth

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 183

died every year. But when, in the summer of 1866, the
reunion of the families took place at Niobrara, in the north
east corner of Nebraska, the consolidated church numbered
over 400. So had the word of God taken root among them.

In the meantime it had been a part of my duty and privi-
lege to revise and complete the translation of the entire
New Testament into the language of the Dakotas, which,
together with a revised Genesis and Proverbs, by Dr.
Williamson, was printed for us by the American Bible
Society, in the first days of 1865. This met a great and
increasing want among these Christian Sioux. In the sum-
mer that followed, more than |100 were paid by the impris-
oned men at Davenport, for Dakota Bibles.

After Gen. Sibley's campaign of 1863, the Sioux men
who had been employed as scouts on the expedition, joined
their families, and were stationed on the frontier as a guard
against the incursions of the hostiles. For several years
they were retained under the direction of the military, and
formed what we called the Scouts' camp. Among them a
church was organized. With John B. Renville, who for
some years after the outbreak resided in St. Anthony, I
visited this camp in the summer of 1864, at the Yellow
Medicine, and in 1865, at the head of the Red Wood. When
Mr. Renville was licensed and ordained as an Evangelist,
he was for some time in special charge of this scattered
flock. A part of them stopped at Lac qui Parle and made
claims. But when in the summer of 1866, Dr. Williamson
and myself, taking with us Mr. Renville, went on a tour
of visitation, we found the majority of the scouts encamped
on the shores of Lake Traverse and at Buffalo Lake, within
the limits of this present reserve.

184 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

We bad now reached that point in our Mission work
where it became necessary to employ native helpers, more
than we had hitherto done. John B. Renville had been
licensed the year before by the Dakota Presbytery meet-
ing at Mankato. This summer of 1866, we approbated four
other men to preach the gospel among their people — two
on the Couteau and two on the Missouri. This work of
inducting Dakota men into the office of the ministry was
continued from year to year, as our Christian communities
demanded. Putting the work mainly upon others, Dr.
Williamson and I spent our summers in the field and our
winters at our homes in St. Peter and Beloit, in carrying
forward the translation of the Bible, and in doing other
needed work.

In 1867, those Indians made a treaty with the govern
ment, by which the present reservation was set apart for
their occupation, and a promise made them of help in their
efforts to become civilized. From that time they began to
scatter and settle down in various parts of the reserve.
Each summer we held a camp meeting with them, when
new members were added to the church rolls. In the sum-
mer of 1868, the number added on profession of faith was
more than three- score. Indians came on to the reserve
from the Missouri, from the north and from the white set-
tlements. Thus the community in a few years numbered
a thousand — then 1500 and more. It was now necessary
to organize them into separate churches. The first of these
to have native pastors were the Ascension and Long Hol-
low churches, which were in charge of Rev. J. B. Renville
and Rev. Solomon Toonkanshaecheya. The other Dakota
churches in this region were Lac qui Parle, Dry Wood Lake

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 185

and Kettle Lakes. The latter was with the scouts in Fort
Wadsworth. We had several licentiates, as Daniel Ren-
ville, Peter, Simon and Louis.

In the summer of 1870, I erected Mission buildings on
this reserve near the agency, which station we called Good
Will. This gave to our occupation more of permanence,
and it became the center of our work for that part of the
country. The two winters following I spent there myself,
but the Mission school was placed in charge of Mr. W. K.
Morris. In 1872, Rev. M. N. Adams became agent, and dur-
ing nearly four years pushed forward the work of educa-
tion, erecting several district school houses, and one large
building for a boarding school. In all the years since that
time, this boarding school has been in operation, and has
done good work. Under every agent from Dr. J. W. Dan-
iels to the present one, Charles Crissey, civilization has
progressed on this reservation. Under the exceedingly diffi-
cult arrangements of the treaty of 1867, a few individuals
have obtained patents for the land they occupy. All are
anxious to become land owners. This was very strongly
manifested by two colonies going off from the reservations
and taking homesteads. The first company went out from
the Santee agency a dozen years ago, and commenced the
homestead settlement at Plandrau on the Big Sioux, a few
miles west of the Minnesota line. Now it numbers about
four- score families, and is a prosperous settlement, with
both a Presbyterian and an Episcopal church. The other
colony went from the Sisseton reserve about six years ago.
It consists of about thirty families, who have, largely of
their own resources, built a good house of worship, and
have a church of seventy members. Thus it has become

186 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

apparent that Indians are capable of becoming civilized and
Christianized, and thus pass from the anomolous position of
dependence into that of citizenship. We claim that the
Indian problem is being worked out. That the Bible is the
great civilizer of the nations — Indians as well as others.

The present number of native churches on this Sisseton
reservation, including the Brown Earth homestead settle-
ment, is six, with an aggregate membership of about 400.
Another step in the religious progress of this people is
indexed by the existence of a Native Missionary Society,,
which raises and uses in employing missionaries to the
wilder Sioux, between three and four hundred dollars an-
nually. The Ascension church — Rev. John B. Renville,
pastor, has a house of worship which cost them about 11500.
Mayasan church, at the other end of the reserve, has a
house which cost about |500. Long Hollow church has a
log-house which is comfortable if not attractive. Buffalo
Lake and Good Will churches have buildings in process of
erection.

Three years ago the Missionary Society of Canada called
one of our native pastors. Rev. Solomon Toonkansharcheya,
to do Mission work among the dispersed Sioux in Manitoba,
which is proving a successful undertaking. Thus with the
whole Bible in the language of the Sioux, and with churches
and native pastors in working order, I may close this paper
by [recognizing the divine hand and the divine help in all
the forty odd years of our Mission work among the Sioux.
Dr. T. S. Williamson, the father of our Mission, has gone
to the upper world; and so has the younger of the brothers

PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 187

Pond. But both lived to see the gospel working out the
uplift of the Dakotas beyond their highest anticipations.
It is indeed marvelous in our eyes.
Beloit, ^is., May 1880.

MEMOIR OF REV. STEPHEN R. RIGQS, D. D.

[This issue of our collections, being the first one published since the
death of Dr. Klggs, makes it proper to give a brief memoir of this
devoted missionary, in connection with his valuable paper, as above.]

Stephen Return Riggs, was the descendant of Miles Riggs, a native
of Wales, who settled in Plymouth, Mass., soon after the arrival of
the first pilgrims. His parents were Stephen Riggs and Annie Baird.
He was born in Steubenville, O., March 12, 1812., one of eleven children.
In 1829, the family removed to Ripley, O., where, in the August fol-
lowing, his mother died. Sixteen years later his father died. Stephen
Riggs commenced his academic education in Ripley, and in the spring
of 1833, went to Jefferson College, Pa., where he was graduated in 1834.
He studied theology partly at the Western Theological Seminary at
Allegheny, Pa., and was licensed to preach by the Chillicothe Presby-
tery, in the autumn of 1836. The following winter he spent in Hawley,
Mass., and preached to the West Parish people. During the winter,
he was accepted by the Prudential Committee of the American Board
as a missionary, and designated to join the Dakota Mission. Return-
ing to Ohio in the spring, he was ordained as a missionary to the
Dakotas, by the Chillicothe Presbytery, at West Union, O., in April^
1837. On Feb. 16, 1837, he was married to Miss Mary Ann Clark
Longley, in Hawley, Mass., an estimable and devoted woman, who
bravely bore all the hardships and dangers of missionary life, for over
quarter of a century. They started for their field of work in March,
and reached the Lake Harriet Mission, near the Falls of St. Anthony,
in June, 1837, where Dr. Riggs began his life-long labors for the
Dakota Indians, going to Lac qui Parle in September of the same
year. Dr. Williamson and the Pond brothers had already begun the
work in this region. He gave diligent study to the Dakota tongue,
soon speaking it with fluency, and translating the scriptures, hymns,
and other works into it; besides laboring faithfully for the spiritual
and temporal welfare of the natives. In 1840, he made a journey to
Ft. Pierre. In 1842, while on a visit east, he supervised the printing
of a considerable portion of the Bible, in Dakota, also a hymn book
and some school books, of which he had performed most of the author-

188 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

ship. In the spring of 1843, he returned' to his mission field, and
established a new station at Traverse de Sioux, but in 1846 was sent
again to Lac qui Parle, where he continued to labor until 1854, in the
meantime spending a winter (1851-52) east, supervising the printing of
the "Grammar and Dictionary of the Dakota Language," compiled by
himself and his associates in the mission work. Dr. Thomas S. Wil-
liamson and Revs. Gideon H. and Samuel W. Pond, after many years
of patient labor and study. This great work, one of the most import-
ant contributions to Indian philology produced in America, owed its
publication largely to a fund contributed by members of the Minne-
sota Historical Society.

On March 3, 1854, the Mission houses at Lac qui Parle were con-
sumed by fire, and they were compelled to remove to Hazel Wood or
"Oomahoo," where he resided until the massacre, Aug. 18, 1862, when
he and his family were in great danger, but providentially escaped to
a place of safety. During the winter of 1862-63, Dr. Riggs labored
hard for the conversion of the Indian prisoners confined at Mankato
and elsewhere. In the Sibley expedition of 1863 to the Missouri, he
served as chaplain and interpreter. He continued his missionary
work after the termination of the Indian war, visiting in the sum-
mers, Missions in Nebraska and Dakota, and meantime working dur-
ing winters on his translation of the Bible into Dakota, which was
completed and published just before his death, in 1883. He lived dur-
ing these latter years at Beloit, Wis., in which city Mrs. Mary Riggs,
his devoted wife, died.

Dr. Riggs was subsequently remarried. The end of his long and
eventful career came to him at Beloit, Aug. 24, 1883, in his 71st year.
Dr. Riggs was a man of small stature, but of much endurance and
courage. Many times during his stay on the frontier, his life was in
danger, but he always faced peril with calmness. He was an indus-
trious scholar, and an observant author. His works are numerous,
and all evince ability. The degree of D. D. was conferred upon him
in 1873 by Beloit College, and of LL. D., by Jefferson College. An inter-
esting account of his long and faithful labors is given in his work,
"Mary and I," published in 1880. Eight children had been born to
them, several of whom also engaged in the missionary work among the
Dakotas. W.

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY

OF

MAJ. LAWRENCE TALIAFERRO,

WRITTEN IN 1864.

PRELIMINARY NOTE.

Lawrence Taliaferro, whose characteristic account of his career as Indian Agent
at Fort Snelling, from April, 1819, to January, 1840, accompanies this, was promi-
nently identified with Minnesota history during that period. The Saint Paul Daily
Pioneer, a few days after Maj. Taliaferro's death, gave the following sketch of him :

Maj. Taliaferro remained as Indian Agent at Fort Snelling a period of almost
twenty-one years, being re-appointed six times by different Presidents, and resign-
ing at last. His was a long incumbency for such an oflBce as that, and shows that
Major Taliaferro was active and faithful in the discharge of his duties. And such
he certainly was, while in a position which many have used for their own aggran
disement. Maj. T. was scrupulously honest. No charge was ever made against
him of malversation in office, for his own benefit. He labored to impress the tribes
under his supervision with proper respect for the government, and by gratifying
their penchant for "big talks," and ceremonies, kept them in pretty good order and
obedience. He was sometimes ridiculed for his egotism, of which he had a good
share, but he was careful, correct, and methodical in his business matters, and
prided himself on his successful performance of them. With the Indian traders he
generally managed to keep up a standing quarrel, however, and his oflScial corres-
pondence with the department was ponderous, but generally related to trivial
matters. During his incumbency he maintained a wide correspondence with many
eminent men in ofiicial and military life in the west. Their letters, hundreds in
number, he afterwards gave to the Minnesota Historical Society, with a quantity
of other valuable manuscripts. A careful and minute diary of events which he
kept during his official career at Fort Snelling, has been used by Rev. E. D. Neill,
in the preparation of his historical writings. After his resignation in 1840, he was
out of service until 1857, when he was appointed military storekeeper at Bedford,
Pa. In 1863 he was placed on the retired list, with the pay of his grade. He died
at Bedford, January 22, 1871, aged 77 years. A half-breed daughter of his, subse-
quently married a discharged soldier at Fort Snelling, named Warren Woodbury
and resided in West St. Paul a number of years.

-11

190 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

The name of Taliaferro is both ancient and honorable.
Some miles distant from Williamsburg, Virginia, near an
old brick church may be seen the resting place of the old
Colonial family of the Taliaferro's, Lawrence Taliaferro,
deceased 1748, John Taliaferro, of Snow Creek, 1744. But
to go further back in date, we come to the year 1637, when
four brothers, John, Lawrence, James and Francis Talia-
ferro emigrated from Genoa, Italy, to England, and after
five years in London, crossed the Atlantic and landed with
other emigrants at Jamestown, about the year 1637 or
shortly thereafter. Prom these brothers sprang a large con-
nection. Some were o:Qicers and privates in the Revolu-
tionary war; also in the war of 1512, the Mexican war and
finally in the war for the Union, of 1861. Their descend
ants filled the highest stations in the gift of a free people.
We now approach the name of one of this connection of
whom we desire to take a brief notice: Major Lawrence
Taliaferro, born at Whitehall, King George county, Vir-
ginia, February 28, 1794. He was the fourth son of James
Garnett Taliaferro and Wilhilmena Wishart, an only
daughter of the Rev. John Wishart, of Perth, Scotland, a
lineal descendant of George Wishart, the last of the Martyrs
for conscience sake. Of his early youth but little of inter-
est can be recorded; with the best tutors, Hon. Samuel L.
Southard, Samuel C. Lewis and others of New Jersey, he
would play truant from school. His venerable mother
knowing his habits and propensities, decided to let the way-
ward youth alone to his farming inclinations, knowing her
own child best.

At the age of eighteen, the war with England demanded
volunteers and soon found himself with four other grown

AUTO'BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 191

brothers duly enrolled, by the act of his patriotic mother,
on the 5th of August, 1812, in a volunteer company of light
infantry under Captain Meriwether Taliaferro, subsequently
appointed to the 35th regular infantry. During his three
months service, his animosity to England become so fixed
and apparent, that his friends promised if he would go to a
famous grammar school at Tusculum, in charge of Doctor
Valentine Peyton, late of the U. S. Navy, for eight months,
he should have a commission in the regular army. This
proposition was cheerfully acceded to, and carried into im
mediate effect by his parents. At the close of the period
indicated, his preceptor stated officially his English educa-
tion to be perfectly satisfactory, and he was duly appointed
an ensign in the first regiment United States Infantry, on
the 2nd of June, 1813, and ordered to Belle Fontaine, in
Missouri. On being promoted to a second lieutenancy on the
13th of August following, was directed to proceed to, and
report to Colonel John Campbell, at Chillicothe, Ohio, for
the recruiting service. This order was as promptly obeyed
as a six hundred miles ride on horse back would allow.
Here an order was given to repair to Cincinnati and open a
rendezvous for recruits for his regiment. He met old offi'
cers of rifles already in this field before him. Nevertheless,
nothing daunted, he applied to General Harrison for funds
to go to work on. The general eyed the rough youth
closely for a moment, saying, ' ' you look young, sir, but I
think you have spirit and energy. " O'Fallon give the lieu-
tenant a check on Pay Master Hunt, for five hundred dol-
lars. In ten days another five hundred was estimated for,
which seemed to surprise no one as much as the careful
pay master, who said, ' ' you use money fast, and I don't see

192 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

your name on the register." Perhaps not, was the reply;
but you know surely the commanding general's signature.
This ended further suspicion doubtless, as nothing more was
heard from the gentleman.

There arose a jealous feeling and rivalry, between the
infantry and rifles; the boy officer was going ahead too rap-
idly for the old veterans. The citizens enjoyed this rivalry
in securing men, and the boy met great encouragement.

There arrived in Cincinnati in March, 1814, thirty- seven
British officers, prisoners of war, destined for close confine-
ment in the penitentiary, at Frankfort, Kentucky. Lieut.
Taliaferro was detailed to guard these prisoners until they
could be forwarded under a proper guard. This responsible
and delicate duty was discharged to the satisfaction of Gen-
eral Harrison.

Early in March, the venerable John Cleves Symms died,
the father-in-law of General Harrison, and his remains
escorted to North Bend, in a keel boat prepared for that
purpose, and there interred in the family cemetery.

About this period, a court martial had sentenced a soldier
to be shot for desertion. On the day indicated for his exe-
cution, the troops were paraded at Newport, the French-
man escorted by the guard to the place indicated and placed
on his coffin. Things looked serious and solemn, but at the
moment of "ready," the reprieve came and all breathed free
again; none more so than the pardoned deserter from his
colors.

On the 4th of April, 1814, he received an order to turn
over his recruits to Captain Bryson, and repair to Carlisle,
Penn., and report to Major Clemson. On arriving at this
point, found an order to proceeed at once to Brunswick,

AUTO BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 193

New Jersey, the headquarters of the first infantry. The
journey from Cincinnati to this latter point of destination
was performed by him and Lieut. Christy on horse back.
Keporting toCapt. H. Johnson, superintending the recruit-
ing service, was speedily ordered to proceed to Monmouth
Court House (the old battle field of the Revolution) for the
recruiting service. Here he unexpectedly met with violent
opposition from the anti-war federalists, but he pei'severed
manfully obtaining a few men. Immediately after the 4th
of July was ordered back to head- quarters, and assigned to
a company under Capt. Helm, with Lieutenants Stansbury
and Harberger, and marched to Fort Erie, upper Canada,
and joined Brown's second division of the army. After the
siege was raised, caused by the sortie of the 17th of Septem-
ber, 1814, upon the enemy, and the battle of Cook Mills, on
Lion Creek, fought and won under General Bissell. Gen-
eral Izard of the first division with fresh troops, relieved
the second division, which crossed the Niagara and was
marched to winter quarters at Sackett's Harbor, New York.
In November he was again detailed for the recruiting
service and ordered to Brunswick, New Jersey, a few days
after reporting again to Captain Johnson. The U. S.
Commissioners at Ghent had been heard from, and in due
season the news of peace reached the government, when
our young soldier returned on furlough to his family home
in Virginia. Stopping at Trenton to see his old friend and
tutor, the Hon. Samuel L. Southard; he was urged by him
to remain to witness the trial of the great steamboat
question between Ogden and Fulton, before the legisla-
ture of the state. Here he saw and heard men of pro-
found intellect — Thomas Addis Emmet, Sampson, Hopkin-

194 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

son, Ogden, Fulton and Southard. He saw Emmet take
Southard by the hand with a most cordial shake, saying:
' * Sir, I congratulate you on having made the best speech
in a bad cause that it ever was my pleasure to hear; you
are a rising man." After this short delay he reached his
home in safety but in impaired health from long and se-
vere exposure in the line of his duty, yet with the high
commendation of his superiors. The war having ceased,
and the reduction of the army from 65 to 10 regiments
effected, he found himself nevertheless retained with his
full rank of First Lieut, in the 3d Regiment of Infantry,
with orders to repair to Detroit, Michigan, where he
joined his regiment under Colonel John Miller. While in
yjamp at Spring Wells below Detroit, was selected for a
separate command on Gross Isle, opposite Maiden. While
exercising this command, the frequent desertion of the
Royal Scots to his Post during the winter of 1815-16, in-
duced the British town mayors to impugn the conduct of
his command, asserting that his Majesty's soldiers were
enticed to desert by the American soldiers ; which state-
ment on his own responsibility induced this officer (Lieut.
Taliaferro) to crossover to Maiden and call on the town
mayor in command of the British forces. He found sev-
eral officers present, and at once made his visit known,
and that was to say to his Britannic Majesty's officers in
command that he found a number of the soldiers desert-
ers from the American army in Maiden, and some of these
employed as mechanics in the shops of the town. He
hoped that British officers did not connive at conduct so
unworthy the enjoined observance of the two nations.
Here was a poser. The Yankee officer had struck the

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 195

lirst blow, and "John Bull" had not a word in reply as
to the desertion of a large number of the Royal Scots,
His report of this ruse to Gen. McComb, in command of
the department at Detroit, was much commended at the
time. The approach of spring caused a disposition of the
troops comprising the 3d and 5th Regiments of Infantry,
in order to garrison the several posts on the upper lakes.
Companies A and B, 3d Infantry, were ordered to Chicago
to rebuild Ft. Dearborn, attached to B, Light Infantry,
Capt. Bradley. He reached Chicago and landed with the
command July 4th, 1816, and went into tents, throwing
up precautionary breastworks, planting cannon, &c. Here
as Asst. Quartermaster and Ordnance officer he superin-
tended the reconstruction of the post which had been
destroyed by the Potawatamies and other Indians in Au-
gust, 1812, and nearly all the garrison massacred. So
hostile were the Winnebagos and others that the Quar-
termaster had to move daily with an armed party for
the security of the men engaged in felling and hewing
timber for the post. By the spring of 1817 the troops
were on half rations, but there was no complaint. In
August of this year the Asst. Quartermaster (Taliaferro)
was ordered to Chillicothe, Ohio, to recruit under Major
Larrabee; but not long after complying with the orders
was directed to march 130 men, in company with Lieuts.
C. L. Cass and Evans, to fill up the 3d Regiment at
Fort Howard, Green Bay. On the march to Sandusky,
Lieut. Cass in command, the President of the United
States being then on his tour through the "West was met
in the "Long Woods" beyond Mansfield. A consultation
as to how the President should be received by the troops,

196 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

was called by Mr. Cass in command. Lieuts. Taliaferro
and Evans said it was not a knotty point ; all that was
requisite was to form the men in line at shouldered arms,
and as the President approached cause the music to play
"Hail to the Chief" or "Hail Columbia," and present
arms. This opinion seemed not to suit the pompous and
self- conceited commander, who said he had no notice of
the approach of the President and should not act in the
matter. The rear guard being a separate command for
the day under Lieut. Taliaferro, Cass consented to let
him use his pleasure with the same, and the President,
as he should have been, was duly honored with a prompt
and hearty salute which caused his steed to shy, but the
old Cocked Hat of the days of Trenton and Princeton
was doffed with a low bow. Just following in the rear
came General McComb and Governor Cass, when Lieut.
Cass was made to feel his own inferiority in point of
military etiquette. The detachment continued its march
to Detroit. Here to the surprise of Lieut. Taliaferro
Lieut. Cass turned over the command to him with orders
to hire transportation and report to regimental headquar-
ters at Green Bay. As the season was far advanced and
no time to be lost in useless delay, the detachment was
taken to Mackinac in the schooner Monroe, and later in
the Jackson to Green Bay and Chicago, reaching the
latter post on the 17th of November after a storm of
three days in which the vessel was near being lost on
the coast of Lake Michigan.

Lieut. Taliaferro was noted for his proficiency in military
tactics in the battalion and evolutions of the line, and so
reported on the confidential inspection reports by Inspector

AUTO -BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 197

General Wood, in July, 1818, when he left his post on a
four months sick leave for the Bedford Springs, in Penn-
sylvania. On his recovery, he passed on to Washington
city, where he paid his respects to the President, his
patron friend and connection. Here the President was
pleased to say: "He wished Lieut. Taliaferro to resign his
position in the army; he had heard a good report of him;
he was above his rank; promotion was too slow; that he
wanted his services in a responsible civil capacity, where
he would have more command of his time ; go home to
your mother, and remain until you hear from me." He
was gratefully and politely thanked. On the 27th of March,
following, the Secretary of War, John C. Calhoun, forwarded
to his address at Fredericksburg the appointment of Agent
of Indian Affairs at St. Peter's near the Falls of St. Anthony.
The office was duly accepted, and he, after filing his bonds,
left to join the expedition under Colonel Leaven woi'th,
already ordered with his regiment, the Fifth Infantry, to
lake post at the junction of the St. Peter and Mississippi.
The Agent, however, repaired to St. Louis, and reported
to Governor William Clark, Superintendent of Indian Af
fairs, and late companion of Lewis to the Columbia River.
From St. Louis he keel-boated with the Winnebago Agent,
N. Boilvin, as far as Prairie du Chien. Here falling in
with a government boat, proceeded on this slow mode of
conveyance, in company with an escort of Indians, headed
by Tah-ma-ha — or. The Pike— sometimes called the "Burn,"
a one-eyed Indian, a great friend of the Americans in the
war of 1812, who described many interesting scenes on the
Mississippi, and on board the American gun boats. He
possessed both cunning and much intelligence. His re-

198 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

marks upon the conduct of the Indians, and British traders
who instigated them to acts of hostility against the United
States, which confirmed the truth of much that had been
previously stated in the public prints.

It may be remarked in this connection, that the new
agent was not only apparently well received by the agents
and traders, and citizens of Prairie du Chien, but rather
obsequiously so by the former — in fact these felt their
guilt being in the main yet British subjects. Among
these was Joseph Rolette, agent of the American Fur Com
pany, who seemed most desirous of feeling the pulse of
the agent by many proffered acts of kindness and civilities,
all of which was understood and properly appreciated.

The agent proceeded onward to his post- visiting the
villages of Wabasha, Red Wing, at the head of Lake Pepin
and Petite Corbeau or Little Crow, addressing the chiefs
of each town as to the nature of his appointment and the
reasons why the President had sent troops to erect a fort
at St. Peters, and location of an agent to conduct the
affairs of the Dakota nation, in connection with the chiefs
of the "Seven fires;" that apparently their new father
might seem to them young, but that he had an old sol-
dier's head, and an honest heart, determined to cause the
Indian trade to be well conducted for their benefit on
principles of equal justice to all.

Jean Baptiste Faribault and family, had gone through
by land, in charge of Colonel Leavenworth's horses and
cows — an old trader licensed as far back as 1810, by Gen-
eral Wilkinson, in command at Mackinac. It was to this
Canadian of Colonel Leavenworth, in August, 1820, in the
name of his wife, Pelagie Faribault, Ritter's Island was

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO, 199

conveyed in an unauthorized convention, as was 400 acres,
including Mendota, to Duncan Campbell, and 400 acres to
Margaret Campbell, opposite Fountain Cave. This con-
vention, a truly unfortunate one, was clandestinely convened
and held at camp ' ' Coldwater, " while the proper agent
was in the quarters of the old cantonment west of the
Minnesota. So injurious Ipo the future tranquility of the
post was this treaty viewed by the company officers of
the army present and the agent, that he addressed the
Secretary of War on the subject, and the result was, the
President declined to lay the paper before the Senate, and
the agent directed (in consequence of the President's de-
cision), to notify those persons claiming reservation under
the Leavenworth convention, that these would not be con-
sidered. Official notice was at once served by Scott Camp-
bell on Pelagie Faribault, Duncan Campbell and Margaret
Campbell. General Cass, in his tour through the Upper
Mississippi, in August, 1820, seemed, after one council
with the Indians, convened by the agent at his request,
to understand the weakness of Colonel Leavenworth in
desiring to be considered both commanding officer and
Indian Agent, who stated to the agent that his, Leaven-
worth's, course would spoil the Indians. The reply of the
Agent was: The Colonel will be soon relieved, when his
self- conceited vanity will be at an end, which was effected
by the arrival of that excellent officer. Colonel Josiah
Snelling, who, on being presented to the chiefs and head
men of the Sioux, said: "I am pleased to take you by
the hand. I shall have much to do. You have an excel-
lent agent sent you by the President, your Great Father.
He is paramount in all things touching your nation. I

200 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

sha.ll support him when he needs it. You may feel secure
in his friendship and my friendship as long as your con-
duct shall merit it. My troops are all friendly to your
people, tell them so." From this time forward there was
great harmony of action and concert between the civil
and military.

The agent went to work to neutralize British influence and
to give efficient organization to the fur trade, and secure
the confidence of the surrounding tribes of Sioux and Chip-
pewas. A truce to their continued wars had also to be met
in a manner least calculated to wound their martial pride.
In conforming to the laws and regulations to which the
attention of all persons then engaged or might be engaged
in commerce with the Indians, it was apparent that the
instructions of the President of 1818 to General Cass, ex
officio Superintendent of Indian affairs at Detroit, were
found to admit of a latitude of construction as well as mis-
conception which caused the executive officers to feel the
need of more stringent laws and more clearly defined pow-
ers. Yet, through all this mist of uncertainty, the agent
moved on steadily in the performance of his arduous,
responsible and delicate duties. The conduct of the Indians
of Wabasha's band, in forcing a trader from Green Bay,
(Augustin Grignon), from his trading post near Black
River, was so gross an outrage that the agent, then at
Prairie du Chien on a visit, Agent Boilvin being absent,
engaged Thomas McNair with his horse and sled, and at
once proceeded to the scene of difficulty to watch the
movements of the agent. Alexis Bailly, a clerk, and a
half-breed Ottawa, of Canada, was dispatched by Rolette,
agent of the Sun Fur Company, to apprise J. B. Maynard

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 201

of his approach, and to cache any article contraband, and
finally to be in all readines for the visit of the agents.
Bailly had obtained a passport from Major Fowle, in com-
mand at Fort Crawford, but the agent paid no respect to
this authority, but revoked it and ordered the clerk back
to Prairie du Chien. It was evident that Joseph Rolette
first instigated the chief Wabasha to acts of hostility
against M. Grignon, an independent trader. It was at
this date, February, 1822, that the agent was enabled to
sound the depths of the true policy of the agents of the
so-called American Fur Company.

The promptness of the agent on the expedition referred
to, brought down the yelping of Tray, Sweetheart and
Blanche upon his devoted head. He was called nothing
but a foolish boy, hot-headed, and not fit to govern old
Indians; it was a shame to send such a man to the country.
This was British bile and British spleen, all for want of
the monopoly of the fur trade, which the agents of the
company were determined to have if it could be accomplished
by the acts of intimidation; but within a few months it
was found that their threats and falsifications had no effect
on the agent, but he went on honestly and perseveringly
in the discharge of every public duty. Again it was seen
and felt that he was gaining the ears of all Indians most
rapidly. It was objected that the detention of the traders
at the entry of Minnesota, in the disturbed state of the
upper country, was wrong, and suits would be brought for
this unjust detention of their outfits. The main object of
the agents and traders of the Fur Company meant more
than this. The agent must be bribed to their views, or
forced to it. The former was tried and failed: the latter

202 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

fell with it. The organization of the Columbia Pur Com-
pany by Tilton & Co., produced a flood of vituperation of
the Agent, and of the views and acts of this Company in
their commercial views and citizenship. Old British
traders declared that the agent was licensing foreigners
to trade for this new concern, that trading posts were se-
cretly or clandestinely established for them, that forts
were called by various naanes and traders forced to build
in square stockades. All this, and more, was said than
it is prudent to record. Junior officers of the army were
appealed to at Prairie du Chien, feasted on fat things,
with wine on the lees, until it was asserted by I. R., of
John Jacob Astor's company, that any American officer
could be bought up for less than a quarter cask of wine.
Charges were preferred against the agent, the Government
supposing where there was so much smoke there surely
must be some fire. These charges, numerous as they were,
were promptly met, and the designing knaves most sig-
nally defeated. Previous to these interested assaults, Gen.
Cass was appealed to, to use his influence to have the
agent removed or sent to some other station. The reply
was: " Major Taliaferro has powerful friends at the head
of the Government who have great confidence in his incor-
ruptible integrity, and full faith in all his acts."

It is true the agent, while he did nothing as a man of
honor to militate against the interest of any individual or
company in the trade, he determined to put a stop to the
introduction of ardent spirits into the Indian country, and
he«ice the many seizures made and destruction of this con-
traband article. He had witnessed the barrels rolled out
on various occasions at Prairie du Chien, and the conse-

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 203

quent murders of many of its citizens as well as of the
poor Indian. After a lapse of years the intercourse laws
became more stringent, and the officers of the Indian
Department found themselves in possession of more power
for coercion than was needful to suppress the introduc-
tion of whiskey. Traders were furnished printed copies
of these new powers, yet Alexis Bailly determined, contrary
to advice, to try the nerve of the agent to see if he dare
seize his outfit of |20,000 worth of goods and six barrels
of whiskeyc for his outfits from New Hope then, (now
Mendota). The seizure was made, and Mr. Bailly, though
a good trader, refused a renewal of his license, the agent
being made satisfied of the non-approval of Bailly's per-
verseness. The goods were subsequently released and the
whiskey returned to the company's agent at Prairie du
Chien. This action brought Ramsey Crooks up to the
Agency, who could not but approve the agent's decisions,
and he proposed to supply Bailly's Post by the appoint-
ment of Henry H. Sibley Esq. to the vacancy. This the
agent acceded to at once, and cheerfully, as he knew the
family formerly at Detroit. Mr. Sibley soon arrived and
entered upon his duties at Mendota. After this there was
no more questioning of the acts of the agent, at least by
Mr. Sibley. It should have been before noted that as the
war had not entirely ceased between the Chippewas and
Sioux, and the Sacs and Foxes and Sioux, the agent
obtained the sanction of the President in 1824 to take a
delegation of Sioux, Chippewas and Menomonees to the
seat of Government, led by the Chief Little Crow, a man
of good mind and intelligence; the object being to cause a
convocation of all the tribes at Prairie du Chien in order

204 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

to define more fully their respective boundary lines. Two
of the delegation, Wabasha, Chief first of all the Sioux,
and Wanata, of the Yanctons of Big Stone Lake, were
prevailed on by the traders at Prairie du Chien to go
no farther, that they would get sick and die. Then Little
Crow, in a short pointed speech, said: "My friends, you
can do as you please; I am no coward, nor can my ears
be pulled about by evil counsels. We are here, and should
go on and do some good for our nation. I have taken
our father here by the coat-tail and will follow him into
his great nation to see and take by the hand our Great
American Father. My mind is made up, live or die."
This Chief then turned to the agent, taking his hand in
his, said: "Rise, let us be off to join the 'Red Head
Parshasha' (General William Clark). The Mississippi
being out of its banks and swift, St. Louis was soon
reached, where the Superintendent had already convened
the Sacs and Poxes, lowas and Piankeshaws, and the
whole departed for Washington. Below Louisville and
near Salt River, Marcpee, or The Cloud, one of the Sioux
delegation (who had a bad dream, as reported) let himself
down from the stern of the boat and dropped into the
river, was supposed to be drowned, but, to the surprise
of all, made his way back to St. Louis, but only to be mur-
dered at Bay Charles, Missouri, by some of the Sac Indians
there encamped. This very unfortunate occurrence did
for a moment impede the progress of the delegation.
Washington was soon reached and a speedy interview
with the President and Secretary of War had, and busi-
ness put in train. It was here that a treaty with the Sacs
and Foxes confirmed the grant of land in the fork of the

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 205

Mississippi and Des Moines Rivers to the half breeds of
their nation. This grant was only to begin at the head
of Des Moines Rapids, but cupidity with a latitude of con-
struction, sets this line on point of beginning as high up
as old Fort Madison. The delegation having speedily
accomplished their business satisfactorily, the Sioux left
for home by way of New York. Here the Chiefs wished
to pay a visit with their interpreter, William Dickson, a
son of the celebrated Colonel Robert Dickson, who headed
the Indians against the United States in 1812. This was
not objected to, but on the route homeward by way of
the lakes, the Crow, on being asked how he had procured
a fine double barrel gun and other nice things, said to the
agent unreservedly that the Medicine Man (Peters), he
went to see in New York, got him to sign a paper, gave
him the articles he saw and further promised him a keel
boat load of goods to be sent the next summer, 1825.
That boat did arrive just as the preparations were being
made for the great assembly of the tribes at Prairie du
Chien, but only a box was left for Colonel Robert Dick-
son. The old Chief called on the agent expressing great
disappointment, even mortification. The agent assumed
the responsibility and opened the Colonel's box. There
were a few pieces of goods, calicos, etc. , sent as a present
to the Colonel's highly esteemed lady (an old squaw), by
a Mr. Peters. Looking further, his lengthy letter was
discovered, also a parchment copy of the grant to Capt. Carver
by the Snake and Turtle; no witnesses. The goods were
forwarded to Mrs. Dickson, but the letter and grant held
for future use. This letter of the Rev. Mr. Peters is still
-12

206 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

among the official papers of the agent, but the parchment
grant was sent to the Hon. James Barbour, then Secretary
of War, for file in his department.

The year 1825 was one to be long remembered, as it
was one of trial and of incidents. The Chippewas, assem-
bled too early by the traders of the North under the au-
thority of Agent Schoolcraft, would not proceed under
Chapman, and Cole or Dingley, for twenty days, until the
agent at St. Peter's had to furnish a safeguard down the
river, which was done by sending confidential Sioux with
each detachment. Noel, a half-breed Chippewa, was dis-
patched for the Flat-mouth on the Otter Tail lake. Oth-
ers had men from Sandy Lake. Noel returned with other
Indians, but the Flat-mouth, though weighing some 220
lbs., reported sick, and unable to perform the journey.
The Sioux from lakes Qui Parle and Big Stone on the St.
Peter's having arrived at the entry, the agent organized
his delegation of three hundred and eighty-five Sioux and
Chippewas, including the interpreters and attendants.
This large body reached Prairie du Chien without the
slightest accident or difficulty with the Chippewas, their
old enemies, each remembering the pointed counsels of
their agent. There was a halt before entering the town,
at the "Painted Rock," where, after attending to their
toilet and appointment of soldiers to dress the columns of
boats, the grand entry was made with drums beating, many
flags flying, with incessant discharges of small arms. All
Prairie du Chien was drawn out, with other delegations
already arrived, to witness the display and landing of this
ferocious looking body of true savages.

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 207

Gov. Cass and Mr. Schoolcraft had arrived. The agent
rejjorted to the only Commissioner present, Mr. Cass, and
was informed where he should encamp, that position had
already been selected, and the Indians directed to pitch
their tents near that of the agent and his interpreters.

Agent Schoolcraft, trusting to the traders, and not on
his own personal exertions as above his dignity, found
himself with only one hundred and fifty Chippewas, some
hundred having returned home. General Clark and his
staff soon joined, and after a consultation between the
Commissioners, the place of meeting of the tribes in coun-
cil designated, the work in hand began in earnest.

It was during this treaty the agent for the Sioux felt
the inveterate hostility of the American Fur Company's
traders from the North and elsewhere. The Chippewas
especially — those who had known their friend from 1820,
yearly visiting the post at Port Snelling, kept the agent
constantly informed of the secret councils called to detach
them from his camp and join their friends, but all in vain —
they would not be detached. Hence the unseemly and
foolish attempt to control men who would not be controlled.
Holiday, a drunken Scotch trader, was selected to bully
and annoy the agent. He soon found the Sioux agent
would neither be bullied nor annoyed by him nor any
one of his associates.

General Cass was induced to summons the Sioux Agent
before the Commissioners on the plea that a young Sioux
had brandished his war club over the head of a young
Chippewa near the Fort Crawford gate, and that one rash
act might produce at once a scene of blood shed and you
had better send the Chippewas of your camp to that of

208 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Agent Schoolcraft. The agent summoned thus suavely,
said in reply, "who is the man that brought this report,
and where is the Indian threatened?" Response, "Mr.
Holiday, and here or there is the Indian." In a moment
the agent saw the ruse, and said, ' ' Gentlemen of the
Commission, you are here to treat with the several tribes
present — that is the duty assigned you. My duty is to see
the Sioux present on the treaty ground, morning and eve-
ning at the sound of the cannon. You shall not be dis-
appointed, but as for changing the locatioti of the twenty -
eight Chippewa chiefs and braves from one encampment to
another at the behest of Mr. Holiday — through his pliant
tool — a sheer false pretense, set on foot, doubtless, by
Agent Schoolcraft, for whom the Chippewas have no re-
spect, for they seldom see him from his remoteness at
Sault Ste Marie, and the Sioux Agent respecfully declines
the change proposed and holds himself responsible for all
consequences resulting from his decision."

The Commissioners on reflection found the Sioux Agenb
too well booked up on Indian affairs; that he knew what
he was doing as a point of duty and self respect. So
Mr. Holiday was foiled, both he and his falsifying tool.

Before the close of the treaty there were several nat-
ural deaths. The Sioux Agents expenses for his large
delegation of 385 souls was 1812.00. That of Agent
Schoolcraft with only 150 or 70 Indians was $4,700 —
even canoes and paddles were charged for in which the
Chippewas transported themselves to the treaty. Holi-
day, Cole, Chapman and Dingley, fur traders, well under-
stood account — making against the United States, and Mr.
Schoolcraft knew how to certify, etc.

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO- 209

Representations after this treaty to the department at
Washington, very plausible, doubtless induced the Secretary
of War, a new hand, to direct Thos. L. McKenney, Chief
Clerk in the Indian ofl&ce to instruct the agent at St. Peters,
to have nothing to do with the Chippewas of the upper Mis-
sissippi and its tributaries, and to direct them to cease all
visits to Fort Snelling, and adhere to the agency of Mr.
Schoolcraft. The agent as in duty bound, informed the
Chippewas in June, 1826, but these Indians said "yes,"
seemingly quiescent but still continued to dip their canoes
in the Mississippi and drift down to the agency on the St.
Peters; other mere positive instructions, and on the 27th of
May, 1827, after a full explanation of department orders
from Washington in council, many Sioux present, the Devil
entered the latter and nine of the Chippewas were killed
and wounded. So much for the thoughtless and unwise
decision on a matter which had better have been left to the
foresight and discretion of the Indians' best friend, it was
known and frequently reported to Washington by disinter-
ested military commanders of Fort Snelling, that the agent,
however hostile the two tribes, held their entire confidence;
a word from him to kill or let live was law with them. In-
dians like white men, will consult their own ease and con-
venience. The post of Ft. Snelling was located at a very
important as well as convenient point in the Indian country
for all the tribes. The Chippewas refused to visit the Sault
St. Mary, because of its great distance from their homes;
furthermore starvation stared them in the face going and
returning with their families, whereas, 30, 40, 60, 80, 100
and 200 miles, mostly by water, landed them, passing good

210 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

fishing and hunting, speedily at the American Fort, for
many were British frontier Indians.

Obequelle, the friend of Pike, on Red Lake, and Brusha,
of Sandy Lake, ^of ten spoke of his having told them that
the Americans would some day build a fort high up the
Mississippi, and he told the truth, for they had lived to see
it, in order to secure some degree of safety to the South
Yancton and Wappacoota Sioux and others on the plains.
The agent was directed to form a proper delegation of these
people in 1830, to meet their tormentors, the Sacs and Foxes
again at Prairie du Chien, in order to a more formal and
definite line between their respective claims to ownership of
soil, as a young Chippewa had been recently shot near
Lamont's Trading Post, on the St. Peters. The Sioux were
made by their traders, quite reluctant to accept the invita-
tion of Colonel Taylor, deputed one of the commissioners;
but as the agent, who was never known to make a promise,
tell a lie or deceive his children in all his past eleven years
with them. Col. Taylor was informed that he might expect
the Indians and their agent within a few days. On reaching
Prairie du Chien, the Colonel had left, substituting Colonel
Willoughby Morgan, leaving with that officer a letter for
the agent on his arrival, in which he said that which the
agent was sorry he had known for years back, viz; "take
the American Fur Company, in the aggregate, and they

were the greatest scoundrels the world ever knew. '»

They were not only at war with all independent traders, but
set their faces sternly against all missionary effort to civil-
ize, instruct and evangelize the benighted Indian, or the for-
mation of agricultural farms for the poor, as game rapidly
decreased. No, the Indians must hunt for their gain, and

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 211

their gain alone. The president of the American Fur Com-
pany, John Jacob Astor, had his medals struck similar to
those of the respective President of the United States, for
circulation among the Indian tribes with which the agents
of his company were supplied to make, and recognize chiefs
of their own, the object which the agent was at no loss to
conjecture. He obtained one of these after seeing one sus-
pended from the neck of Wah-ma-de-sapa, a sub chief of
the Wah-pa-coo-ta Sioux. A remark from the agent caused
him to take it from the side of the American medal, saying
Alexander Faribault had obtained it for him. It might have
been stated before that the Treaty of 1830, ceded the neutral
ground on the Iowa from the Mississippi, twenty miles wide
to the second upper fork on the river Desmoines; also a
tract of land for the permanent home of the half-breed rela-
tions of the Medawa Kanton Sioux, extending from the
"Basin" at Red Wing, below head of Lake Pepin, down the
course of the Mississippi to Root river, thirty-two miles,
and back in the country a distance of fifteen miles.

The agents of the company American at Prairie du Chien,
with their usual pertinacity, pressed the Commissions to
incorporate an article in this treaty for their benefit. Wa-
basha was the tool put forth to serve their cupidity, but they
signally failed. The commissioners, honest men, could not
recognize a palpable wrong.

A British officer. Captain Patterson, accompanied the
agent from this Treaty to Fort Snelling; he had come from
South America on his way to England, and desired to see
what he could of our wild Indians of the northwest, that
might enlarge his report to Lord Hill, Chief Commander of
of the British army. This officer did not tarry long but left

212 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

after a few weeks, seemingly gratified with his reception by
Captain Gale, commanding, and attentions of officers and
citizens of the Post. In 1831, the agent visited the upper
Minnesota, holding a convention at Traverse des Sioux, at
a very small cost, explanatory of the Treaty of 1830, which
was without a word of dissent formally approved and rati-
fied.

It was here that the services of Joseph Renville, of
Lac qui Parle, and Colin Campbell, proved of inestima-
ble value to the success of the expedition. A similar
one and for a similar purpose had gone under Colonel
Thomas L. McKenny, and Governor Cass to the Sault Ste
Marie, which expended $26,000 uselessly, as the result
never proved beneficial beyond laborious verbose reports.
The Indian country was more or less agitated east of
the Mississippi, but west all was tranquil. In the midst
of many perplexities, single-handed and alone, the Agent
was consoled by many testimonials of well- done, good and
faithful servant. He was secure in the confidence, of all
honest men. Jackson was at the head of the govern-
ment and the agent had been one of his old soldiers.
His Eagle eye saw all things, small, and great. His writ-
ten message to the Little Crow, chief second of all the
Sioux, showed he perfectly understood Indian wants and
Indian character. "My Son, I have received your talk
at the hands of your agent, Mr, Taliaferro. When he
speaks, open your ears and listen, for you hear my words.
You say truly 'we have both been warriors.' The war
club is again buried deep in the ground. I am again your
friend and the friend of your Nation — let us smoke the
same pipe and eat out of the same dish. War is hurtful

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 213

to any Nation. Keep the 'Seven fires' of your Nation
in peace and good order, and I will try and do the same
with the twenty- seven fires of my Nation. Make your
wants known to your faithful agent and you will hear
from your true friend speedily."

Doctor John Gale, of the army, writing from Coun-
cil Bluffs, on the Missouri, says: "The whole army on
this frontier unite in the belief that the government has
for once an honest, efficient agent for Indian affairs. You
know, my dear fellow^ that I am too proud to flatter any
man — yet it is refreshing to see the Indian department
rapidly brought out of chaos and made a highly respect-
able branch of the government. You need not be sur-
prised ere long to see ex-Ministers, ex- Governors, ex-
Judges and Members of Congress, seeking for admission
into it. I tell you, my old messmate and friend, you are
a most fortunate civil appointment for the government,
though I was one among many that regretted the resig-
nation of one whose turn of mind seemed so well adapted
to the army. Colonel Kearney and other officers now en
route for your Post, can give you an account of Indian
affairs in this quarter — much gas but nothing real as to
results."

Previous to 1835 the agent importuned the President to
assign a sub-agent for the Chippewas of the Upper Mis-
sissippi and its tributaries, urging as a reason the remote-
ness of the Sault Ste Marie and the difficulties of the
route. After some time a Mr. George Peterson, a Chip-
pewa half-blood and • brother-in-law of Henry R. School-
craft and agent for the Chippewas, was appointed and
unfortunately located at Lapointe, Lake Superior. He

214 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

proved of unsteady habits, consequently his people had
no respect for him. After him a Mr. Symon or Simon, a
discharged soldier, secured the situation and he, like his
predecessor, drank more whiskey than the* Indians. Maj.
Dallam was offered the appointment, but after an investi-
gation of the general condition of the Indians and the
character of their traders, declined to serve. Finally Miles
Vineyard, of Illinois, accepted and entered on his duties.
Notwithstanding these efforts to be relieved from the vis-
its of these people they still kept up (at all risks) their
habits of seeing their friend the agent and the Military
Post at Fort Snelling.

In 1837 the agent was instructed on the basis of a spe-
cial report by him made in 1836 to the War office touch-
ing the purchase of all the lands owned by the Sioux
east of the Mississippi, was directed to organize a full and
well authorized delegation to be led by him to the seat of
government, at any moment, to be indicated by General
Henry Dodge, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs. Subse-
quent Miles Vineyard was despatched up the Mississippi
to invite the Chippewas to a council near Fort Snelling,
and the agent requested to see that a full delegation
from all points should be present, and further, that he
propose a site for the treaty, and be in readiness to receive
the Commissioners, General William R. Smith, of Pennsyl-
vania, and General Dodge, of Illinois. There was a busy
time, for soon we had 1,200 Chippewas, and in the vicinity
of the Post some 395 Sioux, the greater part being still out
on the spring hunt. This unexpected convocation of Red
Men brought also a host of expectants in anticipation of
some benefit from the Indians, interested fur traders and

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 215

agents not a few. The Commissioner arriving with his
staff, were quartered at the Agency, and a general table
provided by the family of the agent. The treaty opened,
and was closed, but not without some stirring incidents,
and considerable excitement. The agent had business at
his office, some seventy yards from the treaty grounds,
when Hercules L. Dousman and a Sioux trader, entered
the Agency office in seemingly great haste, asked for a
sheet or two of letter paper on which to make an account.
Dousman was pensman. The agent left, having taken his
pistols, when in a few minutes Dousman came and laid
the account before the Secretary, Mr. Van Antwerp. (It
should be duly noted that the treaty had been written out
in extenso, and ready for the signatures of the parties).
Commissioner Dodge looked at this after-thought account
of five thousand dollars, and told interpreter Peter Quinn
to ask the Indians if that claim was just for the mills
on Chippewa. The response was. No, we had no good of
this mill — that the Sioux had had all the benefits of it,
but the chief from the Chippewa River said, for peace,
and to satisfy the men making the claim, he, the Commis-
sioner, might give five hundred dollars. Hole-in-the-Day
and others objected even to this sum, and asked if they
were to pay the whites for the erection of a mill for their
benefit. Nevertheless the $5,000 was interlined in their
treaty, and a plain fraud traded on the helpless Indians, for
the same parties in the name of Bruner, who brought the
mill iron from Cincinnati, held the mill and other improve-
ments on a preemption right and pocketed $5,000 in addi-
tion. Honest people seemed astonished at such palpable
affrontery; but this was not all. After 158,000 had been

216 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

embodied in the treaty to pay the indebtedness of the
Chippewas to their traders, we heard loud shouts and yells
in the direction of the Chippewa camp, near Baker's trad-
ing post at "Cold Spring:." Word soon reached us that
Warren, a trader, had marshaled a large body of the Pilla-
gers, and were coming down like so many black devils to
force the Commissioner to give to said Warren |20,000. The
weather was warm, the Sioux agent standing near the table
on the Commissioner's right hand, Warren rushed in the
arbor and seated himself by one of the supporters, fanning
himself with his hat, when the Indians soon followed,
rushing around and through the arbor. The agent drew
one of his pistols, pointing it at Warren. Hole-in-the-
Day said, "Shoot, my father!" "Hold," says General
Dodge "wait a moment." "Very well, sir, I only hold
for the first overt act of hostility, then I sell my life, if
need be, after the fall of the dastard who has attempted
to intimidate this Commission." But worse and more of it.
Warren got this special sum of |20,000 for himself, entered
into the Dodge Treaty, much to the chagrin of the sensible
thinking Indians and surprise of intelligent lookers-on, a
sufficient sum having already been set apart for the pay-
ment of all just debts of the tribe to their traders.

This treaty over, the agent was directed by Gov. Dodge
to select a proper delegation of Sioux, and conduct them
to Washington City as soon as practicable. The agent
had first to get clear of some 1,200 Chippewas without
bloodshed, and though there were but 80 men for duty
under Capt. Martin Scott, and many Sioux present, the
Chippewas were sent off without much difiiculty to their
homes. After this happy result the agent was left to talk

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 217

freely with his own people on the invitation given by the
President. Opposition was spoken of as coming from the
agents of the Fur Company, and others in their employ,
but the agent organized his party, a powerful one, to coun-
teract the designs of these officiously interested men who
eat of their dainties, wipe their mouths and say, "I have
committed no sin." Bat the hour of trial was approach-
ing. No Indians were to leave the Nation until a guarantee
was given for the payment of their indebtedness to the
traders.

The agent was firm, made no promises, but said the dele-
gation will be formed and taken to Washington. The path
was open for all interested claimants; he had nothing to do
with the traders or their claims.

The agent had written and engaged a steamboat to be at
the public landing on a certain day, when he would be in
readiness with one-half of the delegation to take passage.
Captain Lafferty was prompt, the traders and others as-
tonished at the coup de etat. My interpreters and em-
ployes conducted their friends on board, and with steam
up off glided the steamer down stream. Stopped for Big
Thunder and his pipe bearers at Crow's Village, passed
to the old village of Red Wing for Wah-koo-ta and his
war chief, thence to the village of Wabasha for this chief
and his friend Etuz-e-pah. Thus was the delegation of
twenty- six trustworthy men and firm of purpose, secured,
and the influence of the agent shown to be more solid
than that of the fur traders, who had said the Govern-
ment could not enter into any treaty with the Indian tribes
without they used their influence. Gov. Dodge was met
at Galena, with funds as before indicated while at St. Peter.

218 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Here the Governor was told of the premature movement
of the agent altogether too soon — true, much too soon for
the wily expectants of great things. The Superintendent
was asked to give the delegation a physician in the person
of Doctor A. T. Crow. The agent flatly refused, saying
the delegation from a combination was larger than was
desirable, being composed of some thirty-five Indians,
interpreters and attendants; that the action of the agent
would in the sequel be fully sustained by the authorities
at Washington; on this Governor Dodge might safely rely,
w^ho admitted the agent to be firm, brave, determined in
the face of danger; he had observed it and his influence
no man could doubt. So the delegation proceeded pros-
perously on their voyage, arriving in the city of Washington
without accident. Mr. Secretary Poinsett was duly waited
upon by the agent with his children, who were speedily
introduced to the President, and on presenting to the
Secretary a synopsis of such a treaty as might be acceptable
to all parties, business was commenced. At Pittsburgh Dr.
R. A. Wilson was added, as some of the Indians had
become indisposed from change of diet and water. The
Indians taking a particular fancy to Dr. Wilson, a gentleman
of intelligence and high Christian principles, the agent
put him forward together with their red friends, to settle
all matters with Commissioner Poinsett, relative to the
provisions of the treaty then going on. The interests of
the Fur Company were represented by Henry H. Sibley,
Alexis Bailly, Laframboise Rocque, Francois Labathe,
Alexander Faribault and Oliver Faribault.

The treaty was signed on the 29th of September, 1837,
the most liberal — yes, the most safe and beneficial act

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 219

they were ever permitted to subscribe to since — a most
liberal provision being made for their indebtedness and
for their half-breed relations, for agricultural schools,
etc. Yet, at the moment of signing, Alexander Faribault
and others left, hoping to stop the Chiefs from making
their marks; but a word from the agent set them to think-
ing, and their treaty was promptly authenticated in presence
of some four hundred spectators in Doctor Laurie's church.
It was here and at this era that Samuel C. Stambaugh and
Alexis Bailly pressed Secretary Poinsett to confirm to
Pelagie Faribault, Pike's Island— or pay her $10,000 for
that which was not worth $500, and to which she had no
earthly claim. The Secretary was so informed by the
agent, as was his duty, and this done he said nothing
more, but the truth gave great offense to the fictitious
claim agents. It has been said that Jean B. Faribault had
been treated with severity. Not so. After Leavenworth's
folly he went on to Pike's Island and erected his cabins, but
the next spring found him washed off the island by the
freshets. He crossed east of the Mississippi and again
built his habitation on flat boats, and was again inundated
for his want of a proper foresight — two hundred yards
back from the river would have left him a permanent
home with none to molest or make him afraid.

Mr. Faribault was the first to give the true significa-
tion of the name of the agent — Mah-sa-busca — Iron Cutter,
to the Indians, by which he was ever after recognized
throughout the tribes. Having said this much of the old
Canadian traders, it is well to follow our delegation home-
ward. On reaching St. Louis the agent expended |6,000
with Chouteau & Co., the goods for each assorted, packed

220 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

and plainly marked. After attending to this duty, a
steamer, Rolla, was chartered, and we commenced our
voyage north; all well, and in fine spirits. There was but
one accident of note, and that at Pine River. In stopping
and starting, a flue in one of the boilers collapsed, with a
terrible report, killing one man and a horse, with other
slight damage. It was most Providential that the boilers'
head passed out in front; had it been the rear the whole
delegation might have been scalded to death. After a little
delay we ran up to Fort Snelling, with one wheel, the
flanges of the other having been broken at the time of the
explosion, and landed safely on the 10th day of November,
1837. Not a day too soon, for the ice made a few days
thereafter. Major Plympton being in command, gave us
a hearty welcome, saying: "I feared for you, and you
were wise in all your plans."

In 1838, the agent left for St. Louis, in order to facilitate
the fulfillment of the treaty. Stipulations — contracts for
horses, oxen, cows, and farming utensils were made. Re-
turning, blacksmiths were engaged and locations designated,
as well as the farmers, seven in number, for the respective
villages — promptness in action in all that concerned his
responsible charge — gave assurance to the Indians that they
had a friend. Commissioners W. L. D. Ewing and Colonel
T. L. Pease, with Colonel Sperin, arrived, and found 1240,000
ready for their disbursement. The agent advised the
payment of the several bands of Sioux at once, the traders
and half-bloods thereafter, for the reason that the Indians
seeing such a large amount of their money going into the
hands of others would create an unpleasant feeling in the
minds of those who did not understand its meaning; but

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 221

other interested counsels prevailed, and there was, as had
been predicted, uneasiness, which caused the agent daily
and almost hourly explanations, until the Commissioners
completed their duties after a fashion, having made a
palpably partial disposition of the $110,000, one hundred
and ten thousand to the half-bloods, under the treaty of
September 29th, 1837. The agent, as soon as the annuities
arrived, speedily paid off all the Indians in goods and cash,
some 120,000. Colonels Pease and Sperring were disgusted
with the drunken, dictatorial conduct of their associate.
General William L. D. Ewing, of Illinois. The Fur Com-
pany had tampered with this pliant gentleman successfully.
When the agent declined his and Sam. C. Stambaugh's
appeal to locate at the mills, at the Falls of St. Anthony,
on the United States Reserve, west of the Mississippi (now
Minneapolis), they became the agent's bitter enemies. So
much so, that the said Ewing addressed a letter of charges
against him to the President direct, saying: "Major
Taliaferro had often talked of resigning his station as
agent at St. Peters, and now, no matter what he had been,
was wholly unqualified for the performance of duties
satisfactorily to the Indians or the Government — asking
at the same time the appointment of Samuel C. Stambaugh
to the vacancy."

The agent having been called to Virginia on important
private business, was at Washington, and on visiting the
office of Indian Affairs on official business, was warned by
a "worthy brother" of the fact of Ewing' s communication
to Mr. Van Buren, and that it had been by him referred
to that office. The President was called on forthwith and
-13

222 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Upon inquiry as to his reception and reference of such a
missile, was very frankly told yes, but as there was a
design in it, the pajDer had been referred to the Secretary
of War, where it could be seen, but that the agent's
character as an officer, in the department, was too well
known, and avouched for integrity of purpose, a successful
government of his charge for more than twenty years,
hence, it would afford him, the President, pleasure to again
send my name to the Senate for confirmation. This was
done, and the agent received his sixth commission to the
utter defeat of the machinations of his enemies and the
astonishment of knowing traders, but to the joy and evident
satisfaction of the Indians generally.

The system of Indian trade had been for years and still
was more oppressive apparently than seemed needful.
The price of goods of all kinds suited to the wants of the
Indians were enormous, and when a hunter could not pay
up his credit in full during the fall and winter months,
in the spring his guns, traps, kettles, rat spears, and even
his hatchets, were demanded of him. Of this hardship the
Indians complained to the agent of these traders, and no
wonder, for their unfeeling, heartless course of oppression
deprived them of the means of supporting their families
on their spring hunt. We do not think this course of
action was general among the traders, for there were a
few honorable exceptions. Francois Labathe and Jean B.
Faribault both suffered from their harsh treatment of the
Indians, both having had severe stabs in their broils with
their hunters. \

An incident occurred between the soldiers of the garrison
and Mr. Faribault, while on the island, which affected the

AUTO-BIOGRA.PHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 223

standing of the latter for a time. There was not a drop
of whisky at the post, the 22d of February was approaching;
it was hinted by some one that Mr. F. had a little. Ser-
geant Mann was sent over to feel the way as negotiator.
He succeeded in getting all there was — one gallon, and for
which eighty dollars was paid on promise of inviolable
secrecy. The 22d arrived, the whisky produced, and, lo!
it had been diluted with water. This the soldiers could
not tolerate, and Mr. F., at all risks, was reported to the
officer in command. It was in the power of the agent,
however, to put matters at ease in Mr. F.'s dilemma— he
had his smiter temporarily employed for the Indian depart-
ment at Mendota, where Mr. F. finally built a permanent
residence.

After many efforts of moral suasion, the agent was
enabled to find himself at the head of the best organized
agency under the Government, and this effected with much
toil and but little support from any quarter, except such
as was accorded by the military, when sought, which
was seldom deemed expedient. Substantial and sufficient
quarters for all purposes had been secured by the agent
at his own cost, and thousands of his own private means
expended in many an emergency, for want of sufficient
public funds. At no time from 1819 to 1840, was the
allotment for his agency over the average of |800. Not a
square inch of stroud cloth to each Indian in the nation.
No wonder the agent was accused of great mystery in his
management of Indian affairs, but in this apparent mystery,
in the providence of an all-wise Creator, reposed his queer
powers of control of the heart of the children of his care;
he was protected amid dangers seen and unseen. In two

224 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

instances his life was preserved by an Indian woman, and
at another period by Duncan Campbell, a brother of Scott
Campbell, the United States interpreter, a man of great
worth and efficiency, a true friend to the Americans, but
badly served in the strange decision made in the treaty
of September 29th, 1837 — his family is justly entitled to
$8,000, granted by his nation in that treaty. It was
necessary to visit the Presbyterian Mission at Lake Har-
riet in company with Philander Prescott.

Towards evening we left in our wagon for the agency;
on the way met the Rev. Samuel William Pond on the
prairie, who seemed agitated, saying to us: "You had
better hurry on as the Sioux intend mischief to the
Chippewas at Baker's Trading Post." Whip was put on
the horse at once and speed made; met some females run-
ning who said: "Hurry on, Father, or you will be too
late." We wanted no urging, for the horse was dull at
his best speed. We reached the scene of trouble just
as the sun went down. On jumping down from the wagon
the firing on the Chippewas commenced, and so vice
versa. The flashes from the guns were so rapid that for
a moment the agent closed his eyes; but soon seized
the Red Bird by the hair, saying: "You dog. be off."
My voice was soon heard and the Sioux made off in all
haste, leaving one Chippewa killed and two young Sioux
mortally wounded; these fell from exhaustion in Capt.
Boon's dragoon camp, just beyond Minnehaha, the sol-
diers conveying them to their temporary encampment a
little further on. Dr. I. I. B. Wright, surgeon of the
army being present, was requested to ask for a detail of
soldiers to convey the body of the unfortunate Chippewa

f

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 225

to the Fort, which request Major Plympton in command,
promptly complied with. The next day the instigators of
this outrage on the Chippewas. (old Hole-in-the-Day, whom
the agent had instructed in the office of chief at the re-
quest of his people, being present), were delivered, upon
demand of the agent, and confined in the Fort to await
future action. The murdered Indian was decently interred
in the public burying ground near the remains of "Little
Crow" and "White Buzzard," Sioux chiefs. The agent
had satisfactorily shown not only on this occasion, but in
1827, clearly to all men that he required not the use of
military aid in enforcing his authority, the military inter-
ference doing more harm than good. Could the military
authority bring in offenders five hundred miles off on the
plains? No, but the agent could, and did effect this,
when it was asserted that the Indians would laugh at the
demands of their Father.

We now come to the year 1839. The murder of Ne-ka
or Badger, near the Mission of Lake Harriet, by three
of the pillagers of Leech Lake — such was the popularity
of this Sioux — that this deed of wanton cruelty set on fire
of revenge all the neighboring villages. It proved a most
unfortunate murder, as the Indians were off in pursuit
of revenge before the agent was apprised of the move-
ment. They pressed rapidly up to Rum river and before
the agent's messenger reached the village of Little Crow,
the young men crossed overland to the St. Croix, and
there were conflicts on the same day. It was a severe
retaliation, for the Sioux returned with ninety-five scalps.
Human foresight could not have changed this truly unfor-
tunate result. Towards the close of the year the agent

226 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

had fulfilled all treaty stipulations and the Indians coin-
cided with and dismissed them. He was asked for another
meeting in council. This was conceded, not aware, how-
ever, of the object, as the agent had finally arranged
in presence of the chief of towns with their approval full
estimates for the ensuing year. Several chiefs, at the
hour designated, entered the agencj'- office. Shortly there-
after John C. Fremont, Henry H. Sibley, also Alexander
Faribault, and others of the American Fur Company. At
this moment also a note from Mr. P. Prescott, as to the
true object of that council, which was to accuse the agent
with authorizing the *' Bad-Hail" to cross the Mississippi
and drive Henry C. Menck, a British convict, from his
whiskey shop and put fire to his cabin. This Indian, a very
bad one, whom the agent once confined in the guard house
at the Fort for mutinous conduct, was the tool selected by
the traders and whiskey sellers to fasten a foul and
malicious charge against these long tried, and unwavering
friends. The "Bad-Hail," it is true, had consulted the
agent as to these pests of the post; asking permission to
drive them off before the day of the annuity payments.
He was emphatically told to go home to his village; that
neither the Indians nor the agent had any business with
these bad men. That the chief of the soldiers, Major
Plympton, would at the proper time drive those men off
and burn their cabins. But he chose, it seems, to take
this responsibility upon himself, as one of the soldier's,
and run Mr. Menck out of his house; but not by the
agent's order, for this was contrary to all his counsels for
more than twenty-one years. Nevertheless, a writ was
obtained of the sheriff by James R. Clewett, a foreigner,

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 227

he deputizing Henry Menck to serve it, another for-
eigner, who found the agent in a sick room. There was
no waiting; a canoe was in readiness and sick or well,
— drawing a pistol at the same time — "you shall go to
Clayton Court House." The agent coolly said; "Put up
your pistol, Mr. Menck, or whatever your name is. I
wish only time to send a note to the Fort previous to
leaving. "

Mr. Menck was greatly astonished in a few minutes to
find himself a prisoner in the hands of a military guard
and shipped across the Mississippi, and told to keep out
of the country or he would be sent to Missouri for enter-
ing the Indian country without a passport.

Thus terminated this farce. The officers of the post
were greatly incensed at such an infamous violation of
law. The agent had asked to withdraw his resignation
for a few months in consequence of this attack, and other
suits at law brought by Alexis Bailly and others for en-
forcing the intercourse laws, but his appeal was not
granted and Amos J. Bruce was appointed. This was
well, for he well knew that the time would come when
all his efforts to do good would pass into oblivion and the
nationality of the noble Sioux be completely destroyed,
and the nation become extinct. The Indian Department
had failed to sustain their agent, and were lending a list-
ening ear to the agents of the American Fur Company.
Honest men had to return from the Indian service in dis-
gust, as the most faithful, honest and persevering officers
of the Department could not convince the general com-
missioners at the seat of government how necessary it
;was to give prompt attention to all estimates under treaty

228 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

stipulations, and to conform strictly, article by article, to
these estimates, the agents alone being held responsible
by the Indians for the correct and faithful application of
their funds, which should leave no room for comments by
interested traders as to the quantity and quality of the
goods procured by their money.

The factory system of trade with the Indians was abol-
ished in opposition to the wishes of all the agents, ofiicially
expressed. Had the system been continued under a more
thorough organization, and losses made up whenever a
treaty for cessions of land was made with the Indians,
an end would have been put to the wiles of the American
Fur Company, no wrongs perpetrated on the ignorant and
helpless, no perjury, no bribed commissioners at the mak-
ing or fulfillment of treaties with the Indians, and the
general peace among the tribes more easily enforced and
maintained.

All the disgrace for years back, attending our Indian
intercourse may and can be traced, not to the agents
proper, but to the acts of the commissioners and other
persons deputized by the Government to frame treaties
with the tribes and returned upon the poor Indians to
make a mock fulfillment, calling in the aid of more than
willing tools to rob the helpless by forcing their unwill
ing signatures to base frauds upon them. O, white man,
what degradation has your thirst for gold brought upon
the poor savage ! The curse of God and the finger of
scorn pointed at you by all Christian men, and unless ye
repent ye shall all likewise perish, for the wicked now
walk on every side while the vilest of men are exalted.
Nevertheless, man being in honor abideth not; he is like

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO, 229

the beasts that perish. Such were the reflections and ex-
perience in Indian affairs of the agent at St. Peter's, who
had always tried, faithfully and honestly, to do his duty
fearless of consequences.

In the early occupancy, by the civil and military, of the
Indian country on the Upper Mississippi, it was found
indispensible to peace and good order, to keep a tight
rein over a wild and mixed population, composing those
not subject to law and order, but self-willed and arrogant.
A controlling influence became necessary, and was mildly
but firmly enforced.

Murder, theft, purchase of soldier's clothing, introduc-
tion of whiskey, fraud and drunkenness, met with prompt
punishment, but few examples were found expedient.
Emigration from Pembina to the interior of the United
States did not commence for some years after the estab-
lishment of Fort Snelling, but the failure of crops by the
inundations of rivers and myriads of locusts, compelled
the settlers to petition for passports to a large amount,
which were at once granted by the agent. Many arrived
at various times at the entry, were fed by the govern-
ment and sent onward to Iowa and Wisconsin, the Scotch
founding a settlement near Dubuque called New Scotland.
Among them the agent recognized the name of Wishart,
and purchased his carts, cattle, etc. , and gave him a boat to
descend the river with his family. A Frenchman, by name
Perry, with his family remained, and became a great cat-
tle raiser; so much so that the commandant requested
him to change his location to Carver's old cave, six miles
below the Fort, east of the Mississippi, which he cheer-
fully did. Here, it may be said, small things often

230 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

decide our locality for us. Mrs. Perry was a celebrated
accoucheur, and this fact coming to the knowledge of the
ladies of the post, there was no withstanding their appeal
by the commanding officer, Col. Snelling, hence the Perry
family became a permanent fixture. "When any of his
large herd of cattle were killed by the Indians, the agent
had him promptly paid.

The military sometimes brought charges against the
Indians. One of those complaints, being officially made
by Lieut. Eastman, will only be noted. It was for the
killing of his pointer dog by a young Indian while out on
the prairie. The case was soon investigated. The Indian
at once acknowledged the fact of killing the dog, but
disclaimed any hostility to the complainant. The dog
came up to him as he lay on the prairie. He seemed a
good mark; he raised his pistol and fired, and the dog
fell. Had he seen the officer, knowing him well, he would
not have fired. He was ready to settle the difficulty by
giving Mr. Eastman his horse, and hoped he would not
be hard with him as they were relation. Mr. Eastman
was officially informed of the result, and that the horse
was in readiness should he accept the indemnity prof-
fered. There was no response, but the hostility of this
gentleman to the agent, of which he took no notice, as he
had performed his duty as far as any honorable man
could reasonably expect, was plainly visible.

Officers had familiarized themselves with the Indians
after the fashion of the traders, and there were many liv-
ing evidences of the fact. Orders had to be issued by the
respective commanding officers of the post excluding Indian
ladies from daily and nightly visits to their friends in the

AUTO'BIOGRAPHY OP MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 231

Fort. The traders would make a detective of the agent
if practicable. All thefts on each other were reported to
the agent for justice. Deserting boatmen (fed on corn
and tallow) must be forced to proceed up the St. Peter's
with their outfits for the trade, right or wrong. Every
ox, cow, calf or hog lost by persons on the Indian lands,
the agents were expected to find the culprits or pay for
these often fictitious losses Droves of cattle passing the
plains, including sheep to Red River Colony, were de-
serted on the head waters of the Minnesota. Gibson, the
contractor, appealed to the agent, and, after much trouble,
being fully authorized, some $900 of the loss was trans-
mitted to Gen. Clark, Superintendent of Indian Affairs,
and paid over to the claimants.

The winters were generally severe. That of 1824-5 was
more mild, the steamer "Rufus Putnam," Captain Bates,
passing Lake Pepin and reaching the fort April 5, 1825,
and returned again on the 5th of May with goods for the
Columbia Fur Company, passed up the Minnesota to their
post at "Land End." This was the first boat passing
through its waters, as the steamer ''Virginia" was the
first to land with government stores at Fort Snelling.

To show how very unfortunate the government was in
the selection of commissioners to close the Winnebago
treaty of 1837, the funds for the payment of the half-
breeds, some 185,000, was so long delayed that Mr. Broad-
head, of Pennsylvania, and others bought up the claims
of these poor ignorant creatures for one fourth and one-
half. After this the commission, finding the money still
not arriving, left by steam for St. Louis (the agent at
St. Peter's being in company), met some forty miles be-

232 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

low Prairie du Chien a steamboat with the long-expected
funds, which Quartermaster McKissac immediately, in per-
son, returned with to St. Louis. Here application was
made by Commissioners Murry and Cameron for the cash.
Military District Agent Hitchcock, on consultation with
the St. Peters agent, refused to pay it over, very prop-
erly. An appeal was taken from the military disbursing
agent's decision to the War Department, and afterwards
to Senator Buchanan, of Pennsylvania.

An able pamphlet was written by Major Hitchcock,
and published; the St. Peter's agent's certificate embodied
in it. So plainly was gross fraud shown, that the War
Department sent another agent with funds to see the half-
breeds and settle with them, allowing said Broadhead
and others, the sum of fifteen per cent, only for the out-
lay of money. This transaction only went to confirm the
official reports to the office of Indians of the disgrace
which these temporary appointments entailed upon the
agents proper in the Indian country. It seemed as if
the department had no confidence in commanders, officers
of posts, and their agents near the same, to settle and ad-
just all treaty stipulations. Had this policy been adopted,
full satisfaction would have been secured at a trifling
expense to the government. Being a man of simple hab-
its, looking at things as he found them, the idea of poli-
tics or political aims controlling men and traders had not
been for a moment his study. He was a child in such
matters, he believed himself honest in all things; deeming
every other man whatever his station equally so. But
a lapse of time after a close intimacy with all descrip-
tions of people, the human heart seemed deceitful above

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 233

all things and desperately wicked. Eagerness for gold
and places of honor in the councils of the nation be-
ing fully inaugurated, and unblushingly pursued as trade,
it became plain to his mind, painful as the bare idea was,
that the final rulers of this great and growing nation
would destroy it, as all ancient history in the early ages
of the world had shown.

Spurning the common wish of help,
I loved my country for itself.

The winters of Minnesota have been merely touched
upon. The severity of these was often fatal to both
whites and Indians on the plains. Martin Macleod * lost
two companions beyond Lac qui Parle, in passing from
the Red River settlement to Fort Snelling; this is not the
only occurrence of the kind. On one particular occasion,
in the winter of 1826-7, a band of thirty lodges of the
Sisseton, and other Sioux, in passing from one hunting
district to another more favorable for game, were over*
taken by a snow storm, and encamped on a large prairie
some ten miles from wood land, supposing the storm
would not prove of long continuance. Yet the storm con-
tinued to rage for three days and nights, until the snow
fell over three feet deep, with intense cold. Here were
seventy-five men, women and children, soon without wood
or food of any kind. This party had but seven pair of
snow-shoes, and the strongest men left for the nearest
trading post, one hundred miles off. Days were lost
in going to and returning with assistance to their doomed
friends. The traders sent four Canadians with what pro-
visions they, and the Indians could carry. After great

♦Macleod spelled his name thus in his own signatures. On our state map, and
statistics, it is spelled McLeod. W.

234 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

toil these reached the scene of distress and woe, for
the greater portion of the Indians were dead. The most
revolting of all this calamity was, the living were sub-
sisting on the dead. A mother had eaten her deceased
offspring and a portion of her father's arms. A very
few were rescued, among them the poor unfortunate
woman that had been forced to subsist on her own child.
She made her way to the agency in early Spring, but
was a lunatic. At lucid intervals the agent tried deli-
cately to get what information he could of the disaster,
but the heart of stone could not have witnessed her
ravings without the shedding of tears. Poor Tash-u-no-ta,
so young and lovely in person. She asked Capt. Foote,
on visiting the Fort, in the presence of several persons,
if he knew which was the best portion of a man to
eat, taking him by the collar of his coat at the time.
His astonishment was so great at the bare idea, that for
a time he could not speak, after a while he said, no.
She said, the arms. All was done for her that sym-
pathy could suggest, but a few days thereafter she was
found above the entry of St. Peters, dead from the act
of drowning, and she was decently buried. Poor Tash-
u-no-ta, she has gone to the *' spirit-land. " The first
murder of one Indian by another, was caused by the giv-
ing of a bottle of whiskey to the old ** White Buzzard,"
by Colonel Leavenworth at Cold Water Camp, which
was productive of some very sharp correspondence be-
tween the commanding ofiicer and the Indian agent.

In order to enforce morality as far as practicable, being
the highest officer at the post, he induced many traders
with growing Indian families to legitimize their children

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 235

by marriage. There being no minister in the country, he
officiated as a justice of the peace, and united many, among
them was Oliver Cratte to Miss Graham, James Wells to
Miss Graham, daughters of Duncan Graham: Alpheus R.
French to Mary Henry, of Ohio, closing with the union
of Dred Scott with Harriet Robinson — my servant girl,
which I gave him. The only colored woman purchased
was by Alexis Bailly of Major Garland. The agent in
after years gave freedom to all his slaves. If estimated
by others it would be a gift of twenty-five or thirty
thousand dollars ; but there was no outside influences
touching the decision of the liberators ; it was a solemn
act not influenced by any earthly powers.

Indians thought much of negroes — called them black men,
or black Frenchmen, Wah-she-che-sappo— would place their
hands on the agent's boy's head, and laugh heartily. The
agent at Traverse des Sioux found it expedient to punish his
servant for giving too much whisky to several young men,
which placed the agent for a time in an uncomfortable posi-
tion. "When brought up for castigation, and a blow or two
had been inflicted, the Indians prayed the agent to forbear.
"Well," said the agent, "if you will all hit him with your
pipe-stems for his bad conduct he may go." This was
acceded to at once, but it was not known if they had
inflicted any blows on William.

The war with England had been the means of dividing
the largely populated villages into small communities —
these having medals, flags and silver gorgets, presented
by Colonel Robert Dickson, to each war chief sending a
squad of Indian allies for the British service, induced
these young men at the close of the war to assume the

236 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

station and prerogatives of chiefs — the authority of the
old chiefs put at defiance. This was the status of things
when their new agent assumed the direction of their affairs;
hence it required time and prudence to consolidate these
off- shoots and give confidence and more authority to the
hereditary chiefs. It was necessary in aid of this effort
to secure as fast as possible a delivery up of all these
foreign marks — so much esteemed by their possessors
Success attended the efforts of the policy silently adopted,
and the agent, in two years, received thirty- six medals of
George III; twenty-eight flags and eighteen gorgets. Of
American medals and flags, he replaced only such as might
enhance his own influence with his people.

It was some length of time before he could induce the
Indians to respect the Sabbath-day — all days being alike
to them. It so happened that hundreds of important peace
conventions were made and confirmed by the hostile tribes
on the Lord's day. But time and patience brought them
to reason, and for years they respected the white man's
great *' medicine day." The sign given for the day of rest
was the agency flag floating from the flag- staff, at the
agency council house.

For a time it was deemed pardonable to apparently give
in to their various superstitious ceremonies — appear to be
interested in all their dogmas of religious ceremonies —
initiations into the medicine family, dances, songs, etc.
The agent in the winter, February, 1846, witnessed the
initiation ceremony on Pike's Island, when Little Crow's
grandson — Little Crow, and two young women became
members of the medicine family. The Grand Master, Lit-
tle Crow, a venerable chief, officiated. He advanced to

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 237

the inclosure, asking the agent how he liked the ceremony.
''I would invite you within, but it is against our rules.'
Of course he was told that it was grand and sublime, for
I was a mason and could comprehend much that the
uninitiated could not. He said: "at this time we could not
make you a brother member of our order, but at another
time if you wish it, though no white was ever permitted
to unite with us; but if you were to apply it would be
hard to refuse you; you are as good as an Indian in our
minds."

The agent was at the height of his usefulness at this
period, with not only the Sioux — his special charge — but
the Chippewas, from Chippewa river to the Pillagers of
Otter Tail lake. When chiefs died, and others were to be
installed, the parties were uniformly compelled to designate
their choice by a simple process. The committee were
given a full suit of American uniform, and told that the
chief selected in council by the band, on reporting to the
agent with that uniform on would at once be recognized,
and respected by him. This course of action uniformly
gave entire satisfaction — if not, it was no fault of their
friend. As to displacing or making chiefs of towns, the
agent well knew would prove an unpopular assumption of
power and affect his standing with all the tribes. Not one
man in five thousand understands the savage heart; to soften
this and control it for good, his power must be given him
from on high. That power enables an humble instrument
to face all dangers, to stop war parties, often from three
hundred to eight hundred strong, to bring offenders to
justice hundreds of miles off — all by the aid of a moral

-14

238 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

influence, which they did not resist. All evil influences
brought to bear on the minds of the Indians by the
traders and others, were promptly met, and foiled in a
manner that they could not comprehend. As the agent
had his spies upon their conduct as well as theirs upon
his.

Messrs. Samuel and Gideon Pond, two young christian
men from Connecticut, and to whom the agent gave his
quarters and encouragement, were of inestimable service.
So was the Rev Dr. Williamson, Dr. Riggs, Mr. Ste-
vens, Gavin, and others of their respective missions ;
also the Rev. Alvan Coe, who suffered much in the
Chippewa country. We would gladly pass over the name
of the Rev. A. Brunson of the Methodist Mission, without
comment, but it must in truth be said, he gave both the
Indians and the agent trouble with his complaints and de-
mands the most unreasonable. The Government could not
be induced to permit the agent to use funds applicable
under the treaty of 1837, to schools and missions — in this
his hands were tied, after an expenditure for these im-
portant objects, of only $1,500. But few unbiased living
men know of the fiery ordeals through which he had to
pass, from 1819 to 1840. Volumes of official and other
correspondence shows more than the world will, perhaps,
ever know; and, finally becoming satisfied that serving to
the close of his sixth term would not only endanger his
reputation, but his life, from the influx of bad men into
the country, and this for his incorruptible devotion to his
charge and the true interest of the government, he left
with sorrow his doomed people, with the hearty concur-
rence of his friend, I. N. Nicollet, who said: "You have

AUTO BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 239

done your best fearlessly, devotedly, nobly; you are among
thieves and murderers; the Indians are a doomed race;
save your reputation."

Thus closed the life of the agent among the several
tribes of Minnesota. In 1856 he was in Minnesota, and
present at the laying of the corner stone of the St. Paul
Historical Society. He found none to know him — not an
invitation did he get to "break bread" with any of the
poor, made quickly rich, nor could he get the agents of
the American Fur Company on their bond indemnifying
and forthcoming, drawn by Joseph Rolette and witnessed
by Henry H. Sibley, to free him from the cost of a suit
brought by Alexis Bailly, their agent, for six barrels of
whiskey, seized in 1834 — was referred to Hercules Dous
man as a put off— no redress, hence the remark of Gen-
eral Z. Taylor becomes applicable: "Take the American
Fur Company in the aggregate, and they are the greatest
set of scoundrels the world ever knew." After a lapse of
years the late agent re-entered the army of the United
States in March, 1857, was ordered to San Antonio, Texas,
then to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, thence to Pittsburgh,
Penn., where he lived some four years. At the opening
of the rebellion, with the approbation and approval of
his superiors, the President was pleased, on the 27th of
August, 1863, to have his name placed on the retired list
of the army, with his pay proper. Republics have been
pronounced ungrateful, but now, at the full age of seventy,
he is an exception.

The upper Mississippi became a place of considerable
resort during the spring and summer months, after steam
navigation became fairly to be safe and expeditious. No

240 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

only our citizens from the States, but from foreign coun-
tries, England, France, Italy, Russia, Switzerland, visited
the Falls of St. Anthony, Minnehaha and beautiful sur-
rounding country. Among the latter was Capt. Marryatt,
of the Royal Navy, a famous author, a rough, self-con-
ceited John Bull. He visited the nearest trading post to
see the Indians, announced himself an Englishman to
them, through quite willing interpreters; spoke of their
great nation; that he was going through their country as
their friend; that their great British father had never for-
gotten them. This interview of the sailor was of course
at once made known to the agent, and it was delicately
intimated to the captain that his exploration of the country
closed at Fort Snelling. And ' ' Snarleyyow or the Dog
Fiend," or rather, its author, left soon for ihe lower Mis-
sissippi.

C. G. Beltrami, was an Italian passenger with the agent
from Pittsburgh to Fort Snelling, in the steamer Virginia,
Captain Pemberton, with stores for the army contractor,
and this was the first boat that had had the temerity to
make the effort. On the route up the Father of waters,
the agent and a fireman were on the hurricane deck, one
fair day, firing with a rifle at a mark, 25 cents per shot,
western frontier fashion, when friend Beltrami arrived at
the scene, and soon a scene followed. The Italian, while
my opponent the fireman was adjusting the target for my
shot in turn, picked up the rifle, struck the breech sud-
denly on the deck and off it went, the ball cutting through
his right whisker. No further damage, but his rage was
terrible. He was about to hit my friend the fireman, but
my arm interposed. "Man-ny," said Jones, "If you had

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 241

hit me with that gun I would have given you the worst
beating you ever had in all your born days." This brought
the exclamation "Too much king in America! too much
king!" The response was, "Yes, sir, we are all kings
here, no distinction." The Count's better nature soon pre-
vailed, when he apologized to the fireman for his rash-
ness, who said, "Stranger, it's all well, but if you had of
hit me with that gun you would have wished you never
had." After this episode we passed to our destination
through a brilliant light many miles of the way, for the
bordering hills were all on fire.

Shortly after Beltrami domiciled at the fort. Col. Long
with his scientific expedition arrived, composed of Mr.
Calhoun, Prof, Saye and Mr. Seymour. Mr. B. asked and
obtained leave to accompany the expedition to Pembina.
I gave him my noble steed ' ' Cadmus " with full equip-
ments and provisions for the journey overland. He left
in good spirits but finally quarreled with Colonel Long,
separated from his party, and alone started in quest of
the sources of the Mississippi. He has in his letters to
his "dear Countess" given some facts of his tour, inter-
spersed with ideal egotistical fiction: Yet he was a man
of talent and deserves credit for the information imparted
to the country as far as it goes. He knew but little of
Indian habits or character. His temper could not brook
the tardy movements of this people. He could not let
patience have its perfect work, and so he and Cloudy
Weather, a Pillager sub-chief well known to the agent,
and under whose safe guard he then was, hundreds of
miles off, had a falling out, so that the Cloud had to
strike the Count with his pipe stem to keep him quiet, and

242 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

our Italian had sense enough to take the hint. After this
Cloudy Weather with a few young men escorted their
charge in safety to Fort Snelling.

Beltrami speaks truly of his ardent reception on his re-
turn, but he kept dark as to his troubles with the Cloud.
But the old man gave the agent all the particulars.
"When I met him," said the Cloud, "and he mentioned
your name — pointing down the Mississippi — I determined
to see him safe to your house." The chief was thanked
and rewarded for his fidelity.

The most interesting explorer to the upper Mississippi
was I. N. Nicollet, a distinguished French astronomer, a
gentleman of general scientific information. He had
landed at New Orleans from France and while there fell
through the observatory breaking two of his ribs. He
was known to Chief Justice Catron, and kindly taken
into his family and cared for until able to move without
pain, when he, with letters from the Judge, wended his
way to St. Louis. Here he was given letters of intro-
duction to the agent at St. Peter and his lady, who in-
vited him to their residence, furnished him with pleasant
quarters and a place at their table, Virginia fashion, a
call six months, a visit one year.

Soon many questions were put as to the probable ac-
complishment of the object of his visit to St. Peter's.
Could he go to the settlement of Selkirk? Yes. Could
he go to the source of the Mississippi? Yes, sir. "Well,"
said he, with a pleasant smile, ' ' you American beat de
dev. Suppose I say can I go to h — ell, you say yes."
Here his friend Mrs. T. remarked, ' ' None of us will
send you that route if we can prevent it." "Well, then,

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 243

madam, change my route to the upper Mississippi." And
with the aid of Benj. F. Baker, a teacher at the post,
and the agent, he soon had his bark boat, crew and
proper stores and left us in good spirits, with his load
of scientific instruments for his tedious exploration. He
succeeded well and returned with a map of the country,
and though drawn with a pen, presented a beautiful
picture of lakes, land and rivers. This original map was
presented to Mrs. Taliaferro after he had finished it at
the agency in the fall and winter of 1836-7.

It was deemed of great importance after this, by the
agent, that we should get Mr. Nicollet to explore the
country generally to the north and west in Minnesota,
and the Missouri. The Indian agents sounded Mr. N. on
this idea. He responded quickly: "I have received so
much unexpected kindness and hospitality from the peo-
ple of the United States thus far, that if requested he
would not say no. This was enough and Maj. Taliaferro
at once addressed the Secretary of War, Mr, Poinsett, on
the vast importance of a more perfect knowledge of one
of the finest and most productive portions of our vast
territories. The proposition was met in due season and
Mr. N. with his associate John C. Fremont, entered upon
the great exploration and survey, and the result of their
labors was a large and correct map of Minnesota, Dako-
ta, &c.

The long and dreary winters spent by Mr. Nicollet in
the family of Maj. Taliaferro at the agency were relieved
in the long nights of some 16 hours duration, by music,
(Mr. N. was an accomplished violinist, Mrs. T. on the
piano,) for hours each night. On closing them came his

244 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

last supper of wild rice, mush and milk, then to his rest
in the storehouse.

When Mrs. T. left for her home in Bedford, Pennsylva-
nia, Mr. Nicollet and Mr. Fremont were entertained by Mr.
Sibley at Mendota, his trading post, near the entry of the
Minnesota River. Mr. N., when low spirited, did not for-
get his sister, as he called her, Mrs. Taliaferro, as he
found her at Bedford and passed the winter with us; and
it was well he did. for he had to be carefully nursed and
had the best medical attendance, Mrs. T. dressing his
blisters and acting faithfully the good Samaritan.

On the opening of spring we all went on in company
to Washington city, there to renew his official labors.
The small map presented to Mrs. T. was found indis-
pensable to the completion of his large map, and this
was promptly given him, but after his death was never
recovered. This map I desired, of all things, to put in
the archives of the Historical Society, at St. Paul, as
also a copy of the grant, on parchment, of Carver's
claim, signedby Snake and Turtle.

We visited Mr. N. at St. Mary's College, Baltimore,
where all his geographical specimens and other speci-
mens were stored; also at Dr. Ducatel's, in the same city,
where he found in the person of the doctor's lady an-
other sister. Never was any foreign gentleman more
esteemed than was Mr. N, by all who ever knew him.
He was a man of fine heart, congenial, winning compan-
ion. When last in Washington we visited, at his request,
the French Minister, M. Pontiva, and on being introduced
by Mr. N. was forced to sit in his chair of office. The
minister was very profuse in thanks for the many kind

AUTO BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. ' 245

attentions to his esteemed countryman's wants. He was
informed that I had done nothing more than was my
duty. "And nobly did you perform that duty," said the
minister. "Well," said I to the minister, "I can this
night say what no other man can say." "What is that?"
said several voices, for the room was full by this time.
"I have been Secretary of State of the United States
and Minister Plenipotentiary from France to the United
States." "How is that?" "Easily explained, gentlemen.
When I was a green second lieutenant in the army my
father gave me a letter to James Monroe, Secretary of
State. On delivering this letter I was asked to take a
seat, and, ass like, I found myself in my confusion in
a large red morocco chair, his state chair; now I pay my
respects to the Minister from France and he forces me
to take his chair of office." The point was seen, and
produced some merriment. Nicollet said, "You are a bad
boy; you will pass, however."

It was the earnest hope of Mr. N., often expressed
as his health failed him, that he could live to finish his
great work, and out of gratitude dedicate it to the peo-
ple of the United States. Into whose hands his papers
fell I know not, though application was made to the
office of topographical engineers. Of mementoes of this
distinguished man, more than one remain in the family
of Major Taliaferro, and whose memory is affectionately
cherished and will continue as long as they live.

Of Mr. Featherstonhaugh — a long name — but little can
be said as to his explorations of the Minnesota. His re-
port does not give evidence of a master mind, as it was
made up mostly from construction and not from actual

246 • MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

observation or geological research. He was obviously not
flattered with his reception at Fort Snelling, or in the
Indian country. He attempted to pass current for that
which he possessed not — superior talent and modesty in
his profession. Lieut. Mather, of the army, his asso-
ciate, was of a different stamp. Solid, clear-headed, sci-
entific, with a modest, unassuming gentlemanly bearing,
he should have led the English gentleman into one of
the finest fields for topographical research in any por-
tion of the world. The notes of Lieut. Mather on this
expedition were filed in the office of the topographical
engineer at the seat of government.

APOLOGY.

My age is now — April, 1864 — over three score years
and ten. So afflicted and nervous, attended with severe
pains at times and general debility, that I fear these
seventy five pages, so full' of omissions, ^mistakes and
bad chirography and worse orthography — this portion,
for it is only a portion— will prove of but little interest
to my kind friend and brother in Christ.

LAWRENCE TALIAFERRO,

M. S. K., United States Army.
Rev. Edward D. Neill,

Sec'y Historical Society, St. Paul, Minn.

P. S. — Should a large number of autograph letters of
distinguished persons bearing on Indian affairs be needed
as reference for authority, you can have them.

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 247

OMISSIONS NOT BEFORE NOTED ON INDIAN AFFAIRS, MILI-
TARY OFFICERS, INDIAN TRADE AND TRADERS, LAWS
OF CONGRESS, FOREIGN POPULATION, HABITS, ETC.

Fresh from the army, the school of honor, and thrown
at once into a new sphere of action, a young man of ac •
knowledged military tact and firmness, it became his duty
in his important, delicate and dangerous position as agent
for Indian affairs at the Falls of St. Anthony, for the north-
ern and western tribes of Indians, to learn their habits,
manners and customs practically by a full and free inter-
course with all that could be reached. He found the old
Indian department without form or councilings, but cha-
otic, rotten to the core. British influence had kept for
years the minds and bodies of the poor Indian, by evil coun-
cils, in entire subjection, hence the officials of the United
States, especially before and during the war of 1812, found
their efforts for good worse than useless to the government.
It was left for the year 1819, to stay the tide of "John
Bull's " supremacy over the various tribes, not only within
the new territories, but also throughout our entire Indian
country.

Joseph Rolette, Col. Robert Dickson, Duncan Graham
and others active in marshaling the Indians to join with
England, had been proscribed the country. Congress had
passed laws too tame for the times; arrogance and pre-
sumption of old British traders had not been sufficiently
checked. Agents had granted at Mackinac, a general license
to the American Fur Company, under which sub-licenses
were signed in blank by George Boyd, and these were filled

248 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

up in the Indian country by traders, for trade at any point
selected by them. This completely neutralized the law
which designated points at which the trade should be con-
ducted. Hence, the agent at St. Peter's for a time had to
respect the action of the agent at Mackinac as to the grant-
ing indiscriminately licenses for trade on the Mississippi
and River St. Peter's. All this had to be met and corrected
however, censured by the fur traders. All the acts of the
new agent were carefully considered and faithfully and
truly reported to the government. As early as 1820, the
officers of Fort Snelling, in an official form, unanimously
approved the action of the Indian agent, and their entire
confidence in his ability to continue, not only the Indian
tribes, but the fur trade and traders. Subsequently, the
fact that British influence had received a heavy blow.

In due course of time it was found that the- persons pro-
scribed at an early day, might be permitted to join their
families in the Indian country. The War Department was
consulted. The agent gave a letter to Col. Robert Dickson
for the Secretary of War, and a note also to the British min-
ister, Mr. Canning, as to Col. D.'s honor and faithfulness, the
minister paid him his pension of £300 sterling, the last he
ever received, and the president after an interview with
Dickson, directed the Secretary of War, J. C. Calhoun, to
leave the case of the old Scotchman entirely to the direction
of the agent at St. Peter's, as he alone was responsible for
the conduct of his agency. Of course the old offender had
full permission to join his family at Lac qui Parle. This
act of the agent gave some offence to his venerable superin-
tendent of Indian affairs. General Wm. Clark, but the agent
not only assumed this responsibility but he recalled Duncan

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OP MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 249

Graham, and others, admonishing Mr. Rolette, who seemed
astonished at the decision made so speedily after the former
decisions of the government. It was fortunate for the offi-
cial harmony of the country, as the agent by his decided
action made hosts of friends speedily. It was at this period
that he received an additional name, Chunta-topah, or the
Pour hearts, French, Scotch, Sioux, American; also Muscoe
G. Taliaferro, sub-agent, a younger brother, was named
Mah-za-su-tah, or "Strong Iron," and quite popular with
Indians generally, being an M. D. Medicine man. After
Colonel Leavenworth came Colonel Snelling, Colonel Mor
gan, Major Fowle, Colonel Case, Colonel Bliss, Captain
Gale, Captain Vail, Captain Martin Scott, Colonel Taylor,
Major Jouett, Major Plympton; of traders licensed from
1819 to 1840, these were Alexis Bailly, J. B. Faribault, Phi-
lander Prescott, Wright Prescott, Jos. Renville, Louis Pro-
vincaille, Daniel Lamont, Benjamin F. Baker, Duncan Camp-
bell, Alexander Faribault, Hazen Mooers, Alexander Cul-
bertson, A. Ryzane, Laframboise Rocque, Ezekiel Lockwood,
Jean Baptiste Mayrand, H. H. Sibley, Rix Robinson, Dun
can Graham, Joseph R. Brown, James Wells, Joseph La-
framboise, Joseph Snelling, Francois Labathe, Augustin
Grignon, J. P. Tilton and others. Most of these traders,
and many of their hands, had the use of Indian women as
long as it suited their convenience, and children were born
to them. In purchasing women from their parents, a price
more or less had to be paid by the clerks of the respective
companies. Their women must be dressed, and most of this
extravagance charged on a per cent, of their hunters, as
lost credits on making their returns to their agents.
The traders licensed at Mackinac by George Boyd and

250 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Henry R. Schoolcraft for the Chippewas on the up-
per Mississippi lakes and rivers, were Wm. A. Aitkin,
the father of twenty-five Indian children, Morrison,
Holiday, Chapman, Cotee, Dingley and Warren. It was
in this section that traders from below met the most
strenuous opposition, decreed all goods as dirty, thin
American goods, blankets, only fit to dart straws through;
theirs were British goods from England, heavy, strong
and cheap, their guns would not burst. This was
only one of a hundred devices to prevent Indians
from obtaining credit from their competitors. Stealing
each other's credit was a common occurrence, deemed no
discredit in the nature of their business, only sharp prac-
tice overreaching cunning. The British naturalized trad-
ers let loose their venom on the presumption of the au-
thorities at Port Snelling; the vilest abuse being of the
innocent agent at St. Peter's. He was called all sorts of
names by Aitkin sind others, in their councils with the
Chippewas, ail of which was yearly made known to him
by the chiefs, and had men visiting annually at his agency.
All this folly made no difference in the line of his duty,
but he pursued a fearless and independent course of action
both public and private which put to shame his malign-
ers. One great difficulty in the way of an honest adjust-
ment of Indian claims under special treaties from begin-
ning to end, was the treaty making power in the super-
intendency of General Cass. A precedent was established,
the most fatal and dishonest, that of granting Indians
and whites, reservations of land under treaty stipulations
and recognizing the claims of traders for lost credits. In
their dealings with the Indian tribes, no commercial in-

AUTO BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 251

terest on earth was so recognized or guarded. It seems
wonderful to honest men that the President, and Congress
could not, or would not at once reject such palpable
bare faced frauds, but so it was, and so it continued to
be the rule under several successive administrations of
the government. The efforts of several agents to correct
these palpable acts of injustice to both the United States,
and the Indians proved powerless. Political advancement
of certain ordinary men in the west, proved finally suf-
ficient to become identified with the cupidity of the fur
traders and land speculators. This was made their pec-
uniary interest. Hence the interest of the government,
and the Indian tribes had, as it were to go to the wall.
Indian agents that could be influenced proved recreant to
their several charges. The Indians finally lost confidence
in all white men, and well they might, in reference to
Indian treaties, and their fulfilment. Under solemn stip-
ulations the heart of the honest man is made sick. How-
ever, there lies in all wrong a germ of retribution, that
will punish the wrong deed sooner or later.

But for the treaty of 1857, the Sioux bands of the
Dakota nation would have been a peaceable, and thriv-
ing people, but the wrongs perpetuated by white men
under that treaty, mainly caused the murder of many in-
nocent people in 1862. The Crow, and his Indians real-
ized their fate in 1858, at Washington, at the last treaty
with the government; they were as children led to the
slaughter, no man seemed to care for them, and they be-
came desperate. The young men could no longer be con.
trolled, their lands were sold and the traders got the
proceeds through the connivance of men called respect

252 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

able citizens by evil doers. Contracts for the removal of
Indians was among the number of stupendous frauds
practiced on the government. Some commissioners of
Indian affairs, either knaves or fools, entered into the
wildest contracts, one as a sample of the rest. Commis-
sioner Brown, contracted with some one, for the re-
moval of the Winnebagoes from Iowa reservation to the
Crow River, beyond the Falls of St. Anthony, for one
hundred and five thousand (105,000) dollars. H. H. Sib-
ley, said he would perform that duty for twenty-five
thousand (25,000) dollars. Commissioner Brown resigned
his office because of being overreached, or with a well
lined pocket. A proposal was also made after the treaty
of Sept. 29th, 1837, to remove the Sioux from the east
of the Mississippi to the west, for the sum of 150,000.
Fortunately the agent was in Washington, he called at
the Indian office, and prevailed on the secretary of war
to postpone action in this case until he could return to
his agency and make to the department his report. The
agent lost no time, and on the 15th of June, 1838, re-
ported that he had called the few Sioux east of the Miss- '
issippi, to a council west of "Olive Grove," and for less
than 1500, secured their full consent to remain west, and
they faithfully adhered to our agreement. The depart-
ment could not but commend this prompt action of their
resident agent, but he gained no friends by thus summarily
thwarting designing knaves.

At a later period had the government used the exper-
ience and influence of their first old agent, either as a
commissioner or council, Minnesota would have had long
peace and prosperity; the Dakotas said as much more

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. TALIAFERRO. 253

than once. Not until after the year 1840, did the govern-
ment become unfortunate in the selection of their agents
for Indian affairs. Previous to this date, men of distinc-
tion had sought perseveringly a position in it; ex-min-
isters, governors, members of congress, and other citizens
of high standing. The office of Indian affairs had grown
from two rooms to thirty, so rapid was the increase of
official intercourse with the various Indian tribes.

It may be as well here at the close of this sketch of
the experience of Major Taliaferro during some twenty-
two years as agent for Indian affairs in Minnesota, and
after he had returned to the army in 1857, March 14th,
^to record the remarks of Little Crow, and confirmed by
Wabasha and Shakopee, TJie Six, in June, 1858, at Wash-
jington City. These chiefs and the boys with them, called
bt the quarters of their old friend and Father, at the
[corner of 112 E street, with their interpreter, Joseph
[Campbell, eldest son of Scott Campbell, the faithful inter-
[preter of the United States, at the agency at St. Peters,
|irom 1822 to 1840. The Little Crow said: "My old Father,
I we have called upon you; we love you; we respect you;
[we are here none but children; our old chiefs are all
,gone; we don't know what to do; they want us to divide
our lands and live like white people. Since you left us
:a dark cloud has hung over our nation. We have lost
iconfidence in the promises of our Great Father, and his
(people; bad men have nearly destroyed us. You took my
grandfather with you to this great city in 1824; you took
my father also to this city in 1837; he did good Lot our
[people; he made a good treaty, because you stood by him;
[he told me so, and that I must always mind your talk

-15

254 MINNESOTA HIETORICAL COLLECTIONS.

for it was good and true. 'No sugar in your mouth;'
the nation had no better friend. My grandfather repeated
the same words to us— in my ears. I loved you from my
youth, and my nation will never forget you. If ever we
act foolish and do wrong, it is because you are not with
us. How is it. You counciled our nation for more than
twenty-one years, and since you left we have had five
agents as our Fathers; a man took your place, A. I. Bruce,
he was a fool, and had to leave soon; then came another,
and so on. We failed to get a friend in any one, like you;
they all joined the traders. We know your heart, it feels
for your old children." Wabasha followed, confirmatory
of the Crow's remarks, and asked, saying: "My Father,
I am, as you know, a man of few words. My friend has
spoken my mind, the mind of all present here this day.
How is it that J. R. Brown, an old trader, is in your
place? We are Indians, but we have no confidence in Mr,
Brown. I hold your hand for the last time." My poor,
helpless friends were advised to make the best treaty
possible, and try to live in peace with the whites near
them, for their own sakes, and more especially for the
peace and security of their wives and helpless children.
To go to war with the whites was of no use in redressing
supposed or real wrongs; that war would surely destroy
their nation forever; on this they now had the solemn
word of their old friend — one that had never deceived
them, and never would; bear all things, hope all things,
and the Great Spirit will never leave you in the hands
of bad men long.

The Crow, in a speech at Redwood, in sparing the lives
of one or two families, Mrs. Woodbury and children being

AUTO-CIOGRAPHY OF MA J. TALIAFERRO. 255

of the number, said: "I did not wish to go to war; but
my young men forced me to it; we have begun and must
do the best we can. I spare the lives of some of you
for the sake of our good old Father, Mah-sa-husca: his
words are this day in my ears; had he been here this war
would not have been." Mrs. Woodbury is our authority
for the Crow's remarks, when all supposed that they
would be murdered.

We bring this imperfect sketch of one that uniformly
tried to do his duty to God and his fellow man, to a
close, only adding that neither in war nor peace had he
a serious personal difficulty with his mess mates; is a
member of the order of F. and A. Masons; a Deacon in
the "Old School Presbyterian Church," of Bedford, Pa.;
in good standing; and now in his seventy-first year, placed
by the President, in August, 1863, on the retired list of
the army, for long and faithful service to the Republic.

I

HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY,

A MEMOIR,

By J. Fletcher Williams, Secretary of the Minnesota Historical Society.

Henry Hastings Sibley, the oldest living pioneer of
our state at the time of his death, died at his residence,
417 Woodward avenue, St. Paul, on February 18th, at
4:30 o'clock a. m., in the eightieth year of his age.

Many just and eloquent eulogies to the memory of the de-
ceased have been pronounced since his death, in the vari-
ous bodies and societies of which he was a member. The
object of this paper is not to add to these, but simply
to give a plain, unvarnished narrative of his public and
private life.*

ANCESTRY.

The Sibley family came from England with the early
settlers of New England. The name is undoubtedly Sax-
on, signifying, according to Arthur, in his ' ' Derivation
of Names," Sib, peaceful or quiet; ley, lea, legh or leigh,
signifying a pasture, field or commons. Lie, in Welsh,
signifies "a place." This, says Burke, in his "Landed

*The greater part of this paper was published in the St. Paul Daily Pioneer
Press Feb. 17, 1891.

258 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Gentry," is one of that large class of Saxon names de-
rived from localities or places. Lower, in his "Patro-
nymica Britannica," traces the name back to the twelfth
century, and quoted one Sibaldus (the Latinized name)
as a tenant - in - chief in Northamptonshire, given in the
" Domesday Book, " which was written eight centuries ago.
Savage, in his "Genealogical Dictionary of the First Set-
tlers of New England," states that John Sibley (spelled
also Sebley and Sybley in early records) came over in
1629, and settled at Salem. From this ancestor all the
Sibley family in America have sprung. The name, how-
ever, is not a common one, either in this country or in
England, A genealogy of the family in America is in
preparation. Solomon Sibley (father of H. H.) was born
at Sutton, Mass. Oct. 7, 1769. He studied law and re-
moved to Ohio in 1795, establishing himself first at Mari-
etta and subsequently at Cincinnati in the practice of
his profession. He removed to Detroit in 1797, and in
1799 was elected to the first Territorial Legislature of
the Northwestern Territory at Cincinnati. Judge Burnet,
in his work, " Notes on the Northwestern Territory,"
says:

'*Mr. Sibley was a man of high standing, and was
considered one of the most talented men of the House.
He possessed a sound mind, improved by liberal educa-
tion, and a stability and firmness of character which
commanded general respect, and secured to him the con-
fidence and the esteem of his fellow-members."

He was elected to Congress in 1820, and in 1824 was
appointed Judge of the Supreme Court, which post he
held until 1836, when he resigned on account of increas-

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 259

ing deafness. He was also United States Commissioner,
and in company with Lewis Cass, made a treaty with
the Indians for most of the territory which was included
in the peninsular portion of Michigan. He was also, for
a time, United States District Attorney. He died at De-
troit, April 4, 1840, universally respected for his talents
and virtues.

The mother of General Sibley was a Miss Sarah W.
Sproat, daughter of Colonel Ebenezer Sproat, a revolu-
tionary soldier, and of his wife, formerly Miss Catherine
Whipple, daughter of Commodore Abraham Whipple, of
the revolutionary navy. She was born at Providence,
R. I., Jan. 28, 1782. In 1788 her parents removed to
Marietta, Ohio, so that her whole life, almost, was spent
on the frontier. Colonel Sproat, her father, was a man
of great bravery and commanding stature. Hildreth,
in his " Lives of the Pioneers of Ohio," states that
he " was six feet four inches in height, with limbs
formed in nature's most perfect model. His social hab-
its, pleasant, agreeable manners and cheerful disposition
rendered him a general favorite with the officers as well
as with the private soldiers." After he settled at Mari-
etta he held the office of sheriff fourteen years, and
opened, as such, the first court ever held in Ohio. His
experience in military matters was of great advantage
during the border warfare with the Indians in those
days, and he bore a full share of danger and hardship.
He died of apoplexy in 1805, aged fifty-two years, be-
ing still in the prime of life. Mrs. Sibley (mother of
H. H.) is described by Miss Ellet, in her '' Pioneer
Women of the West," as a lady of unusual personal

260 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

beauty and commanding figure. She had "a vigorous
and cultivated intellect, undaunted courage, and an in-
tuitive and clear perception of right and wrong. Affec-
tionate in disposition, frank in manner, and truly just as
well as benevolent, she was during .her whole married
life the center of an admiring circle of devoted friends.
She died, as she had always lived, without one to cast
a reproach upon her elevated and beautiful character."
Her death took place at Detroit, Jan. 22, 1851. Nine
children were born to Judge and Mrs. Sibley — four sons
and five daughters.

BIRTH AND EARLY YEARS.

Henry Hastings Sibley was born at Detroit, Mich. , Feb.
20, 1811. The history of the Northwest at that time,
the perilous condition of the frontier, the savage warfare
which desolated the region, the siege and surrender of
Detroit, etc., are too well known to need recounting. When
the subject of this memoir was only eighteen months old,
the capture of Detroit by the British and Indians took
place. Judge Sibley, his father, with his mother, were
compelled to abandon their home, taking with them only a
few necessaries, and escaped to Ohio, where they re
mained a year. Thus the Sibley family bore their full
share in the trials of frontier life. Three times Mrs. Sib
ley rode on horseback, by a dim trail through the forests
from Detroit to Marietta, camping out most of the way.
It would thus seem that the subject of this sketch was
launched into a career destined from the start to be one
of adventure and stirring incidents, repeating the eventful
pioneer life of his ancestors. Thus hereditarily predis-

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 261

posed, as it might be said, to a life of close contact with
the strange and romantic elements that have always given
such a charm to frontier life in the eyes of the coura-
geous and active, his innate disposition received a still
further bent from the very condition of society in his
boyhood. It was passed in a region favorable for field
sports, and the hardy exploits of the hunter and pioneer,
where every one of the old inhabitants was a fireside bard,
reciting those wonderful epics of hair-breadth escapes and
" accidents by flood and field," perils and feats of the half
mythical heroes of the frontier, legends full of poetry
and romance, well calculated to stir the blood and excite
the ambition of the youthful listener. This largely ac-
counts for the life he subsequently led. During his boy-
hood he received such academical education as could be
obtained in Detroit at that time, and subsequently enjoyed
two years' private tuition in the classics from Rev. R. F.
Cadle, a fine scholar. Judge Sibley had destined him for
his own profession, and about the age of sixteen, in obe-
dience to that wish, he commenced its study in his father's
office. After about a year's delving into the dry details
of the law, young Sibley became convinced that his nat-
ural inclinations and tastes would lead him to a more ac-
tive and stirring life, and so informed his father. Judge
Sibley very wisely told him if such was the case, to pur-
sue his own wishes as regarded his occupation.

GOES TO MACKINAC.

In 1828 he consequently went to Sault. Ste. Marie and
engaged in mercantile operations for about a year. In
1829 he went to Mackinac, an important point at

262 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

that date, as regarded the Northwest trade, and entered
the service of the American Fur Company as clerk. He
remained at that post five years, having a variety of ad-
ventures and becoming acquainted with most of the lead-
ing traders and prominent frontiersmen and pioneers —
names now historical — and with the principal Indian chiefs
and head men. He listened to their stories of life in the
great wilderness of the Northwest ( so he once stated to the
writer) like some tale of romance, filling him with a keen
desire to see and traverse this wonderful land of lake,
prairie and forest. During this period he made his en-
trance into official life, being commissioned by Gov. Geo.
B. Porter of Michigan Territory, a justice of peace of
Michimackinac county in 1831. His commission was, in
fact, received before he was quite of age, and he was sub-
sequently qualified before Michael Dousman, father of the
late Hercules L. Dousman, Prairie du Chien.

COMES TO MINNESOTA.

It was mainly owing to the latter person that Gen. Sib-
ley was induced to come to Minnesota. In a memoir of
Col. Dousman, read before the Historical Society several
years ago. Gen. Sibley said:

"My personal acquaintance with the subject of this
memoir dates back to the year 1829, more than forty
years ago. I was then a mere boy, employed as a
clerk by the American Fur Company at their central
agency at Mackinac. Col. Dousman and others in charge
of important districts were to report in person during
the summer of each year at that point, whither they went
in charge of the Mackinac boats that contained the furs

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 263

and skins collected during the previous year. I became
quite intimate with him, although he was many years
my senior, and at each of his annual visits he depicted
the beauties of this wild Western land in such glowing
colors, and the abundance and variety of game, animals
and birds it contained, that my youthful imagination was
captivated, and my love of adventure aroused, so that in
1834, at his earnest solicitation I formed with him and
the late Joseph Rolette, Sr., a copartnership with the
American Fur Company, of New York, which passed in
that year under the direction of Ramsey Crooks as presi-
dent. By the terms of the agreement I was to be placed
in control of all the country above Lake Pepin, to the
head waters of the streams emptying into the Missouri
and north of the British line, with my headquarters at
St. Peter's, now the village of Mendota. Col. Dousman
was, therefore, under providence, chiefly instrumental in
linking my destinies with those of Minnesota."

Gen. Sibley stated to the writer that it was his love of
field sports, more perhaps than any other motive, which
induced him to come to Minnesota.

"At that time," he states in his article above quoted,
"the bear, the deer, the fisher, the martin, the raccoon
were the tenants of the woods; the beaver, the otter and
other amphibia, such as the mink and the muskrat, were
to be found in the streams and lakes, while the prairies
were dotted with countless herds of bison and the elk,
accompanied by their usual attendants, wolves and foxes,
which scarcely deigned to seek concealment from the eye
of the traveler. The numerous lakes and marshes were
the breeding places of myriads of wild fowl, including

264 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

swan, geese and ducks. Many of the younger men who
sought employment with the fur companies were, like
myself, more attached to this wild region by a love oj
adventure and of the chase than by any prospect of
pecuniary gain. There was always enough of danger
also, to give zest to extreme frontier life, and to counter-
act any tendency to ennui. There were the perils of
prairie fires and of flood, from evil-disposed savages,
and those inseparable from the hunt of ferocious wild
beasts, such as the bear, the panther and the buffalo.
"War was the normal condition of the powerful bands of
Dakotas and Chippewas, and white men falling in with
a party of these belligerent tribes might deem himself
fortunate if he could save his life by a sacrifice of what-
ever property he possessed. The traveler and hunter,
in their peregrinations, were compelled to trust to their
skill in constructing rafts or swimming for crossing the
numerous streams, and to the compass or to the sun and
stars to direct their course. Nature, in her primitive
luxuriance, unmarred by the labor of man, unveiled her
beauties on every side as a reward to those of her in-
frequent visitors who could appreciate and enjoy them."

Such was Minnesota forty- six years ago, when General
Sibley first became a resident of it. In all its vast do-
main, now the home of 1,200,000 white people, there was
then but a mere handful of whites, traders, clerks and
voyageurs in the employ of the fur company, and a few
soldiers at Fort Snelling.

"When I performed the journey," further wrote Gen.
Sibley, "in the autumn of 1834, from Prairie du Chien
to St. Peters, now Mendota, a distance of nearly 300

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 265

miles, there was but one house between those points, and
that was a log house occupied by a trader named Rocque,
situated below Lake Pepin, near the site of the present
town of Wabasha." * * * "I arrived at the mouth of
the Minnesota river on the 7th of November, 1834. The
trip from Prairie du Chien was performed on horseback
in company with Alexis Bailly, since deceased, and tWo
hired Canadians." * * * * ''When I first caught a
glimpse of Fort Snelling, and descended the hills to Men-
do ta, then called St. Peter's, I little anticipated that the
hamlet was to be my abiding place for twenty- eight
years. [In 1862 he removed to St. Paul.] There were a
few log houses at St. Peter's, occupied by persons em-
ployed in the fur trade."

On Nov. 7, 1884, some of Gen. Sibley's friends in St.
Paul gave him an honorary banquet in celebration of the
fiftieth anniversary of his settlement in Minnesota. What
had not that half century witnessed, in the mighty
changes which had taken place in the Northwest?

Of the few traders who occupied the various posts in
this region at that time, not a single one of this band
of heroes now survives. The names of Kittson, Faribault,
Bailly, Aitkin, Brown, Prescott, Morrison, Borup, Oakes,
Renville, etc., have become historical in this state.

GEN. SIBLEY AS A TRADER.

The position now occupied by Gen. Sibley was, for a
man of twenty-three, one of great importance and respon-
sibility. He had control of the interests of the American
Fur Company over a vast extent of territory, inspecting
its posts, supervising the operations of the traders, clerks

266 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

and voyageurs, and dictating its policy as regarded the
traffic with the Indians. Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro, a
splenetic, conceited, opinionated, but honest and incor-
ruptible man, was Indian agent at Fort Snelling from
1820 to 1841. He had generally managed to keep up a
standing quarrel with every trader, accusing them of
malpractices, and probably with good grounds in many
cases. No such occurrence took place after Gen. Sibley
assumed control of this district. Maj. Taliaferro always
spoke of him and wrote of him in terms indicating the
highest respect and confidence. It will not be necessary
in a sketch of this kind to detail at length the daily
life of an Indian trader. To a majority of readers this
must be somewhat familiar. It is, and always was, a
peculiar life. It required more than average personal
courage, great tact and diplomacy, firmness and patience,
and carefulness in petty details, which almost no other
occupation made necessary to such a degree. The
Indians were a simple-minded race in some respects,
but difficult to manage in general, being whimsical and
notional. Their "trade" was but a simple ex-
change of peltries for arms and ammunition, blankets,
and ornaments, provisions and other articles of
that nature. There were sometimes great profits in the
fur trade, but also great hazards and risks and losses.
Oftentimes the lives of the traders were in great danger
from revengeful and malicious Indians. Mr. Sibley used
to travel about from post to post, exposed to all thes(
hazards, and not knowing what moment some fateful
danger might overtake him. He soon became acquainted
with Indian character and habits, however, and spoke]

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 267

their language. By his tact, prudence, courage and firm-
ness in dealing with them he acquired, in a brief time,
great influence among them, and no one was ever more re-
spected and feared. They trusted him and his word im-
plicitly, and he was care'ful never to deceive them, or al-
low any one in his employ to do so. The name they
knew him by was Wah-ze-o-man-zee, — Walker-in-the-Pines
— a name that had a potent influence among them far and
near, as long as the Dakota race dwelt in the state. His
post at Mendota was generally thronged, also, with a
crowd of Canadian and half-breed retainers in the employ
of the fur company as voyageurs and laborers. This
was a peculiar class of people, as our old settlers well re-
member; a class mercurial, undisciplined and of unre-
strained passions. To keep them in proper subjection
and to prevent crimes among them was a difficult task.
Mr. Sibley succeeded in it, nevertheless, with good re-
sults, and though for years this region had practically no
law, or courts, or officers, or justice, he exercised a whole-
some restraint over all the white and mixed bloods. About
1840, after this region was included in the bounds of
Iowa Territory, being a part of Clayton county, Mr. Sib-
ley received a commission as justice of the peace.

"As I was the only magistrate in this region (he says
in a paper written for the Historical Society), and the
county seat was some 300 miles distant, I had matters
pretty much under my own control, there being little
chance of an appeal from my decisions. In fact, some
of the simple-minded people around me firmly believed
that I had the power of life and death."

268 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Perhaps something of his influence may have been
caused by his own physical prowess and courage. The
late John H. Fairbanks of White Earth once narrated an
occurrence he witnessed at the Mackinac trading post. A
ruffianly fellow, a great bully, and a man of powerful
physique, had disputed Sibley's word. Quick as a flash
young Sibley sprang over the counter, threw himself on
the bully, and seizing him as one would a light bundle of
goods, threw him out of the door. The fellow picked him-
self up and made off in haste. Some of the early settlers
used to say that Sibley preserved order and discipline
among his rough voyageurs by the actual use of the lash
and bludgeon. Doubtless, if so, it was unavoidable. Gen.
Sibley once related a case, showing the trouble he had
in managing his men. One of them, a powerful and
desperate fellow, while intoxicated, insisted on picking a
quarrel with Sibley, and defied him. Mr. Sibley said he
saw no half-way measure would answer, or his authority
would have been gone forever. He knocked the rascal
down by a blow of his fist, and then pummeled him until
he begged for mercy. Some of the man's pals took him
away, unable to move, and it was reported that he was
seriously hurt. Some days afterward Sibley sent him
word to come back and behave himself, which he did, and
he never had any more trouble with the man; nor indeed,
with any of the others. Once at Mendota, Mr. Fairbanks
further related, a half-breed named George Cornoyer was
raising a row with some others. Sibley took him under
his arm and dragged him out of the ring. Corn-
oyer twisted his head around and looked up. Recogniz-
ing who had him, he exclaimed; "Oh, is that you, Mis'r

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 269

Sib-lee? I'll give up." These incidents will serve to show
the nature of his life at Mendota for several years; indeed
up to the time of the organization of the territory in 1849.
Two very important criminal cases connected with early
Minnesota history came before while a justice of the
peace. One of these was Phelan, for the murder of Hays
at St. Paul in 1838, and the other was the alleged mur-
derers of young Simpson, the explorer, in 1840. The
former was held to trial and the latter discharged by
Justice Sibley.

BUILDS A RESIDENCE.

In 1835-6 he had constructed for his use the comfort-
able and commodious residence at Mendota known for so
many years as the "Sibley Mansion," and which, in the
earlier years of our territory, but especially in the pre-
territorial days, was the seat of such generous hospi-
tality to the traveler and the public man. This building
was the first permanent residence, strictly speaking, built
in Minnesota, not connected with the military post, and
is now, undoubtedly, the oldest building in Minnesota,
except Fort Snelling. It has recently passed into the
posession of the Sisters of the Catholic Church for a
female academy. Here Mr. Sibley enjoyed, for many
years, the establishment of a "country gentleman," with
all the appointments of a manorial mansion or estate.
He had his horses and dogs, and retainers to do his
bidding. A French cook of the finest skill served his
table, and never was one supplied more profusely with
the choicest game. A good library, current periodicals,
pictures, etc., completed the requirements of a cultivated

-16

270 MINNESTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

life, and the opportunities of the best society were af-
forded by the officers of the fort and their families.

HIS MARRIAGE.

On May 2, 1843, Gen. Sibley was married at Fort Snell-
ing to Miss Sarah J. Steele (sister of the late Franklin
Steele and Dr. John Steele, of St. Paul), a lady of rare
virtues and accomplishments and exalted worth, and ad-
mirably fitted to adorn the prominent station in society
which she occupied for so many years in Washington
and St. Paul. After twenty- six years of happy married
life, Mrs. Sibley died. May 21, 1869, lamented by a wide
circle of friends in various parts of the Union. His do-
mestic establishment at Mendota was now, and for twenty
years thereafter, the abode of happiness and enjoyment.
An interesting family of children grew up there, five ol
whom preceded their parents, in infancy, to the other
world. Four of their children grew to mature years.
One of his daughters, Augusta Sibley, married, in 1867,
Capt. Douglas Pope, of Illinois, who died in that state,
February, 1880, leaving three children. Mrs. Pope and
her daughters reside in St. Paul. Another daughter, Sa-
rah Jane, married, several years since, Mr. E. A. Young,
a well-known business man of this city. His sons, Charles
Frederick Sibley and Alfred Brush Sibley, both of whom
have reached manhood's estate, are in business in this
city. For some years, until, indeed, St. Paul became a
place large enough to boast a hotel, distinguished trav-
elers and explorers visiting this region were accustomed
to sojourn at Gen. Sibley's residence, where they were
hospitably entertained. Among the eminent travelers and

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 271

scientists who visited him were Jean J. Nicollet, John
C. Fremont, George Catlin, G. W. Featherstonhaugh,
Frederick Maryatt, Monsieur Picot, the naturalist, Stephen
A. Douglas, etc., all of whom, in their works, speak grate-
fully of the hospitality and aid received from Gen. Sib-
ley, while the early missionaries to our native tribes were
also aided as far as possible. Scarcely a steamboat
landed at Fort Snelling, without bringing among its tour-
ists, government officials, or military men, one or more
guests for Gen. Sibley.

FONDNESS FOR FIELD SPORTS.

Some reference was made previously to Gen. Sibley's
fondness for field sports, and that the superiority of this
region as a land of game had largely determined him
Un his choice of residence here. He became, like Nim-
rod, "a mighty hunter. " This taste for field sports prob-
ably had much to do in determining his future character.
He once stated:

•*I believe that my fondness for hunting kept me from
becoming demoralized by the tempi ations which sur-
rounded every man in the Indian trade at that time,
and were the ruin of many. With plenty of leisure on
their hands during portions of the year, unrestrained by
the ties of family or refined society, they were too apt
to give up their time to gambling, to the bowl, or to
vicious indulgences which the proximity of the wigwam
will suggest. But my fondness for shooting kept me
out of such temptations. When not actually engaged in
business I was out with my gun and dogs in pursuit of
game, and this being a sort of passion with me, kept
any other inclination from taking hold of me."

272 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

He procured from various sources, some of the finest
blooded dogs, of various kinds, ever brought to Minne-
sota. Part of these were setters and pointers, for duck and
grouse shooting, but one notable part of his kennel was a
pack of fox and wolf hounds. Persons visiting his house
within a few years past may remember a large oil paint-
ing of one of his most famous wolf hounds. Lion, painted
about 1843, by a young artist named Deas, at Fort Snell-
ing. For some years during the period referred to there
was stationed at the fort, Capt. Martin Scott, an army offi-
cer, whose fame as a hunter is so national (almost ev-
ery one has heard of "Capt. Scott ard the coon") that
it need not be mentioned at length. Capt. Scott and
Gen. Sibley were continually in the field, each had splen-
did horses and a full pack of dogs, and the latter, when
in full cry after a fox or wolf, must have wakened the
echoes of the bluffs and valleys as they never have been,
before or since. These two hunters, in their many expe-
ditions, destroyed whole hecatombs of animals and birds.
The stories Gen. Sibley used to relate about the abun-
dance of game in those days — for instance, droves of elk,
numbering hundreds, etc., — make our latter day sports-
men envious. Some accounts of his hunting exploits are
given in his reminiscences published by the Historical
Society. His fondness for hunting lasted until near the
close of his life, and his pursuit of it was only prevented
by his ill health the last few years. His keen eye and
unerring aim were unaffected by age.

GEN. SIBLEY AS A STUDENT AND WHITER.

When not permitted to engage in field sports. Gen.
Sibley spent his leisure hours in study and writing. It

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 273

might be supposed that one isolated as he was, on the
frontier, with scanty mail service, far separated from the
cities of the country where books, and newspapers, and
libraries, and other sources of information are found,
would lose step with the progress of the age, and lapse
into an indifferent knowledge of the world's events. But
these impediments had no such effect. He supplied him-
self with the best journals of the country, and the best
works of the day, of which he was a close and faithful
student. Thus no gentleman in any of the cities of the
country had a more intelligent view of the progress of
political events and the literature of the times. Political
economy, history, social science, natural history, geogra-
phy and statistics, and a few other branches were espe-
cially studied by him, and he accumulated a large and
valuable library on these subjects. Those acquainted with
Gen. Sibley knew what a great fund of information on
current topics of the day he possessed He was a close
thinker and a diligent student, and the books in his li-
brary were for use, not show. He was always fond of
writing. During the pre-territorial days he kept up a
large correspondence with persons in various parts of
the country, and wrote articles for literary and political
journals. . He was a regular contributor of The Spirit of
the Times, New York, and for many years (from 1846 to
1852) wrote valuable papers descriptive of life on the fron-
tier, Indian character and warfare, and sporting incidents
and adventures. His nom de plume in this journal was
"Hal, a Dakota." Through these papers he became known
to writers all over the country, and in England. Henry
William Herbert (Prank Forester), the eminent writer on

274 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

field sports, said that Gen. Sibley's sketches were among
the finest articles of the kind he had ever read, and val-
uable contributions to sporting literature. By reading them
he conceived a warm admiration for the writer, and when
the latter became a member of congress in 1848, Herbert
called on him, and made his acquaintance, commencing
then a friendship which was broken only by the sad death
of the gifted but unfortunate author several years after-
wards.

Several years ago, when the sportsmen of America
raised a fund for a monument to Herbert, Gen. Sibley
made a generous donation towards it, and wrote a beau-
tiful and touching sketch of his acquaintance with the
brilliant * 'Frank Forester." In the American edition of
Col. Hawker's famous work on ''Games and Shooting"
(1853), the editor, William T. Porter, Esq., of the New
York Spirit of the Times, includes some forty or fifty pages
of Gen. Sibley's sketches of hunting adventures in what
is now Minnesota. In 1866 or '67, at a period when his
time was amply engrossed with business cares, and public
and social duties, he contributed to the St. Paul Pioneer
a series of sketches of the life and adventures of Jo-
seph Jack Frazer, one of the most singular characters
connected with the early history of our state. These
papers have been pronounced by competent judges to
be among the most candid, faithful and minute pictures
of Indian life and character ever written, and are penned
(like all Gen. Sibley's writings) in an easy, graceful
and unaffected style. Indeed, it may be said that as a
writer he deserves a high rank. He had been in his
younger days a close student of classical English com-

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 275

position, studying analytically some of the finest models
in our language, and based his style on them. He al-
ways used terse, plain Saxon, as carrying more una-
dorned force with it. All his letters, articles, messages
and papers are models of smooth, concise and graceful
expression. During the last few years his pen seemed
never to rest, but was engaged several hours each day
on every species of composition His penmanship was
remarkably neat, clear and regular, and he had a very
methodical and neat way of keeping his papers, accounts,
etc. In the Executive Department of the state are a
multitude of evidences of this, in the documents neatly
folded, arranged and labeled in his handwriting, while
all who have ever had any business with him, know how
careful and precise he was in all details.

It is a matter of great regret, to those interested in
early Minnesota history, that Gen. Sibley did not write
more of his entertaining reminiscences. His memory was
stored with a multitude of the most interesting facts
regarding pioneer days, and the pioneers themselves. It
was a treat for any one who felt any interest in such
subjects, to listen to his narration of the incidents and
adventures of early times, which were recounted in a
graphic and impressive style. But he had no time in
latter years to write much of that kind. I have, on many
occasions, got from him partial accounts of occurrences
of the long ago, which I reduced to writing, but all
these, together, were but a fraction of what might have
been written down from his dictation, had there been
any one interested in pioneer history with the leisure
to have done it.

I

276 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

WITH THE EARLY HISTORY OF ST. PAUL

Gen. Sibley bore as prominent a part as if actually a
resident. All its first settlers, as well as those at '-Pig's
Eye," were, or had recently been, his employes. The
first actual claim made and white man's tenement erected
on its site, as e\ery body knows, was by one Pierre
Parrant, in the summer of 1838. Parrant that fall bor-
rowed 190 of William Beaumette of Mendota, and gave
as security a "mortgage" on the aforesaid historical claim.
The note and mortgage (now in the possession of our
Historical Society) are in Gen. Sibley's handwriting — the
first document connected with St. Paul real estate, or
with its history in any shape. Reference was made above
to the examination before Justice Sibley of Edward Phe-
lan, for the murder of John Hayes in 1839. In the fall
of 1847 the owners of the townsite of St. Paul caused
it to be surveyed and recorded. Gen. Sibley was owner
of some real estate at that time, and was thus one of
the proprietors of the original town of St. Paul. The
following year (Aug. 14, 1848) the first government sale
of lands in Minnesota occurred at St. Croix Falls. Gen.
Sibley had been selected by the settlers to bid in for
them the sections of land covered by the townsite. Fears
had been entertained that speculators might overbid the
bona fide settlers.

"When the hour for business had arrived," says General
Sibley in one of his published articles, ' • my seat was sur-
rounded by a number of men with huge bludgeons. What
was meant by the proceedings, I could, of course, only sur-
mise, but I would not have envied the fate of the individual
who would have ventured to bid against me."

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 277

The land being thus entered by Gen. Sibley in trust, him-
self, with two other owners, were selected as trustees to
re- deed the various lots, blocks and fractions to the rightful
owners. This was a very difficult task, as the claim lines
and the surveyors' lot and block lines "straddled" each
other in every conceivable way. It required much time and
endless patience to adjust every title and satisfy all, but it
was finally accomplished. Some of the simple Canadians
suffered their title to remain in Gen. Sibley for years, and
it required much persuasion on his part to get them to
receive and record their deeds. So great confidence did
they have in him, they preferred their titles to rest in him.
This accounts for the name of Gen. Sibley being found in so
many abstracts of title to lots in "St. Paul Proper."

MOVEMENT FOR A TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT.

Meantime Wisconsin Territory had been admitted as a
state, leaving that portion west of the St. Croix and Mis-
sissippi rivers "out in the cold" without any government,
and a strong effort was being put forth by the residents of
this locality — a mere handful — to secure a territorial organi-
zation. The famous "Stillwater convention" of August 5th
was held pursuant to notice circulated. Sixty one persons
were present. Gen. Sibley took a prominent part in the
proceedings. A memorial to congress was prepared and
signed by all present, praying for a territorial organization,
under the name "Minnesota," and Gen. Sibley was elected
a delegate, to proceed to Washington (at his own expense),
at the approaching session of congress, and urge the same.
He accepted the trust, and pledged himself to go. Soon
after, John H. Tweedy, of Wisconsin, who had been delegate

278 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

from Wisconsin Territory, resigned, and Hon. John Catlin,
claiming to be acting governor of Wisconsin Territory,
issued a proclamation for a special election of delegate on
October 30th. Gen. Sibley and H. M. Rice were both named
for the position by their friends. Neither made any effort
to secure it, although some little show of a contest was
made by their adherents, but there was no regularly defined
election precincts, and but a sparse population, scattered
in hamlets here and there. When the election occurred.
Gen. Sibley was chosen.

ENTRANCE ON PUBLIC LIFE.

This was an important step for General Sibley, as it
brought him into public life, where for the remaining
thirty years or more of his career, he was kept, in some
station or other, prominently before the people of his
state. The call to official life found him prepared for
its duties and responsibilities. He had been a diligent
student of social and political science and economy, and
of our government history, theory and polity. With a
mind well stored with geographical and statistical infor-
mation, a close thinker on all the political problems of
the day and with a well balanced judgment in weighing
men and measures, he was prepared to take his place, not
as a novice, but one well equipped for his duties in the
national congress. The only doubt in his mind as he
journeyed to Washington was, whether he would be ad-
mitted to a seat, claiming to represent a territory which
had no legal existence. Of his struggle to secure a seat
he afterward wrote:

**I arrived in Washington two days before congress con-
vened, and I soon became convinced that my admission as

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 279

a delegate was extremely uncertain, in fact I may say,
absolutely improbable. My credentials were presented on
the first day of the session, by Hon. James Wilson of New
Hampshire, yet though the case was by him set forth in
a clear and strong light and no objection was made to my
admission, my claim was referred to the committee on
elections, with instructions to examine and report thereon.
I will not enter into a detail of the mortifications and
vexatious delays to which I was subjected from that time
until the question was decided, six weeks later. Mean-
while, my claim was resisted with bitter pertinacity by
certain individuals of the committee, particularly by the
Hon. Mr. Boyden of North Carolina, who made a long
and labored argument against my right to a seat, and
ridiculed the pretension that a territorial organization
still existed in the country north and west of the state
of Wisconsin. I made a reply before the committee, etc."

[The reply mentioned by him was printed in the house
documents of that session, and is an able and convincing
argument on his right to a seat.]

' 'Finally the majority of the committee reported in my favor
and the minority presented a strong counter protest. On
Jan. 15, 1849, the subject was brought before the house, and
the resolution introduced by the majority of the committee
was adopted by a strong vote, which admitted me to the
full enjoyment of the privileges of a delegate."

Some of the members who advocated and voted for the
admission of Gen. Sibley to a seat, admitted that they did so
largely out of courtesy to him, and because, having become
acquainted with him during the pendency of the question,
they entertained such a warm personal regard for him on

280 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

account of his bearing, high character and attainments; so
that it is probable that the prompt organization of our terri-
tory was largely due to the selection by the people here of
one who was calculated to make such a good impression
abroad. When his claim to a seat was first presented, it is
probable that some of the Eastern members thought that
our delegate was some "border ruffian," in buckskin hunt-
ing shirt and moccasins. Gen. Sibley, in one of his reminis-
cential papers, says:

"I was told by a New England member, with whom I
became subsequently quite intimate, that there was some
disappointment felt when I made my appearance, for it was
expected that the delegate from this remote region would
make his debut, if not in full Indian costume, at least with
some peculiarities of dress and manners characteristic of the
rude and semi- civilized people who had sent him to the
capital."

Gen. Sibley at once set about securing the passage of a
bill to organize Minnesota Territory. The bill was reported
by Senator Douglas, chairman of the committee on terri-
tories. He preferred Mendota as the capital, and had that
name placed in the bill, thinking the confluence of our two
principal rivers a proper place, geographically, for the seat
of government. At the earnest request of Gen. Sibley he
changed it to St. Paul, the point fixed on by the Stillwater
Convention, and on the last day of the session, after a hard
struggle by our delegate and a few friends, whose sympathy
and aid he had enlisted by his personal influence and high
character, the bill became a law.

Gen. Sibley was re-elected delegate in the fall of 1849, for
a full term of two years, without opposition, and again in

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 281

1851, serving four years in all, and they were four years of
faithful service to his constituents, too. At the beginning of
his term he had many difficulties to contend with to secure
the requisite appropriations for our territory, and matters
connected with it. Some of the members characterized it
as a hyperborean region, inhabited only by Indians and a
few lumbermen, and of no account for agriculture, and there
was much prejudice against the territory. Gen. Sibley pre-
pared and published a paper, giving an account of this
region and its resources, which was one of the first articles
ever published in the East properly representing our capa-
bilities. Still, during his term, the liberal appropriations
made by congress, and other acts for our advantage, were
largely owing to the personal influence wielded by our
delegate, and the warm friendship and respect felt for
him by his fellow members, on account of his upright-
ness of character, ability and refined manners. During his
term, he made the acquaintance of hundreds of the prom-
inent men of the country, in civil and military life, and
thus became known personally and intimately to persons
all over the Union. As a representative man of Minnes-
ota, our people felt proud of their delegate. His courtly
bearing, purity of character, fine physical appearance and
his mental ability, would have given him influence and
standing at any court, and our state gained many firm
friends through his presence at our national capital.

RETIREMENT FROM CONGRESS, ETC.

In 1853 Gen. Sibley declined to run for delegate again.
Hitherto he had served on a non-party basis, and had
either been elected without opposition or by the people

282 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

irrespective of party, as he contended that a delegate so
elected would be better able to do good service to the
territory. Meantime parties had become well organized
here, and political lines strongly drawn. Such a contest
being unpleasant, although always a firm Democrat, he
declined to have his name come before the convention of
1S53, and retired to private life. About this time, also,
the fur trading house of P. Chouteau & Co. of St. Louis,
which had in 1842 succeeded the old American Fur Com-
pany, of which Gen. Sibley was a partner, wound up its
business, and he retired from the fur trade, the seat of
which had become changed by the rapid settlement of the
territory. From this time on, when not in official life, he
devoted himself to the management of his property in-
terests. As a business man he was always successful, and
the investments made by him in the early days of our
city and elsewhere proved his foresight by their growth
in value. He was elected a member from Dakota coun-
ty of the House of Representatives, session of 1855, but
after this was not again brought into public life until the
Constitutional Convention of 1857, of which he was elected
a member from the same county. The assembling of the
convention, the inexcusable disagreement between the
members of different politics regarding the hour of as-
sembly, the resultant organizing of each into a conven-
tion, each claiming to be the legal convention, etc., are
too well known to need repeating. General Sibley was
elected president of the "Democratic wing," and took a
prominent and useful part in the proceedings.

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 283

ELECTION AS GOVERNOR.

When the state Democratic convention assembled in the
fall of the same year, Gen. Sibley was nominated for
governor, and, at the solicitation of friends, made quite
an active canvass for the offlce. The election took place
on October 13. The result was not announced for some
weeks thereafter, however, as the returns from some of
the frontier counties caused considerable delay and con-
test in the canvassing board. The absence of any clearly
defined election law providing how returns should be
made, by whom, etc., and how canvassed, and whether
Indians could vote, and similar questions, probably added
to the disagreement. The labors of the canvassing board
resulted in declaring the entire Democratic state ticket
elected by a very small majority. Those who examine
the files of Republican papers of this period will notice
that the decision of the board was not acquiesced in with
much resignation by them. Notably this was the case
with the Minnesotian, the principal organ of the party,
whose editor at that time wielded a pen fairly dipped
in gall and vitriol. During the entire term of Gov. Sibley,
he assaulted that gentleman with the vilest abuse, the
coarsest epithets and the most vindictive and bitter cal-
umny. While no notice whatever was ever taken by Gov.
Sibley of these attacks, and if referred to at all was with-
out any feeling of resentment, it is possible they may
have injured him in the estimation of those who did not
personally know him. This is inferred from an incident
which Occurred some years afterward. A leading Repub-
lican living in the southern part of the state, then hold-
ing a high position, said:

284 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

**In 1858-59, I was a reader of the Minnesotian, and
never having seen Gov. Sibley, imagined him, from those
articles, to be a coarse, mean, ruffianly person. When I
came here and met him personally, I was agreeably sur-
prised to find him a courtly and polished gentleman, of
irreproachable character and conduct."

Through the delay in congress to admit the state, which
admission did not take place till May 11, 1858, Gov. Sib-
ley was not inaugurated until May 24. He entered on
his office at a time when the people of the state were
suffering from the disastrous financial revulsion of 1857.
There was but limited agriculture, little reserve wealth,
no established industries, a want of any system of finan-
ces in either state or county government, and not a cent
of funds in the state treasury. To build up a prosperous
commonwealth out of such a condition as this, seemed
hopeless. The state government could only be carried on
by a loan, which was effected, and the machinery of
the administration was soon organized and running
smoothly. Nearly everything connected with the state
government— its laws, courts, institutions and departments
— had to be created and built up during his term. Dur-
ing Gov. Sibley's administration, several very important
measures were enacted, and events occurred which have
affected the intej'ests of the state more or less ever since.
One of these was the loan of state credit to land grant
railroad companies already organized. The act was
passed and voted on by the people prior to the com-
mencement of Gov. Sibley's term. He had been opposed
to it, and voted against it. When some months later the
railroad companies applied to him as governor to issue

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY.

285

bonds to them, he insisted upon receiving first mortgage
bonds from them in return for those of the state. The
companies procured from the supreme court a writ of
peremptory mandamus, ordering him to issue the bonds
without this condition of priority of lien, and it was ac-
cordingly done. Some time after the bonds were issued,
Gov. Sibley was requested to proceed to New York and
aid in negotiating the bonds. If this could not be done,
the whole plan of the state loan would fail, and both the
people and the companies suffer loss. Governor Sibley
thereupon went to New York and labored hard to mar-
ket the bonds. He would probably have succeeded, but
unfortunately, even at that early period, the failure of the
whole scheme began to be apparent to the people, and
threats that the bonds so issued would be repudiated, were
so broadly and plainly made in some of the state journals,
that capitalists were afraid to touch them. Thus the
whole loan measure proved to be partially a failure. Gov.
Sibley could in no way be censured for this, as he did
everything he could to protect the state and insure the
success of the scheme, so that no loss to any one could
occur. Gov. Sibley was always firmly of the opinion that
the bonds had been legally issued, and that they should
be paid by the people of the state. While serving as a
[member of the house in 1871 he advocated the adjust,
lent of the outstanding bonds with all his power and
earnestness. The plan then proposed did not meet the
[approval of the people of the state. He also warmly ad-
rocated the mode of adjustment proposed by the legis-
lature of 1877, but which was also equally unsuccessful.

-17

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Up to the time of the final adjustment, whenever occasion
offered, he did not cease to urge that the honor of the
state demanded that these obligations should be met, at
least on terms which the holders would accept as equi-
table. It was not until October, 1881, that the legislature,
at a special session convened for that purpose by a proc-
lamation of Gov. Pillsbury, passed a measure for the set-
tlement of the outstanding bonds, by the issue of new
state bonds to the amount of $4,253,000. No citizen of
our state was more delighted at this tardy but honorable
measure of justice than Gen. Sibley, who had so long and
ardently advocated it.

THE WRIGHT COUNTY V^AR

was another of the events of Gov. Sibley's administration,
which excited at the time acrimonious strictures on his
action, and has been frequently mentioned since as an error
of judgment on his part. It resulted from a firm determina-
tion on the part of Gov. Sibley that the laws of the state
should be obeyed and order enforced. In 1858 a man named
Rinehart, who had been arrested in Le Sueur county for
murder, was taken out of the jail by a mob of disguised men
and hung. One or two other cases of lynch law had also
occurred, and the law-abiding people became alarmed at
these demonstrations and insisted that an effort should be
made to suppress or punish them. In the spring of 1859,
a man named Oscar F. Jackson, of Wright county, who had
been regularly tried for the murder of a neighbor and ac
quitted, was seized by a mob at Rockford and hung — a most
daring and flagrant outrage. Immediately on learning
these facts. Gov. Sibley issued a proclamation, offering a

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 287

reward of $500 for the arrest or conviction of any of the
perpetrators. He said:

' 'These deeds of violence must cease, or there will be no
safety for life or property in our midst. If necessary, the
whole power of the state will be called into action to punish
the perpetrators of such crimes against the laws."

Not long after this Mrs. Jackson recognized, in a party at
Minnehaha Falls, one Emory Moore, who had been promi-
nent in the lynching of her husband. He was arrested and
taken to Wright county for trial. On August 2d an armed
mob broke into the building where he was confined and
released him. The regular civil authorities of Wright
county declared that they were powerless. Gov. Sibley at
once saw that he must punish this defiant lawlessness or
merit censure for an abject surrender of the rights and pro-
tection of the people to a few rebellious ruffians. He was
not a man to be daunted or intimidated by such a demon-
stration. He at once ordered the uniformed and equipped
militia of the state (of which there were then several finely
organized companies) under arms, and on August 5th dis-
patched three companies under Col. John S. Prince, to
Monticello to arrest the rioters and enforce the law. A few
special detectives and civil officers accompanied the troops,
and Gov. Sibley in person directed the whole movement.
The force proceeded to Monticello, reinforced the civil
authorities, arrested eleven lynchers and rescuers, and
handed them over to the authorities. The lawless spirit
having been effectually overawed, the forces returned, and
I the "Wright county war" ended, fortunately without blood-
shed. The cost of the expedition was necessarily consider-
able, and was severely commented on by party papers, but

288 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

there was no law-abiding citizen at that time who did not
heartily sustain Gov. Sibley in his prompt and determined
effort to uphold the majesty of the law— as was his sworn
duty to do.

HIS FURTHER OFFICIAL CAREER.

It would expand this sketch to too great length to give
much of a minute review to the principal events of Gov.
Sibley's official career. During the whole term he labored
most faithfully and earnestly to protect the interests of
the state and its people, and in the aid of good govern-
ment, good laws and good policy. Whatever may have
been said by those politically opposed to him of his ad-
ministration (and of course he did not escape criticism
from such), no one did, nor could, say that he was not
honest, scrupulous and incorruptible, and that he strove
to secure such men for all positions, where he had the
appointing power. His administration, more than any
which have succeeded it, was beset with difficulties, ow-
ing to the unorganized condition of everything, incident to
the initial year of the state government, and it required
patient effort and careful tact on his part to adjust all
the delicate questions springing up. When his term was
nearing a close, he was warmly urged by his political
friends to accept the nomination for a second term, but
he refused to do so, preferring the peace of quiet private
life to the thorny path of public office. When the rebel-
lion of 1861 broke out, Gov. Sibley earnestly advocated
the Union cause. He had been, in common with a large
class of patriots, strongly in favor of any honorable com-
promise which would avert the threatened disruption and

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY.

the calamity of war, and spoke and wrote in favor of
peaceful conciliatory measures. But when the attack was
made on Sumter, and President Lincoln called for mili-
tary forces to suppress rebellion, Gov. Sibley warmly ad-
vocated upholding the honor of the nation by arms, as
being the only course left us. To those who thought
that the struggle would be a brief one, and that the se-
cessionists could be easily subjugated, he said, decidedly,
he knew better, that he had mingled with Southern men
largely in the army and at Washington, and knew their
pride and spirit better. He was satisfied that the contest
would be long and bitt9r. During the war he was al-
ways ready to contribute means for aid of the various
sanitary and soldiers' relief measures set on foot, a^nd
wherever he wrote or spoke on the subject, it was with
patriotic and loyal warmth.

THE INDIAN WAR OF 1862.

The Sioux outbreak occurred Aug. 18, 1862, and on
Aug. 19, Gov. Sibley was appointed by Gov. Ramsey to
the command of the military expedition then moving up
the Minnesota River, with the rank of colonel, but really
with the powers and duties of a general. At that time
the appointment could have been bestowed upon no one
better qualified to execute the difficult trust. His inti
mate acquaintance with the Indian character and their
eading men, his knowledge of the country and his ac-
quaintance with military art, as well as the Indian mode
of warfare, admirably fitted him for success as a com-
mander-in-chief. Arriving at the frontier, everything was
found in a terrible state. New Ulm and other towns

290 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

had been partly burned, hundreds of persons massacred,
the country laid waste, and numbers of women and chil-
dren captives in the hands of the brutal savages. Panic
and confusion reigned everywhere. The troops who had
been hurried to the front were raw recruits, poorly armed,
without rations or equipage, and many had never seen
an Indian. The enemy were the most numerous and
well armed, and thus far victorious at every point. Such
were the difiiculties which faced him. Gen. Sibley's first
object was to protect the most exposed points, until he
could be furnished with reinforcements and supplies. He
was severely criticised at the time by newspaper fault-
finders and military tyros for not throwing his raw troops
on , the enemy at once, and even some intimated that he
was manoeuvering to let the Indians get more plunder
and escape unharmed. But such a policy as was urged
on him would have been disastrous. His troops would
have suffered inevitable defeat and massacre. It would
have been the repulse of Braddock or Custer re enacted.
All his plans worked out successfully. The savages were
repulsed at New Ulm by the force under Col. Flandrau,
at Fort Ridgely and Birch Coolie successively, and finally
completely beaten in the decisive battle of Wood Lake,
by Gen. Sibley. Soon after Gen. Sibley was enabled, by
strategy and diplomatic management, to not only effect
the release of the white captives, nearly 250 in number,
but to take prisoners about 2,000 men, women and chil-
dren of the enemy. He then instituted a military com-
mission, with Col. William Crooks as president, and Hon.
I. V. D. Heard as judge advocate, by which the Indian
warriors, to the number of more than 400, were tried.

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 291

Three hundred and three were condemned to death for
murder and massacre, and others to various terms of im-
prisonment, from one to ten years, for pillage and rob-
bery. The execution of the condemned was prevented
by the order of President Lincoln, at the earnest solici-
tation of some pseudo humanitarians at the East, much
to the dissatisfaction of the people generally of this state.
Finally, Gen. Sibley was ordered to execute thirty-eight
of the criminals convicted of massacre and rape, which
was done on Dec. 26, 1862, at Mankato. The remain-
der were taken to Davenport, Iowa, and from thence to
Fort Thompson, on the Missouri. On Sept. 29, 1862,
President Lincoln commissioned Col. Sibley as a briga-
dier general for gallant conduct in the field. He estab-
lished his headquarters in St. Paul, and a new military
department was created, embracing Minnesota, Dakota,
Iowa and Wisconsin. At this time Gen. Sibley removed
his family to St. Paul, and, after a few months, pur-
chased the fine mansion owned by J. W. Bass, which
was ever after his residence, and is associated in the
minds of people of the state with innumerable acts of
hospitality and social occasions. Gen. John Pope was
in command of the district above noted, but he was here
only a few weeks in person, his headquarters being in
Milwaukee, and the management and oversight of the
L military affairs in this state were left entirely to Gen.
ft Sibley.

H The winter of 1862-3 was spent in forming a cordon of
H posts and garrisons, with a line of scouts and patrols
H across the frontier, which resulted in securing perfect

L

292 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Congress meantime having reduced the number of briga-
dier generals, it seemed certain that Gen. Sibley's ap-
pointment would not be confirmed. In anticipation of this
event the legislature on March 3rd passed a joint resolu-
tion referring to his successful management of the cam-
paign of 1862 and his fitness for the command, and that
the failure to confirm his nomination would be regarded
as a misfortune, and asking the president to appoint him
a brigadier general of volunteers and assign him to the
command of the district of Minnesota, etc. The senate
having failed to confirm his nomination. Gen, Sibley was
again appointed by the president, as above requested, and,
having some scruples about accepting under the circum-
stances, was urged to do so by a petition, or request,
signed by all the prominent business men and firms in
the city. To this wish he yielded, and immediately set
about preparing for the campaign of 1863. An expedition
was at once organized to proceed to Devil's Lake and vi
cinity, and attack and defeat the hostile Sioux known to
be in that region. The expedition was finely equipped
and well officered, and was led by Gen. Sibley in person.
It left Camp Pope on June 16th, marched into Dakota,
had three battles and sundry skirmishes with the hostile
Sioux, defeating them at every encounter, and driving
them beyond the Missouri river, which was the farthest
point reached by the troops. Having accomplished its ob-
ject, and freed the Minnesota frontier from all apprehen-
sions of Indian raids, it returned to Fort Snelling in Sep-
tember. During the time of the expedition the leading
hostile chief. Little Crow, was killed and his son cap-
tured. During the absence of Gen. Sibley, also, the sad

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 293

news reached him of the death of one of his children at
St. Paul. The years 1864 and 1865 were employed in con-
ducting measures for the defense of the frontier, which
resulted in completely restoring safety to our Western
counties, and depriving the savages of an opportunity to
molest them. On Nov. 29th, 1865, Gen. Sibley was ap-
pointed brevet major general "for efficient and meritori-
ous services." He was relieved from the command of the
district of Minnesota in August, 1866, by order of the
president, and detailed with a mixed civil and military
commission to negotiate treaties with the hostile Sioux and
other disaffected bands on the upper Missouri, which duty
was successfully discharged, treaties having been made
at Fort Sully with the Sioux and subsequently ratified by
the Senate. It might, in this connection, be remarked
that Gen. Sibley always had great influence with the In-
dians at treaties and had attended all the prominent
treaties with the various tribes of the Northwest ever
since his advent into this region. His advice was always
sought, and relied on by the officers of the Indian bureau
at Washington, and was of great value to them on nu-
merous critical occa3ions. Almost to the period of his
death, he took a great interest in the Indian question,
and frequently gave his views in writing, to the Depart-
ment, in answer to questions submitted by its officials.

IN CIVIL LIFE AGAIN.

On retiring from military life and cares. Gen. Sibley
again assumed the duties of a public-spirited and use-
ful citizen. The business to which he mainly devoted
himself during the remainder of his life was the presi-

294 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

dency of the St. Paul Gas Company, to which he was
elected, he having secured a majority of the capital stock
of that company. He retained the presidency of this
corporation until his death, a period of just twenty three
years. It was at once considerably extended, the works
enlarged and the company put on a footing commensu-
rate with the rapid growth of the city about that time,
February, 1868. He had, in addition to this, numerous
investments in other directions, which required constant
care and watchfulness on his part. He was president of
two banks at one time, the City bank and the Minne-
sota Savings Institution, the former of which was subse-
quently merged into the First National Bank, of which
he became a director. At the same period, and for a
long time subsequently he was a director in the Sioux
City railroad, and possibly of other business corporations
in which he was a stockholder. In all these organiza-
tions he was continually on the most responsible and
laborious committees, and his advice and counsel were
continually in request. In 1867 he was largely instru-
mental in organizing the St. Paul Chamber of Commerce,
and in giving it its efficiency and character. He was its
president at different periods, for several years, served
on its most important committees, and attended its meet-
ings with a punctuality and regularity which shamed
younger men and those of more leisure. In 1868 he was
by it elected a delegate to the national board of trade,
which met that year in Detroit, and in which body he
took a leading part. He also served as chairman of the
committee on relief of grasshopper sufferers in 1873-4,
devoting a large amount of time and labor to the duties

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 295

of that trust, collecting and disbursing money, food and
clothing, writing letters, relieving special cases of dis-
tress, etc. The people of the frontier counties will re-
member these labors with gratitude.

On Nov. 15, 1867, a very afflicting tragedy occurred at
Gen. Sibley's residence. At the close of a social enter-
tainment, a young servant girl was extinguishing an oil
lamp, when it exploded, covering her with blazing oil.
At her screams. General Sibley ran with a blanket and
wrapped it around her, succeeding, at length, in extin-
guishing the flames, but not until the unlucky young wo-
man had received injuries from which she died in a short
time. Gen. S. had his hands very severely burned, as
also his daughter, Augusta, and his wife, in their efforts
to aid the girl, while his residence narrowly escaped
destruction.

In 1871 and '72, Gen. S. was president of the Cham-
ber of Commerce, of which he was also for several years
a director, and a perpetual member. He was also (1873-
1891) a director in the First National Bank, and (1878.
1891) president of Oakland cemetery. From 1885 to his
death he was president of the Minnesota Club, and in
1888, commander of the Loyal Legion of Minnesota. In
1883, he was appointed by President Arthur, as presi-
dent of the commission to settle claims for damages due
to the Ojibway Indians from the construction of the na-
tional reservoirs. He was also a member of Acker Post
No. 21, G. A. R., from May, 1885, until his death.

Other honors were also bestowed on him, by institu-
tions elsewhere. In 1875, he w^as elected a member of
the American Geographical Society, of New York. Al-

296 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

most the last year of his life (in 1888), General Sibley,
very unexpectedly to himself, received the compliment
of his creation as a Doctor of Laws, by the College of
New Jersey, at Princeton, and received the diploma in
due form. It was a just and well-merited recognition
of our foremost citizen, and he always appreciated it
highly.

OFFICIAL TRUSTS AND APPOINTMENTS.

He was also appointed delegate to the Cleveland soldiers'
convention in 1866, and visitor to the West Point Military
Academy in 1867. It is gratifying to remark that where-
ever he went on such missions as this, he was always re-
cognized as a representative man of our state, and found
that he was no stranger to leading men of other sections,
having in some degree a national reputation, which was
gratifying to his fellow citizens of Minnesota, who always
regarded him with a just pride. These years were also
crowded with official duties of various responsible kinds.
He was elected school inspector from the Fifth ward in
1867, and gave the position faithful and conscientious at-
tention, not escaping criticism, however, for the independ-
ent stand he took in regard to sharing the school funds
with Catholic schools. In 1870 he was elected a member
of the house of representatives, and, in addition to other
faithful and conscientious labors for his constituency and
the state at large, he labored hard to secure a recognition
and adjustment of the outstanding "State railroad bonds. "
His speech on that question, which was widely circulated,
was a masterly argument in favor of good faith to the
bondholders.

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 297

In 1868 Gen. Sibley was appointed a regent of the State
University, and from that date until his death rendered
faithful services in aid of that institution, although it
sometimes taxed his time, engrossed as he was by num-
erous other cares, to a great degree. Frequently he
urged his resignation, on the plea of age and failing
strength, but his associates on the board prized his ser-
vices and ability too highly, to consent to his withdrawal.
In 1874 he was also appointed a member of the state normal
board, and for several years did good service in aid of
normal education for Minnesota, being president of the board
also. In 1875 Gen. Sibley was appointed by the president
as a member of the Board of Indian commissioners, an
important and difficult post, but one for which his val-
uable knowledge of the Indian character made him espe-
cially valuable. He served on this commission for some
months, and rendered services highly esteemed by the
department, but finding that it would require his absence
from home too much, interfering with other duties, and
his health being also precarious, he resigned in 1876,
to the regret of his associates on the board. In 1872
Gen. Sibley was created by act of legislature a member
of a commission to purchase a park for the city of St.
Paul, and aided in securing the valuable tract now known
as Como Park, a measure, which, though it was met
with much adverse criticism at the time, has since de-

Imonstrated the value of the move.
In the fall of 1880 Gen. Sibley was prevailed on to yield
to the earnest solicitations of his party friends in the
Third congressional district, and became their candidate
for congressman. It was wholly iinexpected and unde-

298 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

sired by him, and his acceptance of the nomination was
simply a favor to his friends. He saw at the time that
success was impossible, as the opposite party had a large
majority in the district, which his friends could not hope
to overcome, even by the great popularity of their candi-
date. He made as little personal canvass as was possi-
ble under the circumstances, though his friends did active
work for him, and large numbers of the opposite party,
even, advocated his election and voted for him. His de-
feat, therefore, did not disappoint him, and it is probable
that he even rejoiced at it, as it is certain that he pre-
ferred the quiet of home to the exciting and laborious
life of a congressman.

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Gen. Sibley was a charter member, and one of the
founders, of both the Minnesota Historical Society and
the Old Settlers' Association of Minnesota — the former in
1849, the latter in 1858. He was greatly interested in the
objects of both, and was president of each, at different
times, for several years. He wrote several valuable pa-
pers for the historical society, which have been published
in their collections. These papers are memoirs of prom-
inent pioneers, accounts of historical occurrences, remi-
nisences of early days, etc. He made the society valuable
gifts at various times, and rendered it signal services in
many ways. He was twice its president, the last time,
for thirteen years continually, and until his death. As
the infirmities of age began to affect him, he several
times, at the election of officers, begged his associates in
the society to relieve him from his duties as president,

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 299

but they valued and appreciated his devotion to its suc-
cess, and the influence of having his name at the head
of their roll, too much to yield to his request. It is well
known, that some years ago Gen. Sibley had provided in
his will for a handsome bequest to the Historical Society,
for the purpose of aiding it in the erection of its proposed
fire proof building, but towards the period of his death,
finding that the society did not appear to have any inten-
tion of pushing its project of a building within a rea
sonable period, he cancelled the bequest, and instead,
provided for a gift of books from his private library,
which has, since his death, been received. Among them
were many books which the society highly prizes.

It may be proper to state here that the society has
had the assurance from the heirs of General Sibley that
they will donate to it, all the papers and manuscript left
by the general at his death. There are many thousands
of these, of great historical value. They constitute his
business and personal correspondence, reaching back to
the time of his engaging in the service of the American
Fur Company, at Mackinac, in 1829; all his manuscript
records, journals, files of documents, memorandum books,
account books, etc., for over sixty years. So careful and
methodical was General Sibley in his habits, that it is
certain that every scrap of writing which came into his
hands during that period, was filed by him. There are
many thousand letters from old fur traders, pioneers and
explorers, government officials, Indian agents and treaty
makers; army officers, early residents and travelers,
officials and missionaries, reaching back over half a
century. Most of all this long list of the heroes of our

300 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

pre-historic period, have been gathered to their fathers,
a generation ago, and undoubtedly these precious memo-
rials of their life and times on the northwest frontier, are
the only autographs in existence of most of them. They
relate to events in Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Hud-
son's Bay, Lake Superior, Red River, and many import-
ant events are perhaps recorded in no other form. The
value, for historical material, of this mass of manuscript
is beyond computation, and constitutes a more valuable
legacy from our deceased president, than anything which
he could have left to us. When received and properly
bound and indexed, they will form one of the most valu-
able departments of our collections.

A BUSY LIFE

The appointments and official trusts above referred to
were really but a small portion of those in which Gen.
Sibley served his state or his community. There are
a number of other committees, delegations, commissions,
etc., in which he served, giving to each careful and con-
scientious service. Indeed, for some years, scarcely any
movement would be inaugurated without getting Gen.
Sibley to countenance or head it, and if he could be in-
duced to serve on it, or even give it the sanction of his
name, it would secure influence and weight at once.
This engrossed his time to a degree which must have
been, and certainly was, a severe tax on his health and
strength. Sometimes his intimate friends, who feared that
he was permitting too many burdens to be laid upon him,
remonstrated with him. He felt the justice of their advice,
and endeavored to decline some of the appointments urged

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 301

on him. But it was difficult, in his proverbial willingness to
aid his friends and to help enterprises and objects they
were interested in, and which he, as a public- spirited citi-
zen, wished to succeed, to say no to their importunities.
He was for some years, perhaps, one of the hardest
worked men in St. Paul, and that, too, at times when
he was suffering physical pain and debility. He used
to jocosely remark to his friends, when these duties were
thrust upon him, "I am almost a public pack-horse,"
but always cheerfully and energetically assumed the du-
ties. During these years, also, his pen was never idle.
In addition to his large correspondence, he was contin-
ually engaged in writing addresses, lectures, reports of
various kinds, papers for the Historical Society, etc.
Being so familiar with the history of the state and its
people, he was continually resorted to for information,
and people would write to him for facts of various kinds,
about the state or portions of it, and always received
patient and courteous answers. So much was his judg-
ment relied on and valued, that he was continually being
selected as arbitrator in various matters. Persons would
even resort to him to ask advice about business matters,
property investments, and even regarding domestic trou-
bles. One class of persons were his old half-breed and
Canadian retainers, or their descendants. They would
come to him for advice and aid about property and other
business matters. Sometimes he spent considerable time
in aiding them, or gave them valuable advice which saved
them much expense, and wrote letters, or prepared con-
veyances and other papers for them. Many of them
-18

302 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

came to beg pecuniary aid, and, if worthy, never went
away empty handed. The amounts he expended in this
way must have been large in the aggregate. Indeed, for
several years he almost entirely supported two or three
families of former valued serviteurs of his trading period.
Gen. Sibley's patience in listening to all these demands —
engrossed, as he always was, by business cares — has
often surprised his friends. The humblest person that
ever called on him to ask a favor was courteously and
kindly received, and his request granted, if proper.

His kindness of heart and his feelings of broad charity
for all men was one of his most admirable traits. He
was never known to speak harshly or disparagingly of
any one, no matter what the provocation might be, and
when others have done so in his presence, he would seek
some way to excuse and palliate the offense of the per-
son so criticised.

DOMESTIC LIFE.

The demands of social life on Gen. Sibley's time were
also very large. His prominence in official life, and in
the community, necessarily made his list of visitors a very
large one, and his hospitable mansion was the point to
which a wide circle of friends, as well as casual ac-
quaintances, made frequent visits. Strangers, even, vis-
iting tb« city were accustomed to visit him — authors,
tourists, journalists, artists and others, who wished to
see him for either mere curiosity or some other purpose.
When distinguished guests visited our city. Gen. Sibley
usually served on the committee of reception. Thus his
time, even the hours which he would have devoted to

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 303

the family circle, were largely engrossed by cares inci-
dent to his position. In his family relations he was
greatly blessed. A fond wife and dearly beloved chil-
dren made his home precious to him, and he was a loving
husband and tender parent, as those who knew his home
life were aware. Several children blessed this union (as
mentioned above), some of whom were early called away,
and in 1869 the great sorrow of his life, the death of
his wife, interrupted the years of quiet domestic enjoy-
ment of his home.* He bore this great loss patiently
and resignedly, bearing with him through his remaining
years the memory of the quarter-century of married life
that had been so happy and blest. Ere long there came
grand- children into his home, and it seemed to be a source
of intense enjoyment to him to listen to their interest-
ing prattle and receive their affectionate caresses. Visit-
ors to his house have frequently witnessed his intense
affection for them and also theirs for their "grandpa."
He was by nature one of the most tender and sympa-
thetic of men, as his friends were well aware, and per-
haps his own bereavements had made even that kindly
nature more softened. Those who had troubles and sor-
rows or had suffered the loss of dear relatives know how
sympathizingly and soothingly he could address them with
consoling words.

HIS RELIGIOUS VIEWS.

In this connection perhaps some reference to Gen. Sib-
|ley's religious views will not be misplaced. These are

* During the remainder of Gen. Sibley's life his wife's sister, Mrs. Abbie A.
Potts (widow of Dr. Thos. R. Potts, a pioneer pliysician), an estimable and ac-
complished lady, superintended his household, and dispensed his hospitality la
a noteworthy manner.

304 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

best expressed in a letter from himself, answering an in-
quiry on the subject addressed to him by the writer of
this sketch, while he was sojourning at the springs in
Canada for his health:

St. Catherine's, April 16, 1877. — My Dear Sir: Your
favor of the 4th inst. was duly received. I have no objec-
tion to state my views on the subject of religion. I am a
believer in the cardinal doctrines of the Christian faith, hav-
ing been educated in that belief, and never having swerved
from it. I am an attendant regularly upon the Episcopal
service and a vestryman in St. Paul parish in our city. I
am not a communicant, for the reason that I am not a sec-
tarian, and none of the denominations come up to my idea of
what the church militant of Jesus Christ should be. Theol-
ogy has loaded what I regard as a very clear and simple
creed, with so much unnecessary mystification and ceremo-
nial, that I shrink from the labor of penetrating the laby-
rinth and prefer to turn to the pages of sacred writ for
guidance. I find there certain well-defined and clearly
expressed precepts for the guidance of the seeker after
truth. First, love of God is inculcated, a ad love of our fel-
low men. "Do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with
your God," keeping the commandments in their spirit and
letter, with entire reliance upon the savior as the mediator
between God and man, and upon the Holy Spirit for grace
to lead in the straight and narrow path. I regard the ordi-
nance of baptism as mandatory, but no other, and I trust
the time will come, sooner or later, when all Christians will
cease controversies upon non-essential points, and unite in
an unbroken front against infidelity in all its forms. I be-
lieve the doctrines of the Bible to be the only safe guide for
nations, as well as individuals, and that they are all-suffi-
cient for this life, and for that eternity to which we are
hastening. Such, in brief, are my convictions upon this im-
portant subject. Truly yours, H. H. SIBLEY.

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 305

That such deep, clear, catholic views of religion as Gen.
Sibley expresses in his letter were exemplified in his daily-
life, no one who knew him could doubt. His high moral
purity, his conscientious honesty, his delicate sense of honor,
his detestation of anything gross and coarse, his lofty ab-
horrence of deceit or duplicity, his benevolence and sym-
pathy, and his readiness for every good work, were an out-
growth of this religious sentiment. He was in every respect
and particular the highest mold of a perfect Christian gen-
tleman. His friends, who visited at his house, must have
seen on the table of his sitting room, a well-worn copy of
the Scriptures, bearing marks of daily use for years, and
daily prayer, also, was undoubtedly his custom. Of
this, perhaps his most intimate friend, maybe not even his
own family, were ever made acquainted. Nothing could
have been further from his nature than anything which
savored of affectation, cant or display in religion, and the
self-distrust which prevented him from making any public
profession of religion, and from parading it before men,
arose from a real and admirable Christian humility.

It is proper to remark, in this connection, that though his
own self- distrust had long prevented him from formally
uniting with the church, he was confirmed in St. Paul's
Episcopal church, in which he had been so long an attend-
ant and official, but a few months before his death.

HIS PERSONAL APPEARANCE, HEALTH, ETC.

Some reference to his physical appearance may not be
out of place for those readers of this sketch who never
had the pleasure of meeting him in person. Gen. Sibley
was a man of striking appearance. He was fully, if not

306 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

over, six feet in height, and always very erect in his car-
riage. In his youth he was quite slender, though very
active and muscular; but as he advanced in years became
somewhat stouter. At this period he was a man who
would have attracted attention and commanded respect
anywhere among strangers, from his fine appearance and
dignified manners. His complexion was dark; his eyes,
with the iris rather small, of a dark, lustrous brown,
and of a kind, pleasing expression — which, when animated,
as they always were during conversation, became what is
usually termed piercing. His hair, until he had attained
quite an advanced age, was black, and in his earlier por-
traits he is represented as wearing a plain, black, closely
trimmed moustache. Toward the close of his life, he wore
a full beard, afterward quite silvered with gray. Several
excellent portraits of him, in various styles, and taken at
different periods after his entrance into public life, will
perpetuate his features throughout coming years. He was
what would be termed by any one a handsome man, while
the noble soul which gave a dignified and kindly expres-
sion to his features was apparent to even a casual observer,
and inspired even strangers with respect and confidence
toward him. In his early years, and until perhaps the
age of sixty -five, he had enjoyed excellent and uninter-
rupted health. About 1876, he was attacked by a painful
and debilitating disease (thought to be ulceration of the
stomach), and suffered severely from it for some weeks.
He was often confined to his bed, and his feeble appear-
ance and apparently failing condition excited the appre-
hensions of his friends that the race might soon terminate.
Still, in the intervals of his severer attacks, though still

MEMOIR OP HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY. 307

suffering pain, he resolutely and cheerfully attended to
business and to his public duties. In 1877 he spent some
time at the medicinal springs in St. Catharine's, Canada,
and at a health resort in North Carolina, and experienced
much relief. Remedies which his physicians employed
about the same time, were fortunately successful in restoring
him to a fair state of health, considering his age, and,
though looking somewhat more feeble and broken, he
actively engaged in his ordinary business and social duties
again with something of his old-time vigor and determina-
tion, and his useful life, to the great joy of his friends,
was prolonged for fully a dozen years more. Indeed, so
much was his health improved, that it was this fact which
encouraged his friends to prevail on him to accept the
nomination for Congress in 1880, spoken of before. But
this was the last occasion on which General Sibley came
before the public. The remaining term of his life was
quietly devoted to his duties as president of the Gas
Company, president of the Board of Regents of the State
University, and president of the State Historical Society.

THE CLOSING YEARS OF HIS LIFE

were passed in the most complete enjoyment of the es-
teem and love of the people of his state — a fruition of
his long and usefully spent life. By his upright char-
acter, his worth as a public spirited man, his prominence
as a pioneer of the state, and one of its very oldest
inhabitants, his creditable record in both civil and mili-
tary life, his culture and attainments in mental and social
development, his generosity towards every good work
and project, he had won a foremost place in the esteem

308 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

of the public. It is safe to say that he had no peer in
all those elements of moral excellence and personal worth
combined, which successfully win and retain the love and
warm esteem of the people and endear one to them. His
intimate friend, Col. E. S. Goodrich, tersely summed up
the popular estimate of his primacy in everything admir-
able when he said, in one of his articles on our early his-
tory, that it was a title universally accorded Gen. Sib-
ley as "the first gentleman of Minnesota." Indeed, his
name may be truthfully said to have become almost a
"household word" in our state, so closely interwoven it
had been with the history of Minnesota for over half a
century, and with the social and business life of this city
for a generation past. It is also perpetuated on our maps,
Sibley county, in Minnesota, the town of Sibley, Iowa, the
city of Hastings, Minnesota, and the important commercial
street, Sibley, in the capital of our state, bearing the name
to future generations.

Inheriting from his ancestors a vigorous constitution,
which was strengthened by the free, out door life which
he led for some years, and preserved by his pure and
temperate habits, his days had been prolonged beyond
the ordinary span usually allotted to man. He rounded
out four-score years, save two days. But the strong and
erect form was beginning to bow under the weight of
years. For several months before his death, he declined
visibly. His chair in his office was vacant more frequent-
ly. The last meeting of the Historical Society at which
he was present, was April 14, 1890. Still, when at his
post in the gas office, notwithstanding his feebleness, he
continued to carry on his duties, conversing cheerfully

►

MEMOIR OF HENRY HASTINGS SIBLEY.

309

with callers, and evincing unabated interest in all public
questions and events. But his voice seemed feebler, and
his hand moved slower with his pen. Even his familiar
signature was growing more tremulous. The last war
rants which I took to him to sign as president at his
office, was on Sept. 14, 1890. Closely following this date,
he was compelled to keep his room, and just five months
afterwards, was borne out of it. Even through this pe-
riod of walking through the "valley of the shadow of
death," he was not confined to his bed all the time, but
retained his consciousness to the very end, and his in-
terest in current matters. At four o'clock, on the morn-
ing of February 18, 1891, surrounded by all his family,
rest came to him, calmly and almost imperceptibly.

The intelligence of the death of Gen. Sibley was re-
ceived by the people of the state with profound and sin-
cere sorrow. A number of bodies, boards, and societies
in the state passed resolutions appropriate to the event,
and many warm and just eulogies on his character were
pronounced. The press of the state, and to a consider-
able extent, that of the entire country, printed obituary
notices of the deceased, and all united in fitting praise of
the subject, and in warm encomiums of him as a man, a
public official and a citizen. Everywhere, on the streets,
in the public marts, were heard heartfelt expressions
showing how much the late general was beloved and
esteemed.

THE FUNERAL OBSEQUIES

of Gen. Sibley's remains, were held at Saint Paul's
church, on Feb. 20. The intention of the family had
been to have all the ceremonies as simple and void of

310 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

pageantry as possible. There was no military display,
or escort. The body was quietly borne from his home to
the church, the following gentlemen d-cting as pall-bear-
ers:

Active: Harvey Officer, J. I. Beaumont, John D. Ludden,
J. W. Bishop, Geo. L. Becker, W. W. Folwell, Lewis
Baker, Sr., and Charles Nichols.

Honorary: Alex. Ramsey, John S. Pillsbury, Charles
H. Berry, Chas. E. Flandrau, Cyrus Northrop, Alex.
Wilkin, Russell Blakeley, A. H. Wilder, R. R. Nelson.

In the church were seated the Loyal Legion, Com-
mandery of Minnesota; Acker Post of the Grand Army;
the St. Paul Chamber of Commerce; the Regents of
the State University; the members of the Minnesota His-
torical Society, and of the Old Settlers' Association, state
officers, and officers and members of the Legislature, and
officers of the U. S. Army. Large numbers were unable
to obtain admittance.

The services in the church were simply those of the
Episcopal church, conducted by Bishop M. N. Gilbert,
Rev. John Wright, rector of St. Paul's church, and Revs.
Wm. C. Pope and Wm. Wilkinson. Profuse and rich floral
offerings covered, the casket.

At the conclusion of the services, the body was taken
to Oakland Cemetery, followed by a long cortege of car-
riages, and the remains were deposited in their last rest-
ing place.

The flags on all public buildings, and most of the bus-
iness blocks, were suspended at half mast during the day.
The Capitol was draped in black.

Mounds in Dakota, Minnesota and Wisconsin.

By A. J. HILL.

Between 1860 and 1873, I personally visited all the places
mentioned in this paper, and surveyed, with more or less
accuracy, as circumstances permitted, the aboriginal
mounds and groups of mounds now described.

§ 1. IN THE VICINITY OF SIOUX FALLS, DAKOTA.

About a dozen miles westward from the southwestern
corner of Minnesota, are the well-known Falls of the Big
Sioux river. The river here makes a very singular bend
in the form of an irregular letter CO so that any one leav-
ing the river at that point and traveling in a direct line
on any one of the eight points of the compass — except
due north or south — would soon come to it again. This
peculiarity of shape has caused the stream to be known
to the Sioux Indians as Ipakshan Watpa, or River of the
Bend. There are no mounds immediately at the Falls,
but several groups are found not far off above and below
them. All the mounds, however, that the handful of peo-
ple living there in 1860 seemed to know about, were the
two groups now to be described.

The first group surveyed was situated on the left bank
of the river, about three miles south of west from the

312 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

Falls, somewhere on S. 19, T. 101, R. 49. It consisted of
seven round mounds varying in heights from two to five
feet. The view from their site of the extensive plains
westward beyond the river, was a glorious one.

The other group visited lay between the Big Sioux and
Imneezha rivers, about six miles a little north of east
from the Falls, on Ss. 9 and 10, T. 101, R. 48, probably.
The site was a narrow neck of land or plateau, which
sloped gently towards the west and south, but bordered
abruptly on the latter or eastern stream. The mounds
surveyed, extended for about a quarter of a mile north and
south, and were twenty- six in number, varying in height
from two to twelve feet. To the S. SE. an eighth of a
mile, were two isolated ones of but little height, and across
a wide swarth to the N, NW. about the same distance,
was the beginning of a series of other mounds, stretching
indefinitely in a northerly direction on the eastern bank
of the Big Sioux river. Unfortunately this new group
had to be left untouched, for the sun was too near the
horizon.

There were no trees growing either on or near these
Big Sioux river mounds, except those on the immediate
banks of the stream.

§ 2. AT ST. PAUL, RAMSEY COUNTY, MINNESOTA.

There were formerly two groups of mounds on the
bluffs of the left bank of the Mississippi river, in the
lower part of the city of St. Paul. An accurate location
survey of them was made by Mr. William Wallace and
myself May 7 and 8, 1862.

MOUNDS IN DAKOTA, MINNESOTA AND WISCONSIN. 313

The lower group, which was the finest by far, was in
that addition of lots known as Suburban Hills, laid out
in 1856, and distant in an air line about a mile and a half
due east of the present Union Depot, on Sibley street.
These mounds were irregularly placed along the edge of
the bluff, occupying a distance of about one seventh of a
mile from the lower to the upper end of the group. The
lowest down, or first numbered mound, was perched at
the angle where the highest river bluff terminates, or
rather trends back from the river to the northward, near
the point where commences the extensive meadow land,
known in old times as Grand Marais, but more recently
as Pig's Eye. From such a site, one hundred and fifty
or two hundred feet above the river, it can well be
imagined that the view is a superb one. Fortunately
these fine tumuli have a good chance of being pre-
served for the benefit of posterity, as it is proposed to
lay out a public park on the bluff there, which will include
most of the mounds, together with the adjacent hillside
slopes. We found twelve undoubtedly artificial mounds
in the group, the largest of which, the one at the street
angle, though somewhat mutilated by a hasty excavation
made a few years before, was fully fifteen feet ,high.
The elliptical mound next to it was only four and a half
feet high.

The upper group lay just one half mile W. NW. of the
preceeding, across the (then) city limits, in Lyman Day-
ton's addition. Like the others the mounds were strung
k along the edge of the river bluff, which is there lower,
being about one hundred and fifty feet in height.

314 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

What, with the unavoidable extension of the quarrying
of the limestone on which they stood, the grading of the
streets, the erection of dwelling houses, and the establish-
ing of gardens, but one mound of this group remains in exis-
tence. They were, however, on the whole, much smaller
than those of the lower group, as the highest did not
exceed six feet. In examining the map one would naturally
suppose that there were mounds between Short and Cherry
streets, but, if so, they must have been very insignificant,
as Mr. Dayton, the owner of the addition, when asked
about the matter, on the ground itself, said that he did
not know of any having formerly existed along the edge
of the bluff where cut away.

The Wakan-teebe, or cave described by Captain Carver,
1766-7, lies between the site of the upper group and the
river bank. Whether he meant these mounds by certain
expressions of his, or not, is an unsettled question. He
says, on his first visit: "A little distance from this
dreary cavern is the burying place of several bands of
the Naudowessie Indians * * * ^j^ey always
bring the bones of the dead to this place;" and on his
second visit: "When we arrived at the great cave, and
the Indians had deposited the remains of their deceased
friends in the burial place that stands adjacent to it *'

It was the intention of Mr. Wallace and myself to com-
plete the survey of these two groups by making measure-
ments for the outline and height of each mound, but the
civil war interfered with the execution of that design,
as it did with many more important projects of other
people.

MOUNDS IN DAKOTA, MINNESOTA AND WISCONSIN 315
§ 3. OTHER MOUNDS IN RAMSEY COUNTY, MINNESOTA.

At the lower end of the Pig's Eye marsh already men-
tioned, there stood (April, 1868) an isolated mound, not
situated on the bluffs, but below them, near their foot, at
the highest part of the river bottom on the sloping ground
half-way between the military road and the road-bed of
the St. P. & C. R. E., then in course of construction,
and distant about three hundred and fifty feet southward
from the culvert on the former. It was in a cultivated
field, and had itself been plowed over for years; yet it
had still a mean height of six and a half feet; its diameter
was sixty-five feet. The top of it was only thirty-one
feet above the highwater of the Mississippi, according to
the levels taken by the railroad engineers. The location
of the mound, according to U. S. surveys, was on the
N. i of SE. i of Sec. 23, T. 28, R. 22, and about one
mile north of Red Rock landing. Mr. J. Ford, one
of the old settlers of the neighborhood, said that a man
named Odell had, some years previously, dug into it far
enough to satisfy his curiosity, as the discovery of human
bones clearly proved it to have been built for sepulchral
purposes.

Near the southwestern corner of White Bear Lake, on
the SE. i of Sec. 14, T. 30, R. 22, was, and fortu-
nately still is, a fine tumulus, which has been gazed
upon by many thousands of people, for it is near the most
frequented part of that popular lake, and the county road
ran by it, even graded a little way into its base. Indeed,
the mound narrowly escaped being graded away altogether
in order to allow a sufficient width for the road between

316 MINNESTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

the Murray property (afterwards Markoe), and the edge
of the bluff back of the lake on which the former stood.
The height was twelve feet and diameter about forty-five
feet, and on the side nearest the water it stood close to, or
rather merged into the natural bank and sloped with it to
the edge of the lake. Other, but much lower, mounds were
afterwards found in the dense brush back from the lake
not far off, but they were not thought of at the time the
L. S. & M. R. R. R. was being built, a few rods to the
west of them.

§ 4. MOUNDS AROUND LAKE MINNETONKA, MINNESOTA.

At the eastern or lower end of Lake Minnetonka, back
of the hotel and railroad station at Wayzata, was, and still
is, on the low bluff there, a rather conspicuous round
mound. It was situated on the public square, though its
southern side encroached on the street. The mean diam-
eter was found to be sixty feet, and the height five feet.
It had been higher originally, but excavation had taken
away the top part and defaced it. Measured June 22, 1869.

Westward from the same village was a similar mound,
known as Harrington's, situated on SE i of Sec. 1.
T. 117,. R 23. Its diameter was sixty-two feet and
height eight feet. It was built on top of a high bluff,
and, like the one at Wayzata, had the lower lake and its
promontories and islands in full view. Measured June
22, 1869.

The peninsula formerly known as Starvation Point, now
called Orono, was evidently a favorite place of the mound
builders, and the mounds there were well known to the
modern settlers. On September 25, 1867, the State His-

MOUNDS IN DAKOTA, MINNESOTA AND WISCONSIN 317

torical Society held a field meeting on the ground for the
purpose of opening one or more of these mounds. Taking
advantage of the opportunity I surveyed all of the group
which were in open ground, eight in number. The largest
of them was sixty-five feet in diameter and six feet high,
and was the one most dug into. There were undoubtedly
other mounds concealed in the thickets, together with
some sort of an embankment.

In the Upper Lake Minnetonka, is what was known as
Nobles' or Mound Island (now Phelps'), stretching from
NE to SW, about two miles. On its eastern shore, near
the south end, was a group of ten mounds, of which I
made the best survey I could under the circumstances,
on October 6, 1872. The mounds were situated on ground

about feet above the water, and were quite small,

being only fourteen to twenty-five feet in diameter, and two
to three feet high.

On the same shore of this island, a quarter of a mile
or more to the west of the preceding, were two circular
mounds lying thirty- six feet apart. The eastern one was
twenty feet in diameter by three-and-a-half feet in height,
and the other thirty feet by five. This latter I opened
the same day, assisted by John Eastlake.

About half a mile to the southwest of Cook's hotel was
a spot by the lake then known as the picnic grounds,
near where now is the Bartlett Place, where was a well-
known group of mounds. I could not get all of them by
reason of the dense and tangled thickets at the south-
western end of the site, but managed to survey twelve after
a fashion, the two largest of which (Nos. 7 and 12), were,
-19

k

318 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

respectively, forty-eight and fifty-two feet in diameter, and
five feet high, the others diminishing in height to two feet.
Besides the above visited and surveyed, numerous
mounds were reported as existing at other points on the
lake.

§ 5. MOUNDS AT LAKE CALHOUN, MINNESOTA.

A large number of mounds, or "little hillocks ranged
in rows," had been mentioned in a newspaper letter as
existing on an elevated spot on the southeastern shore of
Lake Calhoun, Hennepin county, Minnesota, but careful
inspection of the site soon after (September 1867), did not
enable me to find more than three, which lay in a row
close to each other. They were circular in outline, be
tween two and three feet high, and thirty to forty in
diameter, as estimated, not measured. Their surface was
seamed and irregular, but whether from the effects of
digging subsequent to their erection, agricultural opera-
tion, or other artificial cause, I could not determine. They
were all grassed over, and certainly had been that way
for several years. The site was the high steep bluff bank
of the lake, about where the Lyndale "Pavilion" stood
in subsequent years, I should judge.

§ 6. MOUNDS AT CENTERVILLE, ANOKA COUNTY, MINN.

On July, 1869, I made a rough survey of some mounds
that had been described as somewhere near the shore of
Centerville lake, eighteen miles from St. Paul. There were
seven in the group, and they varied in height from three
to five feet, except the last one, which was twelve feet
high. This high and steep mound was then in use as a
chicken house, a square excavation having been made right

MOUNDS IN DAKOTA, MINNESOTA AND WISCONSIN. 319

into it for that purpose. The sides of the cut furnished
good sectional views of human bones imbedded in the
earth, disconnected and without order, as if they had been
piled together after some promiscuous or piece-meal burial
custom of old times.

§ 7. MOUNDS AT PRESCOTT, WISCONSIN.

At the angle formed by the confluence of the St. Croix
and Mississippi rivers, on the eastern bank of the former,
is the town of Prescott, Wisconsin. On May 13, 1873,
three hours' time was employed in making such reconnois-
sance survey as was feasible of the mounds which stretch
along the bluff of the Mississippi there. The smallest of
them was about twenty-five feet diameter and one foot
high, and the largest fifty-six feet diameter and four feet
high, as nearly as could be then ascertained.

§ 8. MOUNDS AT PINE CITY, MINNESOTA.

In August, 1873, a large mound was graded away at
Pine City, on Snake river, which I located and measured
carefully at the time; it was nearly half gone, having been
cut through perpendicularly. It stood on the south side
of Third avenue, just t® the west of the middle of the
block, between Ninth and Tenth streets. Its diameter
was seventy feet, and height exactly eight feet. Bones
(on the west side), had been taken out of it, relics of
human skeletons, but there were no more visible in the
face of the cut -at the time of my measurement. There
were other mounds on the townsite, not far off, but no
one ever surveyed them, and they are probably all gone
by this time.

St. Paul, Minn., May 12, 1888.

COLUMBIAN ADDRESS

DKLIVKRECD BY

HON. H. W. CHILDS,

Before the Minnesota Historical Society, at the

Capitol in the City of St. Paul,

October 21, 1892.

In the early centuries of the Christian era Norsemen be-
came distinguished upon the sea. They had swept the coasts
of jLiiurope in their staunch ships and plundered and levied
tribute upon many an English town before the close of the
eighth century. These rugged "sons of the fiord" recognized
no other bounds to their roving than their own whims and
caprices. Their brave keels plowed the waters of the Mediter-
ranear^ "en to Algiers and Constantinople, and their stout
axes were wielded against "Magyar and Saracen." But the
spirit of plunder came to yield in time to that .of colonization.
Kormandy confessed them master and became their province.
Norseman blood mixed with Norman, and in the person of
William the Conqueror triumphed on the field of Hastings.

322 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

They settled, too, in Ireland, and planted their roof trees over
the greater part of Scotland. Deterred neither by distance
nor tempestuous seas, they sought the bleak shores of Iceland,
and there planted one of the most remarkable settlements
known to the history of civilization. It is now more than a
thousand years since that settlement was made, yet on that
island, itself the chance child of plutonic forces, where the
language of the Norseman is still spoken in its purity, and
where their glorious deeds, preserved in poetry and saga, are
still recited by elder sons in the half-singing tones of the
Skalds of old, grew up -a literature of wondrous richness.

Well may we marvel, whose lots are cast under friendlier
skies, that in that home of poverty, where life is maintained
only by continuous strife with the elements, civilization
bloomed in its fairest forms. While continental Europe lay
shrouded in a night of deepest ignorance, learning's lamp was
brightly burning and tolerance had gained the mastery among
that interesting people. And there, too, was framed and
adopted an enlightened code of jurisprudence in which a sys-
tem of trial by jury had been carefully worked out, thus an-
ticipating the fame of Runnymede by more than two hundred
and fifty years. Not only Iceland, but the still more bleak and
distant Greenland received their settlements. For four hun-
dred years at least, the sails of commerce kept that land of ice
in touch with European countries. Bristol merchants ex-
changed their goods in Greenland marts; and there the rep-
resentatives of the Church of Rome administered holy consola-
tion.

Why doubt that these adventurous seamen had become ac-
quainted with the American coast long before the Columbian
voyage? Accident or adventure must have impelled them
thither on some occasion during the centuries of commercial
intercourse carried on with those northern countries. The
evidence of Leif Ericson's voyage, which further time and re-
search will only strengthen, is already as conclusive to the
candid inquirer as is that on which rests the illustrious
achievement of 1492.

COLUMBIAN ADDRESS. 323

The Columbian voyage was the logical sequence and cul-
mination of a series of illustrious intellectual achievements.
As a rational enterprise it is expressive of the highest attain-
ments of science at the close of the fifteenth century. It was
the final triumph of the teachings of Thales. But between the
Ionian astronomer and the Genoese discoverer stretched a
vale of ignorance and prejudice, with only here and there a
hill-top lighted with the beams of the eternal truth. Thales
had taught the true form of the earth six centuries before our
era. The work so brilliantly begun in Greece was continued
in both the Ionian and Alexandrian schools for centuries there-
after. The fame of these schools is durably founded upon the
labors of Pythagoras and Aristotle, Euclid, Hipparchus and
Ptolemy.

It should not be overlooked, however, that those great
pioneers in the cause of truth are representatives of almost
as many distinct ages of Grecian and Egyptian knowledge.
Slowly, with steps measured by centuries, science was march-
ing toward that stupendous achievement which the whole civil-
ized world celebrates to-day. The Arab was the torch bearer who
transferred the light of the East to the European world. Bag-
dad and Cordova shone resplendent in the fame of their
schools, the wisdom of their teachers and the value and extent
of their libraries. It is incredible, however irreconcilable the
antagonism between Moor and Spaniard, that the learning of
the land of the Caliphs was not felt in the countries by which
it was surrounded.

There can be no question that the learned men of Europe
had long been acquainted with the teachings of the Alexan-
drian schools. But applied science is slow of pace. The ap-
plication of knowledge often demands the rarest genius.
I There is too frequently a wide gulf between the student and
the man of practical affairs; and he who bridges that gulf
oftentimes becomes deserving of immortal remembrance.
;

But more than a knowledge of the earth's sphericity was es-
sential to the great voyage. An agency must be provided
whereby the vessel's helm could be grasped with no uncertain

324 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

hand in the deepest night, amid the densest fog, and under
the cloudiest skj. And this was supplied by the compass and
the astrolabe. But another agent still was requisite to the
birth of the inspiration which filled the soul of the great navi-
gator. Before a Columbus there must needs have been an
Eratosthanes. Geography, aided by its twin sister, astronomy,
became early illustrated by the construction of maps. The
comprehensive genius of Ptolemy, grouping under one view all
knowledge then extant, had composed in the early part of the
second century a system of geography which is the ground-
work of all that has been subsequently accomplished in that
field of thought and labor.

The avalanche of Gothic barbarism which overwhelmed
the Roman empire, made Constantinople the only refuge, for
a season, of European art, taste, and elegance. Almost fruit-
less is the search in that symposium, however, for evidence
of any advance in geographical knowledge beyond the work of
Ptolemy. "Except for the Scandinavian world, and some very
important additions made to the knowledge of Asia by Marco
Polo, the map prepared by him fairly represents," says Fiske,
"the maximum of acquaintance with the earth's surface pos-
sessed by the Europeans previous to the great voyage of the
fifteenth century." Even Ptolemy's work had been lost, per-
haps, but for Moorish intervention. This interesting people,
bursting forth from their boundaries, scourged the Mediter-
ranean coasts and secured a foothold, maintained for centuries,
upon the soil of Spain. There were founded great marts of
commerce. There were garnered the rich spoils of the East.
Thence sped the sails and caravans of trade. But best of all
there learning shed its luster. There the wisest of the earth
gathered in its scholastic groves. Mahometan travelers there
spent the leisure of their lives in placing in durable forms what
they had seen and heard in distant lands. The worthy son of
Harun-el-Rashid, himself keenly alive to the importance of
geographical knowledge, did not fail to appreciate the value
of Ptolemy's masterly work. He caused it to be translated
into the language of his people, to whom it became a model
and an inspiration.

COLUMBIAN ADDRESS. 325

The boundaries of geographical knowledge had been ma-
terially enlarged by Moorish labor and Christian Europe had
already felt the impulse thereby imparted long before Prince
Henry of Portugal had begun his brilliant career. The har-
vest was ready for the reaper.

n.

Genoa is fittingly named superb. Seated on the highway,
over which rolled the volume of a great commerce, it strove for
centuries for the mastery with Venice. "The patriotic spirit
and naval prowess of the Genoese, developed in their defense
against the Saracens, led to the foundation of a popular con-
stitution and to the rapid growth of a powerful marine." She
wrested from the Saracens many of their seaport towns and
planted there her colonies. Her ships were long masters of
the sea and bore the richest burdens. The vast hosts of the
crusaders, hurled by Rome against the Islam power, con-
tributed for ages to the wealth and prosperity of Genoa. Her
sails swept every sea known to European commerce in the
middle ages, nor did her seamen fear to venture on discovery.

In a city with such a history was Christopher Columbus
born. His birth, in keeping with nearly every other
feature of his eventful career, is the subject of learned con-
troversy. Disputes have arisen as to the year, the house, the
city and even the country in which he first saw the light. The
best authority now ascribes his birth to the city I have named
and the year 1436. Obscurity veils his childhood. Scholar-
ship retreats in despair from the effort to trace his ancestry
beyond his grandparents. It is conceded that the discoverer
of the new world was the son of an humble wool weaver, and
that he himself assisted at the loom in early childhood. His
education was limited at best. The humble circumstances of
his father repressed, rather than inspired, scholastic pursuits.
At fourteen he had been caught in the giddy whirl of maritime
adventure, which at no place was more pronounced than at
Genoa. And why not?^ The very atmosphere of his native
town was rife with the adventures of buccaneers. The news

326 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

which sped from one end of the Mediterranean to the other
was of fight and plunder, here and everywhere. The sign of
the cross did not placate the fury with which Christian strove
with Christian, nor had Moorish pride yet been humbled on the
plains of Granada.

At Genoa the irrepressible Columbus became fired with the
ruling spirit of the age. Little time, indeed, for books had
leisure been afforded. Then, too, was it not the golden age of
Portugal? The illustrious Prince Henry had but recently
closed his glorious career. Men yet wondered at the fame of
his explorations. His ships made their way through Southern
seas and returned with argosies of wealth. What is the phil-
osophy which could chain the vaulting spirit of the coming
admiral? What, but the philosophy of the sea? He had not
been Columbus if he had not absorbed rather than learned
whatever appertained to the ruling passion of his soul. "The
gorgeous churches of Genoa made of Columbus a crusader, its
schools a geographer, its palaces filled with paintings and
statues an artist, its shores a mariner, its industries and com-
merce a shrewd calculator and a thorough-going man of busi-
ness."

We read that he was an expert in chartography. But was
not his boyhood passed almost in the very shadow of Benin-
casa's house, famous for his sea charts? He himself says, "I
have associated with scientific men, lay and clerical, of the
Latin church and the Greek, with Jew and Moors and many
others. To that end the Lord gave me a spirit of understand-
ing. In the science of navigation he endowed me richly; of
astronomy and of geometry and arithmetic he gave me what
was necessary."

A few years was he voyaging to and fro upon the Mediter-
ranean, now and then coming face to face in bloody fray with
Moorish pirates, gleaning here and there the fragments of that
knowledge which was soon to kindle in his breast that daunt-
less zeal which wavered not under the most trying circum-
stances. Then Lisbon won him.

COLUMBIAN ADDKESS. 327

Already have I spoken of Prince Henry, the patron saint of
all the navigators of his day. Lisbon was their Mecca. Bar-
tholomew, a brother of Columbus, his equal as a sailor, his
superior in the art of making maps and globes and in the still
higher art of persuading and controlling men, had preceded
him to Portugal. Not to cross the unknown and trackless
Atlantic, save as they unconsciously obeyed the silent man-
dates of that "divinity that shapes our ends," had the brothers
journeyed hitherward. They went there for a livelihood; to
practice their art of chartmaking; to enlist, as others of their
countrymen had done before them, in maritime adventure.
The story of the naval battle near Lisbon, the burning ship,
the miraculous escape of the future discoverer by heroic efforts
in the sea, is but a cunning blending of fact and fiction, akin
to the endless rubbish written to illustrate with what special
Providential agency the course of Columbus was directed.

ni.

Columbus arrived in Portugal in 1470. Twenty-two years,
full of toil and heart-ache, must yet be crossed before he
should attain to the splendid triumph of his life. But the
time of his coming, viewed in the light of after events, was
most opportune. Then were being gathered the fruits of the
art of printing with movable types. The secret treasures of
learned monks began thus to find their Avay into the hands
of laymen. Could anything be more natural than that the
ministrations of that beneficent discovery should be first and
most perceptibly felt in the aid of the foremost enterprise of
the age? A world thirsting for the discoveries and specula-
tions of travelers and scientists was sure to hail with un-
stinted applause the publication of their books. The old
geographers, dressed in printer's ink, find their way into lay-
men's hands.

Columbus had not yet forsaken his native Italy when the
famous work of Strabo was issued from the press. Then, too,
he had been closely pursued to Portugal by the growing fame
and popularity of Pomponius Mela. Manilius had sung the

328 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

sphericity of tlie earth and charmed the monks of the middle
ages; but now his measured lines do service in the common
ranks of learning. A little later, but in accord with the
greater richness of the fruit, is harvested from the press the
sublime work of Ptolemy, well styled the prince of astrono-
mers, whose work on geography called forth from Humboldt
himself the expressive term "colossal.'' These and other rev-
elations to the lowly walks of learning were the blessed fruit-
age of the newly discovered and noble art of printing. The
thought of Portugal was profoundly moved by this generous
outpouring from the garners of the wise. Who should walk
before Columbus in receptivity of this quickening spirit?

Most circumscribed at best was geographical knowledge in
1470. The known was strangely blended with the unknown.
The distant was invested with the color of splendid mystery.
Superstition and credulity peopled distant seas and lands
with the horrible creations of disturbed imagination and with
gulfs of flame set barriers to travel. Truth staggered in a
drunkenness of marvel. The soberest chronicler of events
could not resist the temptation to dip his pen in ink of
iridescent hues. Toscanelli could write with no fear of cen-
sure, but with certainty of applause, of "two hundred towns,
whose marble bridges spanned a single river." It was the age
of marvel; and its mongers vied with one another in the rich-
ness of their coloring. Toscanelli and Marco Polo, Sir John
Mandeville and Nicholas de Conti were a galaxy of stars in the
scientific heavens of the fifteenth century. It is impossible to
accurately estimate at this time the potency and reach of their
influence upon the spirit of discovery in that century follow-
ing the dissemination of their observations and researches
among the reading public.

IV.

This is no time to dwell upon the incidents of the domestic
life of Columbus. It is far more to our purpose to trace
through these causative events which culminated in the great
discovery. It is a question of more or less uncertainty when

COLUMBIAN ADDRESS. 329

the idea of reaching India by sailing westward first found
lodgment in the mind of Columbus. He had not been a resi-
dent of Portugal above four years when he was known to
meditate the project. What was its origin? Was it the nat-
ural outgrowth of study and reflection, the necessary deduc-
tion from given premises, a splendid triumph of the mind ? Or
was it the knowledge of truth, otherwise derived, selfishly con-
cealed and basely employed for personal advantage? W^hen
Columbus urged his views upon the courts of Spain and Portu-
gal, was he inspired with that lofty sincerity characteristic of
scientific discovery, or was he but the thrifty merchant seek-
ing to vend at most advantageous terms the wares he had
surreptitiously acquired?

The most venomous criticism must concede that long before
the year 1492 science had demonstrated, as already suggested,
that Cathay might be reached by a westward course. It is
the prevailing error of to-day to ascribe to Columbus the first
conception of the possibility of reaching India by a westward
route. But centuries in advance of him Eratosthenes had
held that one might easily sail from Spain to Asia but for
the wide expanse of intervening sea. One fact alone robs
Colimibus forever of every vestige of credit for that concep-
tion. Eoger Bacon had, two centuries before, gleaned and
compiled from ancient, writers numerous passages to prove
how limited was the distance stretching from Spain to the
eastern shore of Asia. On this the great English philosopher
had built an argument; and argument and quotation were
alike incorporated by the bishop of Cambrai in his great work,
the Imago Mundi. None of the biographers of Columbus, and
their name is legion, forget to say that the Imago Mundi was
his favorite book. Its effect upon his thoughts was profound
and lasting. His copy of it, still preserved, bears every token
of close and frequent study. Here, then, between the covers
of a single volume, is material sufficient to inflame the im-
agination, convince the judgment and intensify the zeal of
one less impressible than Columbus. It must be noted, too,
that by an error of mathematical computation, which had
received almost universal acquiescence, the circumference of
the earth was materiallv underestimated, and even those

330 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

whose computations accord more nearly with the result of
modern times had committed the corresponding error tending
to the same practical effect of excessively protruding to the
eastward the coast line of China and the islands lying to the
east of it. The great genius whose computations were start-
lingly correct had fallen into the common geographical error.

We are now prepared to consider what influence, if any, the
Norsemen discoveries exercised upon the mind of the immor-
tal Genoese. There are writers who strenuously insist that
he is directly indebted for his idea to Icelandic sources. A
learned and ingenuous author states it thus: ^^We must in-
sist that it is, to say the least, highly probable that he had
in some way obtained knowledge of the discoveries of the
Norsemen in the western ocean, and he thought their Vinland
to be the eastern shore of Africa. But no matter what in-
duced him to go to Iceland. We know positively that he went
there and over 300 miles beyond it. The Jast Norse voyage to
America of which we have any account was in the year
1347, and is it possible, we ask, that Columbus ' could have
visited Iceland only 130 years later and learned nothing of
the famous Vinland the Good?"

The infirmity of this \iew, as already pointed out by a dis-
tinguished writer, is that the gifted author does not produce,
nor is there available, the slightest evidence that Columbus
ever acquired any such knowledge. The mere fact that he
visited Iceland, which, indeed, is not universally assented to,
falls far short of proving that he there acquired information
regarding Vinland. The cautious inquirer will require more
tangible proof than mere hypothesis before impugning the
motives of any man ; and especially those of one of the greatest
benefactors of mankind. Besides, what strange shortsighted-
ness on the part of Columbus to have concealed such knowl-
edge, if he possessed it, when zealously importuning aid from
king and noble. Col. Higginson has happily said that "an
ounce of Vinland would have been worth a pound of cos-
mography" to this project. It is reasonable that in all the

COLUMBIAN ADDRESS. 331

fifteen years in which he was moved by his sublime purpose,
disputing with the learned, appealing with burning eloquence
to kings and courtiers, listening to the incredulous verdicts of
counseling juntos, rebuffed at times with jibes and sneers,
that the one masterly argument which must have silenced
criticism and enlisted the enthusiastic support of the king of
Portugal, had never escaped his lips? A painstaking survey
of the whole question compels the belief that Norsemen dis-
coveries contribute in no respect to the Columbian achieve-
ment.

Italy was a land of bold and sagacious navigators. "There
is nothing," says Winsor, "more striking in the history of
American discovery than the fact that the Italian people fur-
nished to Spain Columbus, to England Cabot and to France
Verrazani, and that the leading powers of Europe, following
as maritime explorers in the lead of Portugal, who could not
dispense with Vespucius, another Italian, pushed their rights
through men whom they had borrowed from the central region
of the Mediterranean, while Italy, in its own name, never pos-
sessed a rood of American soil."

There is the faintest belief that Columbus offered the golden
opportunity to his native Genoa, and was denied; then to her
rival, Florence, and yet denied. Certain it is that to Portugal
the opportunity came and was, in an evil hour, declined. The
luster shed upon this people by the glorious work of Prince
Henry was seriously darkened by the prudent and costly
trickery of its king, John II. When to the last-named mon-
arch Columbus had disclosed his project and had half -con-
vinced him by his burning zeal and persuasive reasoning he
was rewarded by an order of the king sending a ship secretly
to test the experiment of the westward voyage. It failed, of
course, for what captain, fired with a zeal less than that which
filled the breast of Columbus, could pilot a ship across those
unknown and terrifying seas?

The insult drove Columbus to the court of Spain. Already
his brother Bartholomew had caught his brother's spirit and
sailed to England to procure the aid of its sovereign. The land

332 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

of Koger Bacon refused to demonstrate the wisdom of her gifted
child. France, too, failed to recognize the angel of glory in
the Genoese chartmaker. To undeserving Spain attached the
imperishable renown. It is a weary story of waiting, taunts
and ridicule, a cup of bitterness drunk to the lees, a heart be-
reft of hope, thoughts filled with despair, that records the final
triumph of Columbus in the impulsive conduct of Isabella of
Castile. To that princess belongs the never-ending praise,
whatever the actuating sentiment, of affording substantial
encouragement to the mighty enterprise.

The port of Palos, long since abandoned by the fleets of com-
merce, is immortalized by the three small caravels which is-
sued from it in the early morning of Aug. 3, 1492.

VI.

Greatly do they err who see in Columbus but the common
man. True enough, his character presents a picture of strong
lights and deep shadows. He was "seer and traveler, visionary
and calculator; crusader and mathematician, a sort of Isaiah
in his prophetic insight, and banker in his computations, his
thoughts set upon religion and business alike ; a sublime oracle
from whose lips predictions fell in impetuous torrents, and a
singularly bad governor, resorting to irregular and arbitrary
measures; advocating the conquest of the Holy Sepulcher
through a mighty effort of his devout will, and of the mines
of Golconda by a shorter route to India than any then known ;
ever in suspense between lofty ideas and idle fable, believer
in magic and student of nature, mystic and astronomer: so
multiplied and various are his traits that they scarcely come
within the group of any logical chain of reasoning." Such is
Castelar's vivid and masterly pen-painting of this man of
matchless fame. Grant his many foibles, his numerous sins
of omission and commission, all that his detractors urge, and
they are many, yet there still attaches to him, deathless as the
mighty world he brought to light, the sublime attribute of Dis-
coverer of America.

"It grew to be time's burst of dawn,
He gained a world; he gave that world
Its grandest lesson, On!' and On!"

COLUMBIAN ADDRESS. 333

The inspired faith of Columbus impelled him to a fruitless
search for the gorgeous palaces and magnificent capitals of
Cathay. He died unconscious of the fact that between this
island, on which he raised the standard of Castile and the pos-
sessions of the grand Cham, slept a virgin world and stretched
an almost endless waste of sea. Yet the fascinating visions
with which his thoughts were filled have been more than
realized in the work of the four centuries which close to-day.
It may be said of him more than of any other man that "he
builded better than he knew."

^N'ot the old and suffocating East, but the new and promising
West, responded to the wave-beat of the best of European
civilization. The great discovery was the rescue of the im-
periled spirit of civil liberty. The champions of the opposing
forces in the Old World strove for the mastery of the New.
One built its watch fires in the South American peninsula, the
other on the rock of Plymouth. The former emitted neither
light nor warmth, the latter became the beacon of the world.
A grand idea, shining brightly for a season in the schools of
Greece, and then in those of Italy, but well-nigh extinguished
in the universal gloom of later ages, reasserting itself along the
Ehine and around the industrious fires of the Netherlands and
in the land of Cromwell and Milton, became a well-defined and
resistless purpose, in Independence hall, on the 4th day of
July, 1776. To-day it thrills the world; a mighty people,
planted in the choicest territory of the earth, are moved and
actuated by it. It is the mission of that people to dominate
the earth, not by the devastation of the sword, but by those
pacific agencies whose progress is marked by a wealth of
moral, intellectual and material blessings. Already it has
enriched mankind in spiritual and material achievements be-
yond all precedent.

A great thinker has said : "The world's scepter passed from
Persia to Greece, from Greece to Italy, from Italy to Great
Britain, and from Great Britain the scepter is to-day departing.
It is passing to Greater Britain, to our mighty West, there to re-
main, for there is no further West ; beyond is the Orient. Like
the star in the east, which guided the three kings with their

334 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

treasure westward until it stood still over the cradle of the
young Christ, so the star of empire rising in the east has ever
beckoned the wealth and power of the nations westward, until
to-day it stands still over the empire of the West, to which the
nations are bringing their offerings."

O mother of a mighty race,

Yet lovely in thy youthful grace;

The elder dames, thy haughty peers,

Admire and hate thy blooming years;

With \A^ords of shame

And taunts of scorn, they join thy name.

There's freedom at thy gates, and rest

For earth's downtrodden and opprest,

A shelter for the hunted head,

For the starved laborer toil and bread.

Power at thy bounds,

Stops, and calls back his baffled hounds.

O fair young mother! On thy brow
Shall sit a nobler grace than now.
Deep in the brightness of the skies.
The thronging years in glory rise,
And, as they fleet.
Drop strength and riches at thy feet.

Col. John Bliss, U. S. A.

In Command at Fort Snelling in 1833.

(Taken from a portrait painted at about the age ot fifty-five years.)

REMINISCENCES OF FORT SNELLING. 335

KEMINISCENCES OF FORT SNELLING.

By Colonel John H. Bliss.

After many years of outpost life and terrific hardships, which
were the military lot in those early days, my mother and
myself were having a rest with relatives in Meadville, Pennsyl-
vania; my father. Major John Bliss, being then in command at
Fort Armstrong, Rock Island. In the early spring of 1832, I
(then nine years of age) well remember my mother telling me
one day on my return from school that she had just received a
letter from father to the effect that he had been ordered to take
command at Fort Snelling, and would soon be on to take us
and our household chattels to that immensely distant post. He
soon followed the letter, and some bustling days were passed
in preparation; bedding and carpets were stowed away in
water-tight tierces, and books in shallow boxes, so contrived
that they could afterward be arranged in library form; these
w^ere consigned, if I recollect rightly, to McGrunnigle & Co., St.
Louis, and were conveyed by wagon to Pittsburg, Pa., and from
there by steamboat to St. Louis.

The first section of the journey was by stage coach to Pitts-
burg, where we recuperated several days at the hospitable home
of our old, warm-hearted, Irish friend, John Anderson, who was
engaged in the foundry business. The next move was to Cin-
cinnati by steamboat. Here a stop of several days was impera-
tive for making further purchases of supplies for the wild region
we were to enter; quantities of hams, dried beef, tongues, rice,
macaroni, family groceries in general, furniture, crockery, and
what in these days would be considered a huge supply of wines
and liquors, were purchased and shipped to St. Louis, and to this
point was our next journey, of course by steamboat. It was

Col. John H. Bliss, of Erie, Pa., where he is engaged in manufacturing, is
a son of Maj. John Bliss, of the United States army, who was in command of
Fort Snelling from 1833 to 1837. Col. J. H, Bliss visited Fort Snelling and yi-
cinity in October, 1893. He was greatly interested in the stupendous changes
which had talien place during the sixty years since he, as a boy, knew the
country. At the solicitation of the Minnesota Historical society, he wrote these
reminiscences. He was spending a winter vacation in Venezuela when the pa-
per was written. Col. Bliss served w ith honor in the Union army during the
Civil War. His father served during the War of 1812-13; resigned in 1837,
and died in 1854.

336 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

then not more than a straggling village. I am quite sure there
was not a paved street, and a large proportion of the inhabitants
were French Canadians. One morning my father took me
around to see some of his old friends, and among others, intro-
duced me to Clark, of the famous Lewis and Clark expedition.
My recollection of him is that of a large-framed, sedate, vener-
able gentleman, and what greatly excited my open-eyed aston-
ishment was the fact of his wearing his gray hair in a queue.
At the hotel, that evening, the expedition was tallied over, and
the death of Lewis was commented upon as a suicide. No men-
tion whatever of murder was suggested, and it was not until
many years afterward that I learned this was a mooted question.
On the voyage from Pittsburg, we one day saw a deer swim-
ming the Ohio; and, as there was a good supply of rifles among
the passengers, he was soon dispatched, and venison added to
our bill of fare. At St. Louis the last of our necessary pur-
chases was made, to wit: a nice-looking yellow girl and an un-
commonly black man. On arriving at our final destination, she
proved to be a very good servant, but became such an attractive
belle among the soldiers that before leaving Fort Snelling we
were obliged to make her a part of the cargo of the Steamer
^^Warrior," and send her to St. Louis for sale. The man, Han-
nibal by name, was a most excellent and faithful fellow. The
only difficulty I remember his getting into was brewing spruce
beer and selling it to the soldiers. Everything in this line was
among the prerogatives of our sutler, Mr. Myrie, who made com-
plaint to my father, who admonished Hannibal that this was
outside the line of his duties. He made promise of amendment,
but was soon caught at it again, which resulted in his catching
a good licking and forty-eight hours' confinement in the black
hole, effecting a thorough reformation. Some five years after-
ward, when my father resigned his commission, he gave Hanni-
bal his freedom, and he settled in Newport, Ky., where he be-
came a preacher, and was quite an oracle among the blacks.
While T was a student at Cincinnati college, he came to see me
every week, put my belongings in order, and polished my shoes,
as it seemed to be the dread of his life that I "should be taken
for a poor man's son." Poor, faithful old Hannibal ! I have
often wondered w^hat ultimately became of him.

While at Cincinnati I had for friends many of those men-
tioned so charmingly by Mrs. Van Cleve. General O. M.
Mitchell (who died of yellow fever at Port Royal) taught me the

REMINISCENCES OF FORT SNELLING. 337

higher branches of mathematics and civil engineering. I often
took tea with Edward Mansfield and his excellent mother. She
wore a tuii)an, and w^as altogether of the last century. She
used to tell me of her dancing a minuet with General Washing-
ton. I have a lively recollection, too, of the excellence of the
buckwheat cakes made by her wonderful cook, old Clara. Then
there was William Lytle, whom I saved from drowning one
Saturday afternoon when a lot of us wen J; in swimming, and who
afterwards became General Lytle of the Union army, and was
killed, I think, at the battle of Stone river. But this is not
getting very rapidly in the direction of Fort Snelling.

The next step in our journey was by steamboat to Prairie du
Chien. I remember stopping at Hannibal, Quincy, Des Moines
and Galena, all very small places. At the first-named town I
bought a beautiful pair of young fox squirrels, to th d disgust of
my mother and the thorough, emptying of my pocket. At one
of the stopping places I was introduced to the old chief Keokuk,
one of my father's Indian friends. We were detained a day at
one of the rapids on the Mississippi. The captain of the boat
got into an altercation with one of his men, which resulted in
his being knocked down. He started at once for his cabin, and
soon emerged with his rifle; but the man, in the meantime,
prudently went on shore and disappeared. The captain spent
nearly the whole day looking for him, but without avail, al-
though he had several friends aiding him, who were as deeply
interested as though on a bear hunt. While I was wandering
about I went into a low groggery in search of some apples, and
there spied the very man they were after; but he had made
friends with me during the voyage, so I did not report my find.
Had he been a troublesome, annoying fellow, the result no
doubt would have been widely different — sl strong illustration of
the truth of the old saying, "It is better to have the good will
of a dog than his ill will."

Gol. Zachary Taylor (afterward president of the United
States) was then in command at Fort Crawford, Prairie du
Chien. He and my father were old friends, having been to-
gether in the Sauk and Fox campaign, and we were received at
his quarters most hospitably, and made perfectly at home. The
sobriquet of "rough and ready," according to my recollection, is
not properly descriptive of the man. Ready for any duty or
(emergency, he certainly was; but I cannot see where the rough

— 'ii

338 MINNESOTA HISTOEICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

came in. As a boy, I was very fond of him. He was a large,
strongly built man, rather quiet and deliberate in movement
and conversation, and with the same disregard ot dress and
"the pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war" which was
so conspicuous in General Grant, and was thoroughly different
from Scott, who well earned the nickname of "fuss and feath-
ers." Mrs. Taylor was a most kind and thorough-bred Southern
lady; the Colonel, as every one knows, being a splendid speci-
men of the Kentuckian. Two of their children, Bessie anOf
Dick, were about my own age, and during the two or three
weeks of waiting for further transportation to Fort Snelling
we became excellent friends. Dick afterward spent a year in
Buffalo when I was a young man there, and we saw a good deal
of each other, but we never met again. My youngest daughter,
I may say, renewed the acquaintance in Washington. Poor
Dick! he was very handsome, well educated, very bright, a fine
conversationalist and well liked by all. His book, "Destruction
and Keconstruction," is thoroughly indicative of the man, so
entirely different from the bitterly vindictive and mendacious
book of his brother-in-law, Jefferson Davis; no one can read it
without being impressed by his unending, good-natured buoy-
ancy, and the fact that he had "charity for all and bore malice
to none." He even had a good word to say for Ben Butler; and
General K P. Banks was made abundantly aware in the South-
west that his military talents were of a high- order. In fact,
his book, containing no vile abuse of the North, has been but
little noticed, and I do not now remember having seen any one
who ever read it. Two or three years after seeing Dick in
Buffalo, I was going down the Alabama river, and to my sur-
prise and delight found among the passengers on the steamer,
Mrs. Taylor, Bessie and her husband, W. W. S. Bliss. He was
of the Rhode Island branch of that family, a man of uncommon
abilit}^, and from the phenomenal perfection and accuracy of
his recitations at the military academy, won there the name of
"Perfect Bliss." While we were at Prairie du Ohien, Jeff Davis
was a lieutenant, and violently in love with Colonel Taylor's
daughter "Knox;" but the Colonel "would none of it" — ^he did
not like a single bone in his body.

Due course of time brought the steamboat ^Warrior," with
Captain Throckmorton, loaded with supplies for Fort Snelling,
and we then bade a long farewell to our kind friends and civili-

REMINISCENCES OF FORT SNELLING. 339

zation, and pushed into the wilderness. I was awfully sorry to
part with Dick, and to show the strongest evidence of my re-
gard, named one of my squirrels after him. According to my
recollection, Prairie du Chien was then a straggling Canadian
village, where, outside of the garrison, one heard more French
than English spoken. Before leaving, all available space in
the "Warrior" was filled with cord wood, and when that gave
out we were obliged to lay by and cut fresh supplies, for not a
house or a white man did we see until our arrival at Fort Snell-
ing, so the trip of course was a long one.

At Lake Pepin, on account of a heavy wind, we were obliged
to tie up for nearly two days in sight of the "Maiden Eock," or
"Lovers' Leap," as in those days it was unromantically called.
I shall never forget the clear transparency of the waters, and
beautiful wild shores of that lovely river, long before its charms
were ruined and outraged by hard practical civilization. On
our way we overhauled and took on board a canoe with five
soldiers, conveying the monthly mail to Fort Snelling, and thus
saved the boys many a weary pull. A sight never to be for-
gotten was when on turning a point in the river there suddenly
appeared, a mile or so before us, the imposing and beautiful
white walls of Fort Snelling, holding, as though by main force,
its position on a high precipitous bluff, and proudly floating the
stripes and stars. It was a fortified oasis of civilization in a
lovely desert of barbarism. We at once took i)ossession of the
commandant's quarters, and were soon most comfortably es-
tablished— the young officers frequently supplementing our bill
of fare with the nicest of young prairie chickens, or grouse, as
we called them. There were then two well-beaten wagon roads,
one leading to Lake Calhoun, the other to the Falls of Saint
Anthony. The latter crossed a little stream, a hundred feet or
so above the Falls of Minnehaha, but which then knew no other
name than Little Falls. This was a beautiful spot. There was
a break-neck path leading to the foot, down which I used to
scramble and fish for bass in the basin. The Falls of Saint
Anthony, too, were picturesque; the government had a little
muley saw-mill there, and a small grist-mill, for grinding corn,
all, of course, for the use of the garrison; there, too, was kept our
supply of beef cattle. All this necessitated the erection of a
comfortable building, for the sergeant and eight or ten men
who had charge of things, and this was all there then was of

340 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

the splendid city of Minneapolis. We used occasionally to liave
picnics there, and drove out a few times of a winter night, had
a hot supper and a whisky punch, and back to the Fort again,
with the coyotes howling about us, but rarely in sight. In no
place I have ever seen (and I have been in many) were the
winter nights so clear and beautiful, and the stars so many and
so bright as there. Another picnic ground was the vicinity of
the Lakes of the Isles, Calhoun and Harriet; the fishing in them
was excellent. They bear the same names now as they did
then, so that a statement I saw making the rounds of the papers,
that the last was named for the first schoolmistress in Minne-
sota, is sheer nonsense. If Mrs. General Leavenworth's first
name was Harriet, I am positive it was named for her. An-
other picnic resort was a cave in the white sandstone near the
east bank of the river, and, as I recollect it, a little above the
site of the great city of St. Paul; a little stream of the coldest
and clearest water issued from it, just the thing for the lemon-
ade and rum punch which made more agreeable the first civil-
ized meals taken in the immediate neighborhood of that city.
I became the happy possessor of an Indian pony, a double-bar-
reled gun, a canoe and jointed fishing rod, and during my entire
stay, so long as the weather admitted of it, they were the re-
cipients of my almost undivided attention.

That summer, Major Taliaferro, the Indian agent, brought
his wife, a very handsome woman, to the Fort, and they made
their home with us until their quarters were prepared. About
this time the post sutler, Mr. Myrie, married and brought his
wife there, so the garrison boasted of three ladies. The entire
country then was prairie, with no timber at all except in the
immediate vicinity of the lakes and water-courses, so that we
could drive in wagons in any direction. Going by the road to
Lake Calhoun, on the left of the junction of the road and lake,
was quite a large permanent Indian village surrounded by ex-
tensive corn fields, which from the time the corn was in milk,
required the undivided attention of the Indian children to drive
away the flocks of blackbirds, which were in great numbers. T
remember very well knocking over twenty-five at one shot.

This village and Saint Anthony and Little Falls were the
three show places which brought into requisition all the horses
and wagons belonging to the Fort, whenever the steamboat
^'Warrior" appeared with her hold filled with supplies and her

I

REMINISCENCES OF FORT SNELLING. 341

cabins with delightful and delighted tourists who were making
an excursion, considered more w^onderful in those days than
would be a trip to the Hawaiian Islands now. We received the
mail but once a month, and then through the agency of a cor-
poral and a few men, whom we sent the whole distance to
l*rairie du Chien for it; in summer they went in a canoe, in
winter it was an expedition on foot, and the hardships encoun-
tered w^ere very great. They had to carry their provisions,
blankets and the mail, and camp out in the snow every night,
unless it found them in the neighborhood of an Indian tepee.
You are sufficiently acquainted with the rigors of your climate
to know that in winter this was no holiday excursion. I think
it was the first mail after our arrival that brought word of the
elopement of Jeff. Davis and "Knox" Taylor. We all felt very
bad about it, knowing what a blow it would be to the grand
old colonel. The next mail brought us news of another elope-
ment from his family of quite a different character ; one of his
female slaves had most mysteriously disappeared, leaving not a
trace or clue behind. No sooner had my father mentioned it,
than up I spoke and said, "Why, she is at " (men-
tioning a place I have since forgotten).

He fairly turned white, and asked:

*^ow do you know that?"

^^Well," said I, "when we were at the OolonePs, she asked me
one day if I could write. I answered that I could. She then
asked if I would write a letter to her husband for her, to
which I at once assented, and wrote down the words as she
gave them, and among other things, she said she would see him
next month, by fair means or foul."

^ Why didn't you report it at once ?" asked my father.

"Well," I replied, "I did not know that she meant that she
would run away, and if I had, I doubt if it would have been
just the thing for me to have betrayed her confidence."

He looked at me very hard, bit his lips, and dropped the sub-
ject. By the next mail, he was a greatly relieved man, on
learning that Mrs. Taylor was almost paralyzed one day when
the girl quietly stepped into the kitchen and set about her
duties as though nothing had happened; she had performed
the precise journey that her letter indicated.

The first discovery of consequence my father made on arriv-
ing at the Fort, was that in winter the quarters were heated

342 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

(or rather frozen through and through) by open fireplaces. He
at once made a requisition for the proper quantity of old-style
ten-plate stoves, and the last steamer arriving that fall brought
them, so the garrison was kept perfectly comfortable, and with
a greatly reduced consumption of fuel. 1 had my skates with me,
and even the oldest and most stolid warriors would watch my
gyrations with unbounded admiration and astonishment. One
winter day, I noticed in the hospital a bottle of quicksilver, and
while the steward's attention was drawn elsewhere, I poured
some in the hollow of my hand, walked out of the fort among
the Indians, and passed it off as melted lead. I would stir it
.around with my finger, and try to get them to do the same, but
the evidence of their eyesight was quite sufficient without run-
ning the chance of burning off the ends of their fingers. I was
usually present at their councils and consultations, with my
father, and I presume on account of my mysterious powers I
was never omitted in the passing of the pipe. I always pulled
away at it with becoming gravity, and this early introduction
to the practice is perhaps the reason why I am an inveterate
smoker.

The winters were undeniably tedious, but had their uses; we
had a good library, and I read a great deal, which has stood by
me well; then there was of course much sociability among the
officers, and a great deal of playing of cards, dominoes, checkers
and chess. The soldiers, too, would get up theatrical perform-
ances every fortnight or so, those taking female parts borrowing
dresses from the soldiers' wives, and making a generous sacri-
fice to art of their cherished whiskers and mustaches.

The following summer the "Warrior" made her usual calls
with supplies for the Fort, and loads of tourists. These supplies
were chiefly clothing, salt beef and pork, flour and beans. In a
large garden back of the fort, the soldiers cultivated all the
corn, i)otatoes, turnips, onions, etc., which they required. They
cut and piled up near the fort all the wood that was consumed,
and in marshy spots on the prairie secured the hay necessary for
keeping our live stock through the long winters; these duties,
together with those more directly in the military line, kept
them constantly on the go through the short summers. It was
then popularly supposed that we were too far north, and the
seasons too short, to make the raising of wheat a success.
Melons were planted early every spring, but they never ripened.

REMINISCENCES OF FORT SNELLING. 343

Every winter an abundant supply of the finest ice was secured
for summer use. Early that season (1833), the excellent Major
Loomis and his wife and daughter arrived, having traveled the
wliole way from Prairie du Chien in what was then called a
mackinaw boat (I think they were sometimes spoken of as
pirogues). They were like mammoth skiffs, drawing consequently
but little water, and I believe the stern was sharp, as well as
the bow, and they were propelled by oars, poles, tow-line, or sail,
according to the exigencies of the case. I was at the landing
when they arrived. The family was in a little canvas cabin at
the stern and they seemed in very good trim, but the six or eight
soldiers looked as though they had been through a hard cam-
paign. The Loomis quarters were next to ours, and we saw a
great deal of them, and became much attached to them. With
a small command they had been sent to St. Augustine at the
time Florida was ceded to the United States, and their reminis-
cences of the Spanish garrison there were very entertaining.
Like the rest of us, the Major had his peculiarities, chief among
which was an engrossing enthusiasm in the cause of religion.
He had divine services on Sundays (we had no chaplain), and
the following wint»^r had prayer meetings on week-day evenings,
and got up a red-hot revival among the soldiers; so much was
he carried away by his subject, that one day when my father
was doing his best to make me comprehend the rule of three.
Major Loomis entered the room. He was evidently ill at ease,
made a few commonplace remarks, and then blurted out:
"Major Bliss, I have called to invite you to embrace Christian-
ity." My father turned to me, saying : "John, leave the room f
which John incontinently did. The interview lasted nearly an
hour. My father never alluded to it, but when the Major left, I
noticed that he did not carry the triumphant air of one who
had been successful in his mission. Among his converts that
winter were the biggest rascals in the garrison. They made
long prayers, sang psalms and looked solemn, until the simulta-
neous arrival of summer and a barrel of surreptitious whisky,
when they backslid almost to a man. One of his converts never
recanted; Lieutenant Ogden, an uncommonly nice fellow, who
afterward married the Major's daughter. During the Mexican
war, I ran across him at Matamoros. He was very kind t.o me,
and i^rocured transportation for me on a government steamer
to Brazos, Santiago. A few years after that he died of cholera,
if I mistake not, at some frontier post.

344 MINNESOTA HTSTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

Religious discipline was not the only kind the Major believed
in, for keeping it up in the military way, a favorite punishment
with him was to start a soldier, with a big billet of wood on his
shoulders, walking in a circle, with a sentinel at hand to see
"hat he neither strayed from the track nor lagged on the way ;
on account of which idiosyncrasy he was never known among
the men by any other name than "Old Ring." Every officer had
his nickname, and it almost universally fitted like a glove.
What they called my father, I do not know, but from his style
of punishment, and the following little circumstance, it was very
likely "Black Starvation." In the garrison was a most can-
tankerous and vicious Irishman, named KeUy, who was com-
petent for the commission of more wickedness in a month than
an ordinary rascal could compass in a lifetime; he was the dis-
gust of the men and the despair of the officers. One morning
my father was endeavoring to give me some insight into the
rules of English grammar, when the orderly ushered in a pep-
pery little corporal, who, without any unnecessary circumlocu-
tion, stated that Kelly was on his fatigue party; and that upon
calling on him to turn out with the other men he had kept his
seat and pointedly remarked he would "see him damned first."
"All right," said my father, ^Tleave him alone and go out with
the rest of your party." The end of the next ten minutes saw
Mr. Kelly in the black hole, without even the customary bread
and water, and for twenty-four hours with nothing to chew ex-
cept "the cud of sweet and bitter fancy." When the sergeant
of the guard asked him if he would promise to behave himself,
at once came Kelly's favorite reply, that he v/ould "see him
damned first." For another twenty-four hours he was cut off
from the world, when through the grated door the question was
repeated. The answer this time was no, he had made up his
mind to starve to death. At the end of the third day^ the pris-
oner's reply to the stereotyped question, and delivered in a
weakened voice, was no, that it was nearly over now, and he
might as well die that way as any other. The situation was
growing awkward, and my father was wondering in what way
he should report the man's death at Washington, when the
guard heard a faint call from the subdued and wilted prisoner.
He begged for God's sake for sun and air and something to eat,
declaring that he never again would give trouble. It is but
lair to add that the promise was faithfully kept, and up to the
day of his discharge he remained a most exemplary soldier.

REMINISCENCES OF FORT SNELLING. 345

About this time, a tattered, wild-looking fellow, calling him-
gelf Dixon, arrived at the Fort, having made the entire journey
from Prairie du Chien on foot and alone. After the lapse of a
few days he enlisted, and did fairly well for a few months, when
he turned up missing. Nearly two weeks afterward he was
brought back by some Indians, who captured him whUe making
his way to the prairie, and who received a reward of |20. Dixon
was court-martialed, sentenced to fifty lashes from the cat, and
to be drummed out of the Fort. Now in the entire institution
there were no felines except those known to natural history,
and the getting of one up required a large amount of discussion
and experiment. When it was completed, I examined it, and it
certainly did not appear to be a formidable affair; the handle
was about eighteen inches long, the nine thongs about the same
length, of rather fine hard cord, with knots an inch apart. The
eventful day of punishment came. Dixon was stripped to the
waist, triced up to the flagstaff, and the drummers took turns
at delivering the fifty lashes the best they knew how; but the
fellow never winced nor was the skin once cut through. His
clothing was restored, and at the word, half a dozen men
charged upon him with fixed bayonets; they were followed by
the band playing the rogue's march, and Mr. Dixon soon had all
the world before him. I followed out to see the finish. When
the charged bayonets ceased their pointed attentions, Dixon
stopped, when two or three men brought him a blanket, his few
belongings, and a small quantity of provisions. He spit from
his mouth a musket ball, which' he had pretty well chewed up
during the administration of the cat, shouldered his pack, shook
hands with us all, bade us good-bye, and started off for Prairie
du Chien as composedly as though going a-fishing. We heard
he arrived there safely, worked his way to the lead mines, was
lucky enough to strike a lead which he sold out for |600, and
then disappeared forever.

I well remember Mr. George Catlin and his wife, who came up
that summer and were at our house during their stay. A room
in the oflicers' quarters was given him for a studio, and he
worked away with great industry. They were very pleasant,
and Mr. Catlin had an exhaustless store of anecdotes and rec-
ollections of his Indian experiences. He seemed to have been a
bom delineator of Indians, and his aptness at striking off their
likenesses and attitudes was something wonderful; but all of

34t> MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

his portraits of white persons had a certain Indian look about
them. He once painted one of my father, and all it required
was a few changes in the way of a blanket and spear and some
eagle quills, to have it passed off as the portrait of a warrior of
some unknown tribe, quite ready to try conclusions with, toma-
hawk and scalping knife.

In those days the Sioux and Chippeways never had a settled
peace. In spite of all promises and treaties, they would take
shots at each, other if too tempting an opportunity occurred,
and one of the great annoyances of the military commandants
was to keep peace among them and settle their endless differ-
ences. With so many Indians around us, we were soon familiar
with, their different dances, feasts and games, and when tourists
visited us, something of the sort was gotten up for their amuse-
ment just outside the Fort; but on such occasions the big gate
was always closed, if they were in large numbers. They were
unmitigated barbarians. In one of their dances (I forget what
it was called) a stout stick some six feet long was stuck in the
ground, a dog was killed, his liver fastened to the top of the
stick, and cut in slices, but without entirely separating tbem
from each other. The Indians would then dance and howl
around it, and as they became excited, they would, without the
aid of their hands, bite off slices of the raw and bloody liver,
chew and swallow them, and tken yell and shriek as though
possessed of the very devil. One day word was brought to the
Fort that they had burned the mills at the Falls of Saint An-
thony and murdered the men in charge. A strong force was at
once dispatched there, and everything about the Fort put in
defensible shape. When the detachment reached the mills they
were found uninjured, and the men quietly pursuing their avo-
cations without the slightest suspicion that tkey had been toma-
hawked and scalped. At one time our sentinels contracted a
bad habit of firing their muskets at night for trivial causes.
Stringent orders were consequently issued, that for one reason
only should a sentry's gun be discharged when on duty, and that
sole reason would be the approach of a body of Indians, evi-
dently about to make an attack. A fortnight passed quietly,
when the utter silence of a summer's midnight was shattered to
pieces by a most terrific discharge of a gun. The entire garri-
son was up like one man, their anxiety increased by a strong
glare of light. My father, waiting only for trousers and boots,

REMINISCENCES OF FORT SNELLING. 347

was out like a cyclone, the men were under arms in a jiffy, and
on investigation it was found the sentry had simply wished to
call the attention of the guard to the fact that the bakery chim-
ney was on fire. The sentence of darkness and a meager diet
which fell to his lot was a long one, and he emerged into light
a much thinner and wiser man ; but it was the last of our false
alarms, and happily we had no real ones.

I do not remember a single Indian, man or woman, who made
the slightest attempt at learning our language, so we all picked
up more or less of theirs. On one occasion, at a council, both
the official interpreters (Quinn and Campbell, I think, by name)
were absent, and their place was well filled by one of the sol-
diers. The last I saw of Campbell was two or three years after
leaving the Fort. I was a student at Cincinnati college, and
when crossing one of the principal streets, heard a familiar yell
with its terminating prolonged low note. Turning my head, I
recognized Campbell, leading a body of Sioux Indians. We had
a warm, pleasant greeting. He was on his way to Washington
with a deputation of Sioux, and was showing them the city;
their home then being on the "Warrior," I visited her, and for
the last time in my life saw our old friend. Captain Throckmor-
ton.

I think it was during our first summer at the Fort that it
was visited by Count Portales, a young Swiss some twenty years
of age, in company with an Englishman named Latrobe, and an
American named Ewing or something like it. They came in a
fine birch-bark canoe, with a crew of Canadian voyageurs. My
father invited them to dinner, and they proved to be uncom-
monly bright and pleasant men. The American was very ready
with his pencil, and gave my mother a good sketch of the Fort.

I It was the first or second autumn after our arrival that I first
saw Mr. Sibley, who afterward became governor of Minnesota.
He was then a very young man, but uncommonly large, strong
and fine looking, with a very pleasant, and frank, but deter-
mined face. He was in the employ of some fur companj^ and
the very man for that hard, wild, venturesome life. He was a
good chess player, and for that time was a wonder of correct
and temperate habits, and by my father and the officers gener-
ally was held in high esteem.
To the best of my recollection, it was in the spring of 1833
that two brothers named Pond wandered that way. They said

348 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

they had come to devote themselves to the welfare of the Indi-
ans, and I believe they did this to the full extent and limit of
their abilities. They were earnest workers, with no nonsen>^e
about them. My father supplied them, from the saw-mill, with
the necessary lumber for a neat, comfortable, two-roomed little
house, and in conjunction with Major Taliaferro, aided them in
their start at housekeeping on the shore of Lake Calhoun, a
short distance from the Indian village. It was probably a year
after this that another missionary, named Stevens, with his
wife and a very beautiful daughter, appeared on the scene.
They have not left a ver}^ distinct impression on my mind ; the
Loomises were more particularly their friends. My recollec-
tion, too, is very misty as to where they located, but I think it
was about Lake Harriet.

While we were at this post, the cholera made its first appear-
ance in the United States, and progressed in our direction as far
as Prairie du Chien, where it was quite fatal; a mackinaw boat
left there for Fort Snelling, and when it arrived it had one case
on board, but the patient happily recovered.

The summer of 1833 has one bright spot in memory: the re-
ceipt from Dick Taylor of a small box of apples, probably the
first except dried ones ever sent to the Fort. This was some-
what darkened by the untimely death of one of my squirrels;
the little fellows were not confined, but had the range of the
whole Fort, and this one on an outside excursion was knocked
over by a young Indian. The other one then became morose
and solitary in his ways, left our house, and established himself
in the commissary store, where he knawed a hole in a barrel of
flour and set up housekeeping, cutting a carpenter's line into
bits and making himself a bed in the barrel; he, too, came to an
end by incautiously wandering about, when he was picked up
by an Indian dog. There were two things about those squirrels
that always puzzled me. I slept in a room without a fire, and
in winter it was about as cold as out of doors, making a heavy
pile of blankets on the bed a necessity; the squirrels slept with
me for warmth, establishing themselves close beside me in the
centre of the bed, going fast asleep, and not making a motion
the whole night. Now, what was it that saved them from
smothering? Again, I would sometimes wake up before it was
light, and lay staring out the window which faced the east, for
the approach of day; at the very first suspicion of dawn those

REMINISCENCES OF FORT SNELLING 349

squirrels, though apparently sleeping their last sleep, would both
commence fussing about, and with their funny little barks leave
the bed. Now, with four or five thicknesses of blankets over
them, how did they know day was breaking?

During the fall and winter of 1833, rumors reached the Fort
that a Canadian (Renville, or some such name) living up what
was then the St. Peter's river (now the Minnesota) was making
himself of too much importance among the Indians, that he pre-
tended to be in correspondence with the president, and would
read to them long letters purporting to be from him, and was
collecting large quantities of arms and ammunition; so, on the
coming of spring, my father sent Captain Vail with a few men
in a large canoe propelled by oars, to investigate. On their
way they encountered a young Indian, with a heron or some
such bird, whose plumes would be just the thicg to rejuvenate
the Captain's dilapidated "chapeau de bras," so he commenced
negotiations for its purchase; but the young buck declined all
his overtures, saying it was the first killed that season, and
must be made a sacrifice to the Manitou. Vail, however, in-
sisted, and finally secured the envied bird. The Indian went on
to his village and reported the circumstance. The medicine
men were much disturbed at Vail's action, and said a severe
misfortune would happen to that expedition before its return.
The next day a large flock of black ducks came flying along,
when a soldier named Little, but a very large, powerful man,
seized a fowling piece by the muzzle and was drawing it from
a pile of knapsacks, when the hammer caught in a strap and
the piece was discharged, and his immense arm was literally torn
to shreds from wrist to elbow. All haste was made to get back
to the Fort, where the arm was at once amputated, but the
poor fellow died a few hours after the operation. A subsequent
expedition to Renville's place demonstrated the falsity of the
current reports.

Being so far beyond the frontier, we were free from the
trouble which in those days often occurred from the friction be-
tween the civil authorities and the military authorities, acting
under orders issued from Washington. The case of a Captain
Jewett (I think that was the name) now occurs to me. Orders
from Washington were positive, that all stocks of liquors held
by parties selling the same to the Indians should be destroyed.
Captain Jewett, hearing of a man engaged in the nefarious

350 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

traffic, knocked his whisky barrels in the head, whereupon
damages were assessed by a justice of the peace at Prairie du
Chien, and the unfortunate officer was obliged to pay |600. I
heard of the occurrence some two years after it happened, and
up to that time he had not been reimbursed; perhaps he had no
political influence, for the army was as much governed by
favoritism then as now. My father was nothing of a courtier,
and not accustomed to "crook the pregnant hinges of the knee,"
consequently he was kept on the frontier, engaged in most ardu-
ous service. After leaving Fort Snelling, he was put on the re-
cruiting service, and then in midsummer, 1837, he was ordered
to Florida to fight the Seminoles. He replied that if his orders
could be held back until fall he would be quite ready to serve;
but to go to the everglades in the hot season he could only con-
sider as a sentence of death, and if the order was insisted upon
he must tender his resignation. The acceptance of his resigna-
tion came by next mail, and in this summary manner was a vet-
eran of 1812 set adrift.

I remember very well the arrival of a party of emigrants from
Lord Selkirk's settlement on the Red river of the North, whence
they had been frozen and starved out. They had traveled on
foot and in wagons, bringing their live stock and other posses-
sions with them, and in the same way were journeying south-
ward and eastward to a land of civilization. I went to their
camp, and remember how odd it seemed to hear white people,
not connected with the Fort, talking English instead of Cana-
dian French. They were under the leadership of quite an old
man, who came to our quarters and had a lengthened interview
with my father, who advised him to locate in Illinois on the
Mississippi, as in addition to a fine prairie soil he would stand
the chance of finding a lead mine on the land. "But," inter-
polated the patriarch, "would not that belong to the king ?"

In the fall of 1834, an English geologist named Featherstone-
haugh ("Frestonhaw," the English call it,) and an American as-
sistant (an exceedingly nice fellow whose name unfortunately I
cannot recall), in the employ of our government, arrived in a
beautifully equipped birch-bark canoe, paddled by five Cana-
dian voyageurs. She was a beauty, carried a quantity of geo-
logical specimens, a tent, fine camp equipage, plenty of bedding,
provisions, etc. She was at least thirty-five feet long, and so
wide that the middle seat gave ample room for three persons

REMINISCENCES OF FORT SNELLING. 851

bundled up in winter clothing. After recuperating a few days,
they proceeded up the St. l*eter river, and we did not see them
again until November, when there was a foot of snow on the
ground and winter was fairly setting in.

In the meantime, it was determined in family council that
[ had had quite a sufficient experience of Western life, and Mr.
Featherstonehaugh, with kind cordiality, accepted the charge
of escorting me in safety to our Pittsburg friends, the Ander-
sons ; so, one sharp, frosty afternoon, I made my farewells, and
we dashed gayly off, the Canadians singing at the tops of their
fine voices. The voyage to Prairie du Chien was accomplished
without incident, and without seeing a white man or a white
man's house. The weather was very cold, and though no ice
was running in the river, the water would freeze in a ring at
the water line of the paddle handles. The evening was the most
interesting time for me. As darkness approached, the canoe
was brought to shore, and without grounding her, everybody
and everything was gotten out, and the canoe carefully picked
up and deposited bottom up in a safe place in the snow. The
ground for a space was cleared and an oil-cloth spread, in front
of which a rousing fire was built, and at the rear the tent was
pitched and the bedding of the three passengers duly spread.
The men made their camp a short distance away. They hung
a kettle over their fire, and seemed to make a promiscuous
bouillon of all their food. They had neither oil-cloth nor tent,
but sat contentedly before the fire, and smoked and chatted
until well into the night, when they rolled themselves
up in their blankets and went to sleep in the snow.
[One day I noticed a dead duck in the river. The canoe was
[headed for it, when it was picked up, and duly went into their
[bouillon that night. Mr. Featherstonehaugh mentioned that
one evening in the summer, one of the men, as he emptied his
[spoon in his mouth, exclaimed in his Canadian patois: "There
[goes the third big blue bottle fly I have found in my soup this
evening." After hearing this, you will not be surprised to learn
that we did our own cooking and our mess was entirely dis-
ftinct from theirs. Immediately after sundown we would hear
the faint howl of a distant wolf. Soon it would be answered by
lone nearer by, in another direction, then others would join in
the chorus, and when night fell they were close at hand but
[never in sight. In the early morning the canoe would be

352 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

loaded, with the same motherly care that it was unloaded, beiug
kept well afloat during the whole process. Then, after well
under way, we would see the wolves sneaking about the de-
serted camp, seeking what they might devour. They were
very plenty in those days, and in winter they made beaten
paths under the walls of the fort with their nightly forays, and
I heard them quarreling and snarling more than once. We
hunted them occasionally with dogs and guns. They would
always run if possible, but when cornered would fight desper-
ately, snapping their jaws together like a steel trap.

On our way we noticed immense flocks of swans, geese, brant,
and all varieties of ducks on their southern migration. In those
early days the water fowls in the fall were in myriads, and I
never tasted such nice fat ducks as had arrived at perfection
in the wild rice swamps. Arrived at Prairie du Chien, I went
direct to Colonel Taylor's, and of course was received with most
cordial hospitality- How little we imagined that the next day
would find them in the lowest depths of anguish and sorrow,
for within twenty-four hours a letter was received informing
them of the death of their daughter, Mrs. Jeff. Davis. I have
seen it stated in print that she died within six months after
marriage, but I know the interval was more than two years.

The day following, I left the sorrowing family, and our canoe
voyage was resumed. Our men were fearfully demoralized
from their short conta'ct with civilization, and with the
exception of the old steersman, were more or less drunk, with a
choice exhibit of black eyes and battered faces. It was not
until we were approaching Galena that they resumed their usual
rollicking spirits.

At Galena we found the Hon. Charles Augustus Murray, an
English nobleman, finishing up a tour of the United States. He,
Mr. Featherstonehaugh and myself occupied the same room,
two of us sleeping on the floor. Here Mr. Featherstonehaugh's
assistant left us. I regret to say that there was much jangling
and discord between them, and I am forced to believe that Mr.
Featherstonehaugh was chiefly at fault. He was a large, fine-
looking and determined man, with many excellent qualities,
but with an unfortunate disposition to bully and domineer over
those who were under him. He was admirably calculated to
get along with the Canadian voyageurs, whom he treated like
brutes, as they deserved, and they consequently feared and re-

KEMINISCENCES OF FORT SNELLING. 353

spected him. Here we sold the canoe, paid off the men, and, bv
a singular chance, went to St. Louis on my old acquaintance
the "Warrior," Captain Throckmorton. The city was then
greatly excited over the Texan struggle for independence, and
young men were daily leaving to aid in fighting the Mexican^.

From there we traveled by steamer to Pittsburg, much im-
peded by ice on the way. At that city Mr. Featherstonehaugh
duly delivered me to my friends, the Andersons, and I regret to
say that I have never seen him since. ^\Tiile admitting his
weaknesses and peculiarities, I feel bound to say, that from be-
ginning to end he did the fair thing by me. The only time he
gave me a good blowing up was one horribly cold night, when
we got out of the canoe nearly cramped and chilled to death,
and I capsized the tea kettle just as it got to the boiling point.

I must not close without mention of my excellent old friend,
Dr. Jarvis, the eccentric surgeon at the post. The excursions
we had together on horseback went into the hundreds, but he
could never be tempted in my canoe, although he was a splendid
swimmer and taught me that invaluable accomplishment. He
was a born caricaturist and very apt with the pencil.

More than a passing notice should also be made of Major Tali-
aferro, the Indian agent. He belonged to a class more common
then than now. He imagined it to be his imperative duty to
see that every Indian under his charge had the enjoyment of all
his rights, and never seemed to realize his opportunities for ar-
ranging with contractors for the supply of inferior goods and
for dividing the profits. His office was not the reward of doing
,^irtj work for his party, for his get-up was so peculiar that he
^as not competent for that occupation.

This completes the more vivid of my reminiscences of dear
)ld Fort Snelling.

Caracas, Venezuela, S. A., April 23, 1894.

-22

Since the foregoing article was printed, the following letter
has been received from Mr. Bliss.

Erie, Pa., Nov. 13, 1894.

In the footnote on page 335 of the "Reminiscences, I notice an important error.
It is stated that I served in the Union Army, but it was my paid substitute who did
it. While a young man in Buffalo, I was Lieutenant Colonel of the Seventy-fourth
Uniformed Militia, then the crack regiment of that city, and the title "Colonel" has
stuck to me with more or less pertinacity ever since.

I would here mention, so that it may be a matter of record, that on Mr. Feather-
stonehaugh's expedition, he was accompanied by an assistant of whom he does not
make the slightest mention in any part of his book. He was a pleasant, energetic and
educated gentleman, an American, Mather by name.

JNO. n. Bliss.

354 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

MES. J. E. DE CAMP SWEET'S NAREATI^TE OF HER CAP-
TIVITY IN THE SIOUX OUTBREAK OF 1862.

After a lapse of more than thirty years I am solicited to
write an account of my captivity among the Sioux Indians
during the massacre of 1862. It is a part of my life which I
would much rather forget than remember, and which, after so
many years' time, I can now dwell upon but with feelings of the
utmost horror.

It is not my purpose in these pages to attempt a portrayal of
the dreadful scenes enacted on that 18th day of August, 1862,
and the many following ones — days so replete with savage
atrocity that each moment of time seemed written over in lurid
characters of blood and fire. It will only be necessary to dwell
upon the subject long enough to record the most important
events which history desires to preserve.

Many things have been written concerning the tragedies of
that dreadful period; but, as far as I know, none who were eye-
witnesses have attempted to narrate what passed in the Indian
camp during those dreadful weeks. Having been an actor in
the sad drama which desolated and almost depopulated some
of the finest portions of our fair state, I will try to give as ac-
curate a description of what I saw and heard during those fate-
ful four weeks which followed the 18th of August as length of
time and lapse of memory will permit. Of the brutalities per-
petrated during those dreadful days (seemingly multiplied into

In a letter of July 13, 1894. Mrs. Sweet gives the following brief sketch of her
life. My maiden name was Jannette E. Sykes. My father's family came from
England early in 1700, and settled in Springfield, Mass. In 1794, my father
was carried on horseback (being three months old) by his mother while mov-
ing to what is now Springfield, N. Y., which became the family home, and
where many members now lie. I was born near Lockport, N. Y., July 29, 1833.
My husband, Joseph Warren De Camp, a descendant of Gen. Warren ol
Bunker Hill fame, was born in Licking county, Ohio, Oct. 13, 1826.

We were married. May 30, 1852, in Van Wert county, Ohio, and came to
Minnesota in 1855, settling in Shakopee, where we lived until 1861, when W€
went to the Red Wood Sioux agency. Mr. De Camp was employed by the
agent, Maj. Galbraith, in charge of the saw-mill. We were living there at
the time of the outbreak, Aug. 18, 1862.

I

Mrs. J. E. DeC. Sweet.

MRS. DE CAMP SWEET'S CAPTIVITY. 355

years, so dreadful now they appear to me), nothiQg that could
be written could describe the actual occurrences which took
place from the inception of the massacre to its close.

"Then woman's shriek was heard in vain,
Nor infancy's unpitied plain
More than the warrior's groan could gain,
Respite from ruthless butchery."

For more than a year we had lived among them on terms of
friendly intimacy, if I may so describe it. They were daily vis-
itors at our home — not always welcome ones, it is true. They
came with their bead work, game, fish or anything which they
happened to have, to trade for pork, sugar, flour or anything
which they needed most, and always expected to receive in re-
turn more than twice the value of any article brought. It was
not a pleasant life among them, but we tried to make the best
of it while we were there. The Indians, with few exceptions^
were kind and peaceable, and after a few months I grew so ac-
customed to their presence that no thought of fear ever en-
tered my mind. My husband had charge of the mills which
sawed the lumber for their houses, and during the autumn fol-
lowing our removal there put in a mill for grinding the corn
which the Indians raised on their lands. They came almost
daily with their bags of corn to be ground, and would linger
about the doors and windows, asking questions and receiving
answers about everything usually discussed, and in their child-
ish way comprehending many things; but they seemed more
especially interested in the conflict between our disrupted
states. Our daily papers came in each weekly budget of mail,
and those of us who had friends at the front eagerly scanned
the lists for news of our loved ones. Nothing seemed more
terrible then than waiting for news from the seat of war.

How well I remember the usual reply when asking my hus--
band for news. "All quiet on the Potomac" was invariably his
answer.

Of course the Indians could not help knowing of our many
reverses during that and the following year, and drew their
own conclusions. Not until I became a captive did I realize
how they put things together and which seemed to have woven
a web of fate around their unconscious victims. They often de-
scribed, most accurately, the accounts of the terrible battles in

356 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

which our defeats were more numerous than our victories, and
when the call came for additional troops and they were actu-
ally enlisted in our very midst, taking half-bloods, employes,
every one for soldiers, small wonder that they should think our
government in the last throes of dissolution. The winter pre-
ceding the massacre set in cold and snowy, the roads were
drifted and almost impassable. There was a great amount of
suffering among the Indians, as their crops had been bad from
drought and cut-worms, and there was much sickness attend-
ant upon starvation, of which there were actual cases. Mr. De
Camp (my husband) gave me leave to feed the women and chil-
dren who were most destitute, and we otherwise alleviated
their distress many times when they would not go to Dr.
Humphrey, the government physician. The Doctor was not a
favorite with them, and they preferred to take the medicines
which I often prepared for their little ones. 1 have related the
foregoing only to show that "the good will of a dog is better
than the ill will." Owing to the deep snow, the roads were
almost impassable and government supplies became scanty.
The weekly issues of flour, pork, etc., failed to meet the wants
of so many hungry people, and at Christmas time things looked
very gloomy. We concluded that we must do something for
those who most needed help, and accordingly opened the cellar,
distributing many bushels of vegetables to those who were
actually suffering. I cannot doubt that our friendly attitude
toward those starving wretches eventually became the means
of our preservation from horrid tortures and a lingering death.
There were many things of almost daily occurrence which
showed that the Indians were very much dissatisfied with their
condition, but we gave no heed, supposing it had always been
so before, and knowing that there was much jealousy between
the various bands, some thinking that others were better
treated by the agent than themselves. My husband was
made a confidant of many grievances, as he was invariably kind
to aU. They named him Chan-ba-su-da-su-da-cha, the friendly
man. He was always very loyal to the agent also, knowing
that he was trying to do all he could for them, and he would
tell them to have patience and the government in time would
do all it had promised and that the agent was not to blame f(

MRS. DE CAMP SWEET'S CAPTIVITY. 357

the supplies or the weather. June, the month for the annual
payment, came and no money came with it. July passed and
the Indians grew angry and believed what the traders told
them — that "that payment, if ever made, would be the last." I
could never understand why the traders should have told such
things; but I was assured by many of the wisest among the
Indians that it was what the traders told them more than any-
thing else that caused the uprising. How surely they atoned
for it with their lives history. does not fail to record.

The day preceding the outbreak Mr. De Camp started for St.
Paul to transact some business with the agent when he should
arrive there. Maj. Galbraith had gone on with the enlisted
men, and my husband expected to overtake them at St. Peter,
go on to St. Paul and return by Saturday, at the latest, to the
agency. Not a dream of danger was in either of our minds,
but the separation for even a week seemed long in anticipation.
Nothing but the most pressing business, which required his
immediate attention, could have induced him to leave me, as
our youngest child was ill; but I urged him to go, knowing how
necessary it was for him to do so, and pretended to feel^much
braver than I actually did. Monday morning, after a restless
night with my baby, I awoke late, and myself and children (one
of whom was nine years and the other four, and the baby) ate
our breakfast and afterward I attended to my usual duties.
The children went out to play, and the kitchen girls (a half-
breed and a German girl) arranged the day's work. My eldest
boy came in and asked me if he might go up to the agency to
play with one of his mates. For some reason I told him he
could not. We remarked upon the stillness of the morning, iu
the absence of the noise of the mill and the men being away
from work. , They had all gone up to the agency, as the miU
would not run in Mr. De Camp's absence. About 10 o'clock
I went into the garden, and while there I observed an Indian
coming out of the stables with the horses harnessed. He im-
mediately hitched them to the wagon and drove along toward
the house, my two boys following him. I also observed that he
was a stranger, and as he came opposite the door I asked him
where he was taking our horses. He replied "that they were
his horses and that everything else was his thereabouts. That

358 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

all the white people had been killed up there/' pointing to the
agency, "and j^ou had better be getting out of this." All this
was said in the Dakota language. He did not offer to stop but
drove immediately on toward the ferry. Lucy, the half-breed,
hearing what he said, immediately began to scream that we
would all be murdered. I told her I did not believe a word of
it, that he had said so just to get the horses, and that if the
whites had been killed we would have heard the guns and the
shouts. The German girl hurriedly bundled up her clothes and
started with all speed to the ferry, about a quarter of a mile
above us, and I never saw her again. Lucy, the half-breed,
urged me to fly, as she was sure it was all true ; so, taking my
sick boy out of his cradle, we started for the top of the hill. As
soon as we arrived there I saw it was all too true. The agency
buildings and the traders' stores were in flames and hundreds
of shouting savages were surging about the government ware-
house, shrieking and brandishing their weapons. Paralyzed
with fear, I knew not where to turn. I looked toward the ferry
and I saw a dense crowd surrounding it. 1 knew that all hope
was cut off in that quarter. It seemed incredible that all this
had gone on without our knowledge, that not a sound had pen-
etrated to our place where all had been so still! I could not
reason, much less hope, that we could escape; but while I stood
there motionless (Lucy having fled at the first sight), an old
squaw. Chief Wacouta's mother, came running past. As she
came up she cried, "Puck-a-chee ! Puck-a-chee! Dakota, mepo-
wa-sicha squaw! Puck-a-chee!" "Fly! fly! they will kill you,
white squaw!" and she threw my four-year-old boy over her
shoulder, not stopping a moment. I followed with the other
children, running toward Wabasha's village, about a mile
away. Just before we reached it we met a large body of In-
dians in war paint, armed with guns and bows and arrows.
Each had a war club and tomahawk and were brandishing
them in an excited manner. Chief Wabasha was sitting on a
large ."white horse, looking as if just out of one of Catlin's
pictures. He was dressed in chief's costume, a head-dress of
red flannel adorned with bullock horns and eagle feathers,
wings of feathers over his shoulders and down his back, great

MRS. DE CAMP sweet's CAPTIVITY. 359

strings of beads around his neck and a belt of wampum around
his waist. His lower limbs were clad in fringed buckskin and
he carried a beautiful rifle across his lap, with two pistols in
their holsters. He had no other arms. Every detail seemed
to strike me as if photographed. I can yet see him, sitting like
a Centaur, haranguing his men, and, as he rode up, he dis-
mounted. Drawing his pistols from their holsters he ap-
proached us. I felt that our time had come to die. I immedi-
ately fell on my knees, imploring him to spare our lives and
asking him to remember what we had done for his sick child
the past winter. The Indians, sullen and scowling, crowded
around closer and closer, raising their tomahawks as if ready
to strike, when Wabasha thrust them back, and, presenting his
pistols, told them that I should not be killed. He said that I
was a good squaw, and called them cowards and squaws for
wanting to kill women and children. They were very angry
and determined; but, after a long speech, in which he told them
that he would not be accessory to what had been done and that
he should protect and defend the whites as long as he could,
they mounted their ponies and rode off. Wacouta's mother
had disappeared, and Wabasha, seeing we were still so much
frightened, told us to follow him. We entered a house near, in
which he said we would be safe, as all the Indians had gone to
the agency, and he would ride up and see what had been done.
He told us it was the upper Indians who were doing all the
mischief, and that he would always be a friend of the whites,
and would see that we were not killed. He then rode away.
(It was nearly two weeks before I saw him again, when he
came to bid me good-bye. before he started with the Indian
soldiers on an expedition somewhere below.) After he was
gone the children became so frightened, fearing others would
come, that we left the building and wandered toward the river,
hoping we might find some way of crossing. But finding none
we sat down in a clump of bushes, not daring to go out on the
open prairie lest we should meet Indians. AH this time I felt
assured that it was the Sissetons, as Wabasha had said, who
were doing the killing, as I had not yet recognized any whom I
knew of the lower bands among those with Wabasha. We re-

360 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

mained hidden in the bushes by the river until the sun was
setting, when I saw an Indian, whom I recognized, coming
down the bluff toward a house near by. It proved to be one
who had often been to our house asking favors and to whom we
had sent a man to help him put up a stove but a short while
before. Feeling sure he would aid me, I made myself known,
telling him how hungry the children were, and asking what had
happened. He said that all the whites who had not escaped
from the agency had been killed, but did not say by whom. I
asked if he had seen Wabasha. He said there had been a bat-
tle and he might have been among the killed, but did not tell
me that it was with the white soldiers they had fought. He
said the lower bands were in camp just below the agency and
he was going back there. I asked him if he would protect us
into camp. He said he would do all he could, but feared the
warriors would kill us. Still thinking that the lower bands
were friendly to us and that they were arrayed against the Sis-
setons, I told him we would go with him, as we could not stay
there. We went with him to camp, which we reached just at
dark. Instead of meeting friends, as I supposed we would,
there were only angry, sullen faces on all sides. Everywhere
were piles of goods from the stores and houses, and they were
angrily discussing the ownership among themselves. I then
knew that those whom we had relied on as friends were our
enemies. I asked a squaw for some food for the children, but
she did not pretend to hear me. Seeing an Indian leading one
of our horses by the bridle, I went to him and asked him if he
would not help us and give us some food. I knew him well and
had often fed his family, but he said he did not know anything
about us and we had better be getting out of the camp or we
would be killed. I asked him if he knew of any place where we
could go and be safe. He replied: "You can swim the river.
It is better to drown than be tomahawked." I looked in vain
among all that excited assemblage to find one friendly face
upon whom I could rely in my present extremity. The instinct
of the savage had been fully aroused and blood and plunder
was their only desire. Feeling sure that we would receive
scant mercy if we remained where we were, I determined to

MRS. DE CAMP SWEET^S CAPTIVITY. 361

creep silently out and hide in the grass till they should remove
from there, or perhaps get far enough away to escape them alto-
gether. I had scarcely resolved to do so when I saw Wacouta
(the chief who had lived nearest us) approaching as if he were
seeking some one. I went immediately to him and asked his
protection. He said, "Come with me. You are in danger
here," and lifting my little boy in his arms he rapidly led the
way out of camp. We followed and soon came to one of his
empty houses. He opened the door, and, bidding us go inside,
he gave me a small box of figs and left, locking the door on the
outside. Feeling momentarily secure, I tried to hush the
frightened children, giving them the figs to eat, as they had
had no food since morning. They then knelt down and said
their evening prayer, and, drawing close to me in the darkness,
were soon sleeping the innocent sleep of childhood. What
words could convey the feeling of complete desolation which
seized me as I sat there dwelling on the events of the past day
and the prospects of the coming morrow ? Twice we had been
rescued; but would Wacouta do as he had said? Would he
be able to protect us from their hellish deeds? I did not fear
death so much for myself, but the thought of seeing my chil-
dren perish before my eyes, or leaving them to be the victims
of a cruelty surpassing death, I felt that I could not endure it!
Wacouta had assured me on the way that he was a true
friend of the whites and would save as many as he could. But
I knew that the warriors would not be controlled by their
chiefs, and that nothing would stay their murderous hands
when once aroused. Besides all else, they had found plenty of
liquor on the reservation, and a drunken Indian was more to be
dreaded than a tiger in the jungle. While thinking this I was
alarmed to hear some one trying to unfasten the door, and,
hearing voices, I discerned that of Mattie Williams. They un-
fastened the door, and, entering, I was surprised to see both
Miss Williams and Mary Anderson wdth two Indians. They
had just been brought there in a wagon and Mary at once hast-
ened to tell me that she had been shot in the back. She was in
great pain and apprehensive of immediate death. The three
girls, Miss Williams, a niece of J. B. Reynolds, who had come

362 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

out on a visit from Painesville, Ohio, and was expecting to re-
turn in a few days, and Mary Anderson and Mary Swandt, who
were domestics in the family of Mr. Reynolds, upon hearing of
the trouble, had started from his place in a wagon in which
were Mr. Patoile and Lee Davis of Shakopee. Mr. and Mrs.
Reynolds were in a buggj'^ and they all started together. After
a short time they became separated. Those in the wagon were
near the fort, on the opposite side of the river, when they were
overtaken. The men were killed and the girls ran away, but
were soon overtaken, Mary Anderson being shot in the back,
the ball lodging in the abdomen. They were brought into
camp after dark and were brought where I then was. In a few
moments the negro, Godfrey, came in with Mary Swandt, and
then a crowd of Indians, armed with guns and carrying the
knapsacks of the soldiers killed that day at the ferry. In a
moment all was terror and confusion. Lights were struck,
curses and imprecations resounded on all sides. The children,
by this time awakened, were terror stricken. Mary Anderson
was urging Mattie and myself to extract the bullet from her
body, thinking it would save her. Mary Swandt had fled to me
for protection from their indecent assaults, begging me to tell
her what they said. My eldest boy was crying, "Are we going
to be killed now, mamma? Don't let them kill us with knives!"
Nothing could describe that awful scene.

''It was as if the fiends that fell
Had peialed the banner cry of iiell."

Shocked into a feeling of desperation and an absence of fear,
I determined to tell them how it would end, even if they killed
me while doing it. Some of the young men I knew. They had
often come to me to learn English words. Turning to them I
asked what had instigated them to do the deeds they had done.
They replied that it was such fun to kill white men. They
were such cowards that they all ran away and left their squaws
to be killed, and that one Indian could kill ten white men with-
out trying. Without fear, I told them that they would all be
hanged before another moon; that if the white men had gone
away they would soon return ; that "the whispering spirit" (the
telegraph) would at once bring more men than would cover the

MRS. DE CAMP SWEET' S CAPTIVITY. - 363

prairies, and that if they did kill us it would not be long till
their hideous forms would be dangling from a rope's end.
How they scoffed and jeered as they swung their rifles and
tomahawks around their heads, aiming to strike as near as
they could without hitting. The fiendish work went on until
the uproar became so loud and furious that Wacouta ap-
peared, having heard the din and the shooting. Going up to
his two sons, who were among the crowd (boys not more than
sixteen), he demanded of them how they came there and what
they Avere doing. Then, thrusting them out of the door, he
cleared the rest, who seemed to have nearly all been of his
band. The most of them were so drunk they could hardly
stand. Turning to me, he asked how long this had been
going on, and I told him everything that had been done while
he was away. He seemed distressed beyond measure to know
that his sons had been of the number. Telling us not to fear
further molestation, he turned to Mary and asked what he
could do for her. She told him to try to take the bullet out of
her body, and, using an old jack knife, he probed the wound,
first taking out the pieces of wadding and finally found the
ball quite near the surface. He brought some water, and, tear-
ing up an old apron, soaked it and placed it on the wound.
The poor girl had grown delirious, and we all knew that the
wound was fatal. Gathering some old clothes together for her
to lie on, we lifted her on a rude bedstead, and Wacouta left
us, telling us that he would keep watch that we should not be
disturbed again. The terrors and fatigues of the past day
were succeeded by broken slumbers, from which we would
arouse at the slightest noise, and I will say in passing that I do
not think I had one hour's real sleep in the four weeks I was a
captive. Morning dawned at last, and Wacouta came accord-
ing to promise, telling us that we must stay there as the In-
dians were preparing to go below to attack Fort Ridgely. He
said we must not show ourselves outside until he returned. 1
asked in surprise if he were going and he said yes! That his
band would kill him if he did not He carried Mary up the
stairs to the loft, told us to follow, and, bringing us a pail of
water, shut the trap door of our prison and left us again, im-
pressing upon us the necessity of remaining perfectly quiet.

364 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

No food was left us to eat, to which I called Wacouta's atten-
tion ; but he said there was no time then to get any, as his band
was waiting for him and he must be off. We could see from a
hole in the chamber the gay cavalcade marching by. The
bodies of the warriors were entirely destitute of clothing ex-
cept the loin cloth, which they invariably wore, and a blanket
worn loosely round the neck, floating to the breeze as their
ponies pranced and cavorted. They were painted in all the
colors of the rainbow, and their ponies were decked with rib-
bons and tassels of every bright hue. The chiefs were dressed
in their war costume, which I have before described. They
rode gayly away, shouting and whooping as only an Indian can.
We now turned our attention to our own situation. Mary was
in a violent delirium of fever, calling for food, and there was
not a morsel to give her. My baby lay perfectly passive, and
did not seem to notice anything. How long we were to remain
there depended alone on the Indians' return, and the families
of the Indians had left the camp for the upper villages when
the warriors started below. Unless the whites came to rescue
us (which we dared not hope for after the battle at the ferry be-
came known to us) we might starve before help came, and but
for Wacouta's strict injunctions a part of us would have gone
in search of food. We could see the scouts riding past from
our post of observation and knew that they were watching.
Mary became so violent in her ravings that we feared discovery,
and Wednesday night Mattie and Msltj Swandt went out in the
darkness and found some green corn in a field not far away.
Bringing it in, we ate ravenously of the raw corn and tried to
give Mary some. But she would not eat it, crying all the time
that "we wanted. to starve her! and if only Dr. Daniels would
come he would cure her!" Thursday, about noon, the war party
returned, some of them passing the house we were in. At last
a wagon stopped and took Mary Swandt away. Then another,
which took Mattie Williams, and at last a man, whom I knew,
drove up and told us to get ready and go with him to the camp
above. I got into the wagon with my baby in my arms; then
he lifted Mary and placed her head in my lap and the two chil-
dren crept into the bottom of the wagon at our feet. Mary's
limbs were getting rigid and she could scarcely speak; but I

MRS. DE CAMP SWEET'S CAPTIVITY. 365

hoped she would live until we reached the camp. Our way lay
through the streets of the agency, where the bodies of the first
day's victims were still lying. It was an awful sight, and I
tried to screen the children from seeing the dead. When we
came to where the stores had been I saw DivoU, one of
Myrick's clerks, lying extended on the burnt floor, his features
looking natural as in life but the body burnt to a cinder.
Myrick, Lynde and others lay there outside. Some of them had
been decapitated, but the Indians did not touch them then or
seem to notice them. Just as we were passing the last build-
ing which, for some cause, had not been fired, they began to
stone the windows and set fire to them. A dreadful storm had
been gathering for some time, and just as the buildings were
fired it burst with great fury upon us. The noise of the thun-
der and the flashing of the lightning, together with the roaring
and crackling of the flames from the burning houses, made a
scene not easily forgotten, and the horrors of that ride will
never be effaced. The cavalcade numbered many hundreds
and seemed one sad, unending caraA^an. No pen could describe
the hideous features of those painted demons as they rode fran-
tically backward and forward outside the wagons, yelling and
shouting and brandishing their weapons with their hands still
reeking with the murders they had committed. I will not
dwell longer upon it, but say that we at last came to Little
Crow's vOlage, where a part of the Indians had camped, and
there we found Mattie, who had just arrived. The Indian who
claimed the dying Mary came up and said she must get out
there. I told him she was dying and to let her go on with me
so that I could be with her till the last. He brutally said, "She
is better than two dead squaws yet. Get along out!" Mattie
came up and we lifted her out and they carried her into a tent
as I left, Mattie promising to bury her. She lived about an
hour after, reviving, however, to take a little food which Mattie
gave her. She was buried there with an old tablecloth wrap-
ping her and in the autumn her friends removed her. We
went on farther to Shakopee village, near where Kedwood
now stands, and remained there until the next Monday, when
the whole of the bands went up near Rice creek, where they
camped until after the battle of Birch Coulie. The morning

366 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECIIONS.

after our arrival at Shakopee camp the Indians were alert
very early, having made preparations for attacking the fort.
They had prepared arrows with combustible material in order
to shoot into the roofs of the buildings to burn them. They
were very sanguine of success that day, and rode away saying
that they would not come back before "Esan-tanka-tupee''
(meaning the "big knife fort") was taken. How they gloated
over the anticipated spoils of the day and talked of the good
things in the "commissary" and the number of guns and the
ammunition, and, above all, the pleasure of hewing down and
scalping their enemies! Glad as we were to see them ride
away, our anxiety was greater, fearing they would succeed.
During the afternoon an old squaw mounted one of the look-
outs which belong to every village and called my attention to
a vast volume of smoke rising far off on the prairie in the
direction of the fort. She seemed frenzied with joy, saying to
me, "Look! look! see the big steamboat coming! Hurry and
get ready to go." My heart died within me as I saw the
flames and smoke mount higher and higher and thought of
what might be taking place in the doomed garrison. The
squaws made haste to leave with their ponies and wagons, if
they were fortunate enough to have them, to be in at the plun-
dering of the fort. I had just had an interview with Frank
Roy, a half-breed, and he said that he feared they would suc-
ceed. If they did not, that himself, John Moore and some others
had determined to get us away if possible. Saturday the In-
dians began to return in straggling parties, bringing large
quantities of goods of every description. Some had been to
New Ulm, and the harrowing tales they told of murder and
destruction nearly froze our blood. Godfrey told of killing sev-
enteen women and children and would relate how they fought
for their lives before they were killed. Sunday the warriors
returned and were feasted according to their custom. That
day a woman was shot in our camp for trying to escape. Mon-
day morning the tents were taken down and orders were given
to march. The whole of the lower bands were in motion early
in the day, and the cavalcade started. Their haste was so
great that we were sure the white troops were after them.
When we came to Redwood river crossing the stream was

MRS. DE CAMP SWEET' S CAPTIVITY. 367

greatly swollen from recent rains and all on foot were com-
pelled to wade. In the rush of teams I felt sure we would be
crushed, but I hastily threw my four-year-old boy on to a
wagon, the other climbing up behind him, and with my
baby in my arms I addressed myself to the river, plunging
bravely through in order to keep near my other children. 1
never knew how I got over; but when on the other side I missed
my shoes, which I had taken off in order to have them dry when
I landed, and was compelled to go on without them. The In-
dian in whose tent I had been was wounded at New Ulm and
had to be carried in a litter, and we had strict orders to keep
close to the litter at all times and not get away from our
friends. As we reached the place where Mr. Reynolds had
lived the train halted for fresh water from the spring. When
our turn came and I was raising the water to my lips I heard
a shout, and looking up saw a horrible form bending over me
just ready to strike. It was "Cut Nose," who had sw^orn to kill
every man, woman and child that he was able to kill. I darted
quickly round behind the litter containing my friend, whose
voice had saved my life, and after that experience was careful
to keep as close to our party as possible.

I wish it w^ere possible for me to describe that march up-
ward. Long lines of wagons, carriages, ponies with poles trail-
ing (as customary with the Indians) ; each vehicle loaded to its
utmost capacity, without regard to size or capability (many of
which would suddenly collapse, leaving the occupant stranded,
as it were, in mid ocean). The long lines of cattle driven before
each band, and the horses lashed without mercy, the warriors
riding outside of the cavalcade in order to prevent any es-
caping, all combined to render it a scene which, once looked
upon, could never be forgotten. There were numberless flags
carried in the procession. Two or three were of the largest
size, but where procured I never knew. One of Wabasha's
band, "Old Brave," had one which he said was given him in
W^ashington once when he went there with other Indians years
before. The negro Godfrey is one who always stands out most
prominently in my memory, not excepting "Cut Nose." He was
everywhere; up and down the line he rode, passing us twenty
times an hour and always trying to frighten the captives by hisi

MINNESOTA HISTOEIOAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

hideous antics. Many of the warriors wore ladies' bonnets on
their heads, and furs dragged downward from their legs.
Their breasts were covered with brooches and chains of value ;
from their ears depended wheels from clocks and watches
which they had destroyed. The finest silks were made into
shirts; beautiful shawls were used for saddle cloths and cut up
for head-dresses and waist girdles. There was no device too
ridiculous for their attire and nothing too costly for them to
destroy. How often I wished that I might have some of my
own comfortable garments to keep us from the cold, but no
amount of asking would induce them to give us so much as a
blanket, and as the nights were cold, although the days were
hot, we needed covering, especially as our bed was the bare
earth, often soaked with rain. How vividly I remember the
time when a medicine man came to doctor my wounded friend,
who was about to die. We were all thrust out of the tent and
sat huddled together for warmth till nearly midnight, when
the evil spirit, having been ejected from the sick man and shot
at as it departed, we were allowed to return. While we were
sitting outside an old squaw named Hazatome came along, and
seeing us huddled together began to exclaim at our povert3\
She had often came to our house and been kindly used. Her
pity was so great that she offered to give each of us an Indian
costume. Never doubting her sincerity, I was greatly pleased
and told her I would come for it the next day. I ran the risk
of going some distance from our lodge to meet her and receive
the clothing. Some fresh scalps had just been brought in and
the Indians were having a dance, so I thought I need not fear.
I found Hazatome and asked her for the articles, fully per-
suaded that they would be forthcoming. Imagine my surprise
when she would not utter a word. She neither affirmed nor
denied having promised them, but simply ignored me alto-
gether. I could not help crying with disappointment, but left
her, thinking I would never believe or trust an Indian again.
On our way up we came upon the body of George Gleason, who
had been killed on the 18th as he was coming down from Yel-
low Medicine. I had known him before coming to the reserva-
tion. All that day we were hoping that the whites w^ould come,
as the Indians seemed in great haste, urging on the captives

369

with frequent threats if they did not hurry faster. My elder
boy would carry the younger one on his back until exhausted,
and then I would carry both him and the baby together. In
contrast to what I have related of Indian character I will re-
late here a little incident of that day's journey. We had
stopped to rest for a few moments, something having hap-
pened to the train, when I saw an old man, who had been a
constant visitor at our house during the winter. I had felt
great pity for him, as he was very old and feeble, and he said
his wife was ill. He came three times a week to get his din-
ner, and I always sent food to his wife. He seemed very much
surprised to see me and the children, asked where Chan-ba-
su-da-su-da-cha was; if he had been massacred, etc, and dart-
ing away, came back leading an old squaw to where we were
standing. He was telling her who we were and how good we
had been to them, saying that then I had everything and now I
was a poor captive, without food or clothes. The old man's
eloquence touched me deeply as I contrasted my situation with
what it had been, and we were all bathed in tears. He
brought up his pony, with poles fastened behind, and reaching
a bundle brought out some pieces of bread and gave to the chil-
dren, who were almost famished. He then fixed the bundles
so that my little boy could ride, but no persuasion on our parts
could induce him to leave me a momeijt. The poor old man
had tried to comfort us the best he could, and I did not soon
forget his attempted kindness in my forlorn state. The follow-
ing morning we were roused early and the camp was soon in
motion. The Indians were constantly on the lookout as they
feared pursuit. That day we reached Rice creek, having made
a wide detour from the main road; consequently we traveled
much farther than if we had gone direct. Here they stayed
several days. The encampment was very large, about one
thousand tents, I should think. It was like a city. The tents
were upon the outside, facing Inward, and the cattle and
horses and wagons were in the centre. There I first saw Mrs.
Hunter, whose husband had been killed near the fort, and
many other captives. Mrs. Hunter was in John Moore's tent,
and- 1 think Mrs. A. Robertson and her son Frank. We were
not far apart, and Mattie and myself often visited Mrs. Hunter,

—22

370 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

and we read the Litany in the prayer book together, as Mrs.
Hunter was the only one who had one. Mr. Moore was very
kind to us, and said he wanted very much to help us get away
to the fort. While we were at Rice creek they held a council,
erecting a large tent and displaying the United States flag
from the centre. Frank Roy, a half-breed, and John Moore felt
certain that we would be sent to Fort Ridgely, but after the
council was ended told us not to go if they did send us,
for some of the parties who advocated our going meant to lie
in wait and murder us on the way. It was while here I first
learned that my husband was living and that he was at Fort
Ridgely. Some messengers had been sent down to see what
the whites were going to do about the captives and when they
returned told us that the agent. Dr. Wakefield, Mr. De Camp
and others were there. From that moment I resolved that I
would escape in some manner. Scouting parties were out the
most of the time, and it was here I first met Wabasha after
his leaving us on the first day. A large war party were as-
sembling to go below, and Wabasha came to shake hands and
bid me good-bye. I was surprised to see him and asked him
where he was going. He pointed to his face, which was
painted black with white lines running through it. I asked
him if he were going to kill his white brothers and told him
that I thought he was- a friend of the whites. He said he was
obliged to go, but that he would not kill any one — he "would
shoot up." I told him how sorry I was to see him go to war,
but he only said, "I shake hands," meaning good-bye, and was
gone. This was the party we afterwards learned that fought
at Birch Coulie. In a short time we were again on the march
and camped above the upper agency next time. The second
or third day after the war party left, runners came into camp
in great haste and ordered the squaws to run bullets as fast as
they could, and all was consternation and uproar. I could not
find out what had happened, but knew afterward that there
had been a battle. I here met Lucy for the first time. She
had heard that I was somewhere in camp and sought me out.
I told her that I intended to try to escape; that we were almost
starving and we might as well end the matter at once. She
said that if I dare try she would help me that night to go to

MRS. DE CAMP SWEET' S CAPTIVITY. 371

her uncle's, an upper Indian, and I could there get more to eat.
In the confusion of the camp we could easily slip away, as all
the warriors had gone and only a few old men remained in
camp. We had three miles to go that night, and I found I was
growing very weak. Lucy carried the baby a while and then
the other one, as we were in great haste to get there. That
night I found real friends. The grandmother (Lorenzo's
mother) was one of Dr. Williamson's first converts to Chris-
tianity. Having been a renowned medicine woman, she had
great influence among the bands and she was a very superior
squaw. She and her daughter cooked a nice supper of beef
and bread and placed it on the table, and we ate with such
appetites as hunger alone can give. It was the first real food
in many weeks. That night we rested quietly away from the
pandemonium of the camp. In the morning some one brought
the news that the Indians would move up to Dr. Riggs' mission
at once, and as soon as we could eat our breakfast we started
on foot to get there before them. I knew that I would be
safer there, as there were many Christian Indians there. John
Renville was in charge after the escape of Dr. Riggs' and Dr.
Williamson's families. The Indians had sent them word that
they were coming to burn the mission and wanted them all to
put on Indian dress and go into tents. Paul Lorenzo and
Simon were elders in Dr. Riggs' church and they at once took
down the beU and buried it, and taking the books from the
library, scooped out a large hole, and, lining it with blankets,
placed them in it and covered it up carefully. The Indians
came on Thursday afternoon and began to burn the buildings,
the other Indians having gone into tents. They encamped on
the other side of a small coulie, as they said they could kill the
Christians better if they were by themselves. It was another
dreadful time for us all, and I had given up all hope of our
friends ever coming. We knew there had been a battle, but
could learn nothing about it, only they claimed they had killed
all the whites. On Saturday a large party returned from
somewhere and Sunday the rest came m, bringing more cap-
tives. All this time I had kept hidden from them, and I after-
ward learned that they were out hunting for us. Late Sunday
evening, Lorenzo, the son of the medicine woman, returned with

372 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

his mother to camp from which they had started in the early
part of the day, bringing in some large turtles which they pro-
ceeded to dress for the evening meal. Not a word was said by
any one until after we had eaten and the children were asleep*
The messengers of Little Crow had returned from the fort, tell-
ing him that Gen. Sibley would not treat with them until they
delivered the captives, and he said: ''Let them come; we will
put the captives before the guns, then he can shoot." An old
man went round that evening crying the news and saying that
all must be ready to start for Red ri^er in the morning, and all
the captives who could not walk would be killed. I knew then
that the time had come to try to escape. Lorenzo and Simon
sat smoking by the fire in the tent, but neither said a word. I
felt sure they meant to try to help us escape, but Lorenzo's
wife did not want to leave her people, and she was much afraid
of the whites. I knew that we could never walk to British-
America, that" we were even then unable to walk any distance,
and that it would only end our troubles the sooner if we were
killed while trying to escape. About 3 o'clock in the morning
Lorenzo's mother came to us and said: "If you want to get
away, now is the time." I arose very quickly, and, gathering
my children together, found Lorenzo and his family ready to
start. We crept out of the tent on our hands and knees, I with
my baby clasped close to my breast. The children showed re-
markable presence of mind, and no noise was made in any \Vay.
1 expected every moment to hear the shot fired that would end
our lives, but I knew that death was behind if we stayed. We
reached the chapparel without being discovered, and there we
met the mother of Lorenzo with a few handfuls of flour tied up
in a rag for our provision on the way. She said it was all she
could give us and seemed greatly troubled lest we should be
missed and a search made for us. But Lorenzo knew that in
the hurry of their departure they would scarcely miss us, there
would be so much confusion. The old squaw seemed much
affected at parting with her son, but refused all his entreaties
to go with us, saying "she was an aged tree and the branches
were all cut off," and that she would die among her people.
She embraced us all, and, commending us to the care of Him
whom she tried to serve, left us and returned to camp. Lor-

MRS. DE CAMP SWEET 'S CAPTIVITY. 373

enzo led the way toward the river, and we walked in Indian
file, he returning every little way to cover up our tracks and
straighten the vines which covered the ground. He would not
allow us to step on a log, but step carefully over, and in this
way we reached a marshy lake, which we entered, wading in
some distance, where he broke down the tall reeds growing
there and made a place for us to sit, although in the water. It
was just dawn when we entered the marsh. In a short time
we heard the camp astir, with its usual noise, and we fully ex-
pected pursuit. Soon the usual sounds of breaking camp were
heard. Guns were fired, drums beaten, dogs barked and un-
earthly, shoutings filled the air. Being on lower ground the
noises seemed close at hand. After they had started upward
Lorenzo said he must go back to the camp to see if anything
bad been left that we might need and find out if they had
missed us. The squaw (his wife) seemed terribly frightened
at his determination, and we all tried to urge him not to do so.
But he said he would come back safe, and started off. He said
that he crept Indian fashion, with grass and weeds bound
about him, until he got safely where they had been. He found
a warning left for himself and Simon, saying they would shoot
as many holes in them when found as they had shot into their
tents which were left standing. He found two chickens in the
bushes, which he killed and brought back with him. Just at
dark he came in unobserved by us till in our midst, when he
told the day's story and said we would go out of the lake on to
higher ground and wait till morning to go to the river. I
urged him to go on that night, but he would not. We were
almost famished for water, as the place where we were, al-
though filled with water, was unfit to drink. He would not
go, however, and we waded out to dryer ground, where we lay
down in the tall grass in which the mosquitoes were so thick
that we breathed them with every inhalation. But we were
free, and, if wet, hungry and cold and naked, we had escaped
from our dreadful captors. Just as day was dawning, we arose
and started for the river, where the Indian and his mother had
hidden the boats the Sunday before. When we got to the river
we were so overjoyed that we could not wait, but rushed into
it, drinking to our hearts' content. My baby, who had seemed

374 MINNES01 A HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

in a stupor for so many days, now grew more like himself and
said he was hungry. The squaw made preparations for cook-
ing the flour and chickens, but the Indian said she must not, as
the smoke would show where we were. Hunger at last pre-
vailed, and he said she might make the bread while he built the
fire. We were surrounded b}^ thick woods, and there was little
danger of our being detected. It seemed a meal fit for a king
so hu'ngry were we ; the only trouble was there was not enough
of it. We lay hidden all that day, and when night came we
embarked in our frail boats. Mine was an Indian dug-out but
yery leaky. We gathered boughs and leaves to put in the bot-
tom and the Indian gave me a cup to bail it out. There was
no paddle, only a piece of split board, which was whittled so
that I could grasp it. The Indians had taken a great deal of
pains to break up and destroy every boat on the river so that
the whites could not escape. The Indian's boat was a skiff
with oars. He took his family and my eldest boy with him and
I put my four-year-old boy behind me in the boat and carried
the baby in my lap. We intended traveling only at night, but
found that we could not get over the rapids, as it was dark and
raining nearly all the way. The rain began just as we came
where the Yellow Medicine empties into the Minnesota, and
there I lost my paddle, which made the Indian very angry.
The current was so swift, and I was unaccustomed to managing
a boat, so I went drifting round and round, expecting every
moment to be upset, till he rowed back and gave me one of his.
I did not mind his anger so long as we were not drowned. The
rain came on so heavily that we could not proceed, and at last
got out of our boats, and, climbing up the river bank, laid down
in the rain to await another day. While we were preparing to
get into our boats the next morning the Indian saw across the
river on the prairie a woman with five children running as fast
as she could. He immediately got into the boat and crossed
over and in about an hour he brought her and the children
to where we were. She had run away in the night and had
secreted a few handfuls of crusts, which she had done up in a
handkerchief. We had yet a little bread, which the squaw
had saved, and that was all our provisions for the journey to
the fort. The Indian said he had seen a canoe when we

MKS. DE CAMP SWEET'S CAPTIVITY. 375

passed down in the night and he went back and brought it
for the woman and her children. She was a Mrs. Robideaux,
whose husband was an enlisted soldier at the fort (Renville
Rangers, Company I, Tenth Minnesota). The rain did not
cease, but we started on. How vigorously I plied the paddle
when I knew each stroke brought me nearer liberty and
friends! Hunger, fatigue and pain were alike forgotten, or
only remembered, as I thought of the possibilities lying before
me. On the afternoon of Thursday we came to a crossing
where we thought to remain all night. Suddenly we heard the
distant sound of a cow bell; the Indian was alert in an instant.
Grasping his gun, he ran into the woods in the direction of the
sound and soon we heard one shot and then another, until we
counted nine shots. Thinking he had met Indians and was be-
ing fired upon, we hid ourselves as quickly as we could
and waited. He finally came in with a huge piece
of meat over his shoulder which he had cut from the
cow he had killed without waiting to skin her. I
leave any one to judge how that beef tasted to us
after our long fast, as we ate it scarcely waiting for it to be
cooked by holding it on sticks close to the blaze. After a
hearty meal we laid down for the night and felt so thankful
that it did not rain. The next day we made fires and cut and
jerked portions of the beef for the rest of our journey. Late
in the afternoon we again started, putting the meat into a
separate canoe which the Indian had picked up the day before
and in which he put my eldest boy and his own boy, who could
paddle the boat. We then had four boats and meat enough
to last the journey. About 9 o'clock in the evening it began to
rain, and as we were nearing the site of the agency the In-
dian had told us to be very quiet, as he feared there might be
Indians around. We had heard the barking of dogs and other
signs of Indians. We were going along very silently when I
heard a splash and gurgle behind me and knew something had
happened to the boys' boat. The Indian had taken the lead,
the woman and her children next, then my boat and the others
came after. I knew that the boat holding the boys was over-
turned, and that my boy could not swim. At once I shouted to
the Indian, who was considerably in advance, that my boy was

-376 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

drowning. I gave no thought to Indians and our safety, but
continued to shout until he came back and began to hunt for
the boy. We found his son sitting far out on the roots of the
tree that had upset the boat, but he did not utter a sound.
When asked where the boat sanlv he would not reply. It was
Tery dark and raining awfully, but in the continued search the
squaw caught my son by the hair as he came to the surface. It
seemed an age that he had been in the water and he was un-
conscious, but we landed at once and succeeded in restoring
him. Again we were without food ; but that seemed the least
of our evils w^hen I thought of the past night's experience. We
tried to sleep, but every one was too excited, the Indian fear-
ing we would be attacked before morning. We started as
usual in the early morning, and about 9 o'clock reached the
place w^here the ferry had been opposite the agency. Seeing
the miU and the house still standing I told the Indian that I
meant to stop and see if I could recover anything. I knew
where my husband kept his papers, and knew also that they
would probably not be destroyed unless the house was burned.
Feeling something would be needed in setting up business, I
resolved to stop. The Indian was very angrj^, and said every-
thing he could to hinder me. But I was obdurate, and for once
had my own way. Seeing that I was determined he also
landed and all went up to the house which I had once called
home. It was a sad sight Avhich was there presented. Every-
thing which could not be taken aw ay was torn up and thrown
about, feather beds emptied, furniture hacked to pieces and
otherwise destroyed. But I found the books and accounts
which I was after, and, taking an old satchel, I packed them in
it, together with a Bible, which I greatly prized, and we quickly
returned to the boats. This visit proved most advantageous
to the settlement of my business matters, and the Bible I still
keep as a treasured memento of past happy days, the only
article which remains to me of all my former possessions. We
passed what we thought the body of Capt. Marsh a short dis-
tance below the mill, lying in an eddy among the brush wood,
and paddled hastily on, stiU fearing we would be overtaken.
The tortuous river seemed endless, and I often begged the In-
dian to leave the boats and go on foot the rest of the way. But

MRS. DE CAMP SWEET'S CAPTIVITY. 377

he would grow angry whenever we broached the subject,
alwaj^s telling how much he had done for us and ending by
saying that now, when we were so near our liberties we did not
care for his safety. We did not realize, as he did, the danger
to which he would be exposed from our troops had we gone in
unannounced, for we all looked more or less like aboriginals.
The days went by, however, until Sunday evening came, when
suddenly there broke upon our ears a bugle note, followed by
the quick tattoo of drums, which told us our long journey was
nearly ended and we would again be among friends. From
that moment I felt assured of our safety, a feeling to which I
had been a stranger for so many dreadful days it seemed that
I could not compute them. As we turned a bend in the river
the Indian espied a wild goose, which he shot, and we landed.
How I besought him to go on I The rain had commenced fall-
ing heavily and how could we endure another night lying on
the wet ground with our friends so near? But the indomitable
will of the Indian prevailed, and we were treated to another
lecture on ingratitude, which I made haste to deny, and sub-
mitted as cheerfully as possible to the inevitable. The storm
raged furiously all that night, which seemed almost an eternity
to me, waiting for I knew not what. Hope and fear alter-
nately seized me. Would I find my husband and we be once
more united? Or would my children, whom I had brought so
far and through such terrible dangers, be fatherless? The
storm at last drove the Indian to our boats, which nearly cap-
sized with the wind and rain, and when we reached the ferry
he landed. Leaving his wife and the French woman with their
xihildren in the boats, he took my little boy in his arms and we
started for the fort. It was situated on a hill some distance
from the river, and the rain was running in torrents down the
hill. I felt that I could never reach the top so exhausted had I
become. My clothing was in rags, an old piece of gingham en-
veloped my head; my feet were bare and bleeding, as were my
childrens'; but, oh, joy! we were at last free! Reaching the
top of the hill I saw a gentleman come out of the garrison to-
ward us, who proved to be Rev. Joshua Sweet, the chaplain of
the post. He advanced to meet us. I asked him if my hus-
band were there. Tears choked his utterance as he said: "I

378 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

buried him ten daj^s ago." No words can describe the awful
desolation of that hour. Every hope seemed blotted out from
the horizon of my existence, and life and liberty bought at such
a price seemed worthless as I looked at the future of my father-
less children, without a home and many hundred miles from
my people. Every one in the garrison showed us the greatest
kindness and means were speedily raised and given me to go
to my friends. An escort was also provided to take us to St.
Peter, Lieut. Sheehan commanding. It is needless to state
that his gentlemanly kindness to us was most gratefully re-
ceived, as well as that of the other officers who were of the
escort, but whose names I do not now remember. From St.
Peter I was sent in the stage coach to Shakopee, where we had
formerly lived and where we were welcomed back as if raised
from the dead, so great was the enthusiasm of our reception.
Homes were offered by generous friends, clothing was prepared
for us, and in a short time my father, an old man of seventy,
came as fast as steam could bring him to take me to his South-
ern home. There, amid the conflict and din of battle, my
mother had been laid to rest just one month before the death of
my husband. In a few weeks after our arrival I again became
a mother, my family now numbering four sons, and we re-
mained in the South until after the war was over and peace
restored to the nation as well as families and friends of whom
mine were about equally divided.

In 1866 I again returned to Fort Ridgely as the wife of Rev.
J. Sweet, the chaplain of the garrison.

I have omitted many things which would be of interest to
the reader, and one which I cannot let go unmentioned. Of
the many heroic deeds which history has recorded there is one
which should be preserved and told to children and their chil-
dren's children for generations. It is of the heroic ferryman,
Manley, who refused time after time to escape, saying "that as
long as he knew there was one white person to be ferried over
the river, so long would he be there to cross them over." Every
heart thrills at deeds of valor done, and every schoolboy has
read of Leonidas and his brave men at the pass of Thermopylae
who said to his men "that they were a small number to fight,
but enough to die." But Manley knew that he alone must

MES. DE CAMP SWEET'S CAPTIVITY. 379

endure the raj?e of those infuriated savages. His name should
be inscribed among those whom their country delights to honor,
for, though an obscure man, he was a hero of the grandest type
amidst the many heroes of that dreadful time. Time would
almost fail to record the deeds of heroism and bravery of both
men and women during the period of which I am writing. In
the tent, on the battle-field, at home praying for the loved ones,
five awful years were passing, years which now recorded seem
like a passing tale, but to the participants so awfully real that
memory cannot even now dwell upon them without a pity so
vast as to be unexplainable.

This narrative would not be complete without an account of
the participation of my husband in the battle of Birch Coulie,
where he fell mortally wounded. Being almost distracted in
mind at the probable fate of his family, he and others used
every exertion to prevail on the commander to send out a party
to bury the dead or seek the living. Accordingly, he with
others started on that ill-fated expedition from which he was
destined to return with no knowledge of his loved ones and
only death awaiting him. Of his bravery he gave ample proof,
as is recorded by those who were with him and saw him shot
down. Maj. Galbraith told me the story after ward^ how his old
Sharp's rifle did rapid work as soon as they were attacked, and
that while he was standing at his side holding up something
to shield my husband from the enemy's firing he saw an Indian
aim directly at him. He fell down and evaded the bullet,
rising again to shoot before the other could load, but the Indian
had a double-barrel and shot just as he raised up, the ball en-
tering his head on the left side of the forehead. For thirty
hours the carnage lasted, and all that time the wounded lay
without a drop of water to quench their awful thirst. Then
when deliverance came they were carried back to the fort,
many of them to die. I know not whether his name is en-
graved on any monument which commemorates the deeds
wrought by those brave men, but it will live in the hearts of
those who knew him and loved him best. I would also add
that the Indian, Ton-wan-I-ton, or Lorenzo Lawrence, who
brought us to the fort, was taken into Gen. Sibley's employ as
scout and returned with him, guiding and directing them to
■the enemy. The General came to see me in regard to their

380 MINNESOTA HISTORIC A^L SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

numbers and position and the probability of getting the cap-
tives. I referred him to Lorenzo as perfectly reliable and trust-
worthy, and he did not fail to fill the recommendation. The
poor fellow was sadly wounded at the battle of Wood Lake, but
never got a pension so far as I know. He and his wife came
to visit us at Fort Ridgely after I returned there and he made
us several visits afterward. Whether he is now living I do not
know, but for his faithful kindness to me and mine I shall never
cease to remember him as a true friend, albeit an Indian, and
one who did not fear to sacrifice all he had for the safety of
his white friends. There were many others I could mention as
deserving the highest praise for their devotion to the whites
and but for whom many who were afterward restored to
friends would have been of the number whose bones may even
now be bleaching in some lonely spot. To such as those I owed
my safety from dishonor and death.

I leave this imperfectly written sketch to the mercy of my
kind friends, who, I trust, will understand how hard a task it
has been for me to live over those unhappy days which are here
recorded and which for many years I have striven to forget;
and to all those who are now living that befriended me in those
days of adversity I tender my heartfelt thanks, and, in the
language of Wabasha, "I shake hands."

J. E. De 0. SWEET.

Centreville, March 14, 1893.

Big Eagle.

Makkato.

Red Legs.

Group of Sioux Leaders.

(See Page 383.)

382 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

A SIOUX STOEY OF THE WAE.

The Indians' Side of the Story, Told by One op Their Leaders —
The Story from Outbreak to Surrender— Why and How the
Sioux Fought— Causes of the War, Comments on the Campaigns,
AND Battle Memories of Fort Ridgely, New Ulm, Birch Coulie,
Wood Lake, Etc., Etc.

CHIEF BIG EAGLE'S STORY OF THE SIOUX OUTBREAK

OF 1862.

The stories of the great Sioux war in Minnesota in 1862 never
grow old. They are always new to many and never dull to any-
body. Although thirty-two years, nearly a third of a century,
have passed since that eventful episode, yet to many it seems
but a few months since barbarism rode rampant over a great
part of the state, and civilization, gashed and bleeding, was
prone on the prairies, with none to bind up the wounds. All
over the state are survivors of that terrible contest who remem-
ber its incidents and relate them as if the crack of the rifle and
the din of the war-whoop yet rang in their ears. The story is
always of interest to them.

There are two sides to this as to every other story. The ver-
sion of the white people ought to be well enough known. But
the Indian side, strangely enough, has not been recorded. The
soldiers of the Union read no stories of the great Rebellion with
more interest than the narratives of the ex-Confederates, and we
never got the full and true story of the war until they began to
write. So we can never fully understand the Sioux war of 1862
until the Indians tell their story.

In June, 1894, Mr. Robert I. Holcombe of St. Paul (who had become familiar
with the history of Gen. Sibley's campaigns against the Sioux in 1862 and
1863, from having been employed fcereral months in examining and classifying
the letters and papers of Gen. Sibljy for the Minnesota Historical society), made
a trip to Flandrau, S. D., to get from Mrs. Huggan and others the Indians'
side of the story of the great outbreak of 1862. He there met Big Eagle, a
chief, who had taken part with Little Crow in the battles, but had not been
engaged in the massacre of whites. His narrative was taken down from his
own lips, through Mrs. Huggan, Rev. Mr. Eastman and other competent inter-
preters. (This story was first published in the St. Paul Pioneer Press, July
1. 1894.)

I

A SIOUX STORY OF THE WAR. 383

Perhaps the most notable survivor of the old Sioux hostiles
is Mr. Jerome Big Eagle, now residing near Granite Falls, in
this state. His true Christian name, however, is Elijah. His
Indian name is "Wamdetonka," which literally means Great
War Eagle, but he was commonly called Big Eagle. The Sioux
for the common bald eagle is ^Tiu-ya" and "wamde" means war
eagle, "tonka" meaning great or big. He was a sub-chief, and
may be termed one of the Sioux generals, since he had a band
or division of his own. A representative of the Pioneer Press,
who for some time has been engaged in the work referred to,
recently interviewed Mr. Big Eagle at Mandrau, S. D., where he
was temporarily on a visit, upon the subject of the war of 1862.
He cannot speak English, and Kev. John Eastman of Flandrau,
an educated and intelligent gentleman, and Mrs. Nancy Huggan,
a sketch of whose adventurous life appears in this volume,
kindly acted as interpreters during the "talk," which lasted sev-
eral hours.

Mr. Big Eagle was first informed that his statements were
wanted solely in order that a correct knowledge of the military
movements of the Indians during the war might be learned. It
was suggested to him that no harm therefrom could come to him
or any of his people; that neither the war banner nor the "bloody
shirt" waved any longer in Minnesota; that it was well known
that he was a prominent character in the war, but that he was
now and had been for many years a quiet, industrious Chris-
tian citizen, respected by all who knew him, and he was as-
sured that he would be correctly reported. He readily con-
sented to tell his story, and gave full permission to use his name.
Other Indians interviewed on the same subject gave certain
information, but requested that their names be not printed.
Big Eagle's story is here given substantially as related to the
reporter by the two intelligent interpreters, or at least as it was
understood.

The old man was very frank and unreserved. He did not
seem to wish to avoid or evade an answer to a single question.
He is of more than ordinary intelligence, and spoke candidly,
deliberately and impassively, and with the air and manner of
one striving to tell "the whole truth and nothing but the truth."
He proved a mine of infonnation, and his story contains many
items of history never before published.

(The portraits of Big Eagle, Red Legs and Blue Earth, shown
on page 381, are from photographs taken in 1858, when on

384 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

their way to Washington, and which are now in the possession
of the Historical society.)

"I was born in the Indian village of my father near Mendota,
in 1827, and am now sixty-seven years old. My father was Grey
Iron, a sub-chief of the Midawa-xanton Sioux. ^\^en he died I
succeeded him as chief of the band and adopted the name of
his father, Wambde-tonka, which, as is commonly called, means
the Big Eagle. When I was a young man I often went with
war parties against the Chippewas and other enemies of my
nation, and the six feathers shown in the head-dress of my
picture in the Historical society at St. Paul stand for six Chip-
pewa scalps that I took when on the w^arpath. By the terms
of the treaties of Traverse des Sioux and Mendota in 1851, the
Sioux sold all of their lands in Minnesota, except a strip ten
miles wide on each side of the Minnesota river from near Fort
Ridgely to the Big Stone lake. The Medawakantons and Wa-
coutas had their reservation up to the Yellow Medicine. In
1858 the ten miles of this strip belonging to the Medawakanton
and Wacouta bands, and lying north of the river were sold,
mainly through the influence of Little Crow. That year, with
some other chiefs, I went to Washington on business connected
with the treaty. The selling of that strip north of the Minne-
sota caused great dissatisfaction among the Sioux, and Little
Crow was always blamed for the part he took in the sale. It
caused us all to move to the south, side of the river, where
there was but very little game, and many of our people, under
the treaty, were induced to give up the old life and go to work
like white men, which was very distasteful to many.

"Of the causes that led to the outbreak of August, 1862, much
has been said. Of course it was wrong, as we all know now, but
there were not many Christians among the Indians then, and
they did not understand things as they should. There w^as
great dissatisfaction among the Indians over many things the
whites did. The whites would not let them go to war against
their enemies. This w^ns right, but the Indians did not then
know it. Then the whites were always trying to make the
Indians give up their life and live like white men — go to farm-
ing, work hard and do as they did — and the Indians did not
know how to do that, and did not want to anyway. It seemed
too sudden to make such a change. If the Indians had tried
to make the whites live like them, the whites would have re-
sisted, and it was the same way with many Indians. The Indi-

A SIOUX STOBY OF THE WAR. 385

ans wanted to live as they did before the treaty of Traverse des
Sioux — go where they pleased and when they pleased; hunt
game wherever they could find it, sell their furs to the traders
and live as they could.

''Then the Indians did not think the traders had done right.
The Indians bought goods of them on credit, and when the gov-
ernment payments came the traders were on hand with their
books, which showed that the Indians owed so much and so
much, and as the Indians kept no books they could not deny
their accounts, but had to pay them, and sometimes the traders
got all their money. I do not say that the traders always
cheated and lied about these accounts. I know many of them
were honest men and kind and accommodating, but since I have
been a citizen I know that many white men, when they go to
pay their accounts, often think them too large and refuse to pay
them, and they go to law about them and there is much bad
feeling. The Indians could not go to law, but there was always
trouble over their credits. Under the treaty of Traverse des
Sioux the Indians had to pay a very large sum of money to the
ti'aders for old debts, some of which ran back fifteen years, and
many of those who had got the goods were dead and others
were not present, and the traders' books had to be received as
to the amounts, and the money was taken from the tribe to pay
them. Of course the traders often were of great service to the
Indians in letting them have goods on credit, but the Indians
seemed to think the traders ought not to be too hard on them
about the payments, but do as the Indians did among one
another, and put off the payment until they were better able to
make it.

"Tlien many of the white men often abused the Indians and
treated them unkindly. Perhaps they had excuse, but the Indi-
ans did not think so. Many of the whites always seemed to say
by their manner when they saw an Indian, 'I am much better
than you,' and the Indians did not like this. There was excuse
for this, but the Pakotas did not believe there were better men
in the world than they. Then some of the white men abused the
Indian w^onien in a certain way and disgraced them, and surely
there was no excuse for that.

"All these things made many Indians dislike the whites.
Then a little w^hile before the outbreak there was trouble
among the Indians themselves. Some of the Indians took a sen-

—23

38G MINNESOTA HISTOKICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

sible course and began to live like white men. The government
built them houses, furnished them tools, seed, etc., and taught
them to farm. At the two agencies. Yellow Medicine and Red-
wood, there were several hundred acres of land in cultivation
that summer. Others staid in their tepees. There was a white
man's party and an Indian party. We had politics among us
and there was much feeling. A new chief speaker for the tribe
was to be elected. There were three candidates — Little Crow,
myself and Wa-sui-hi-ya-ye-dan ('Traveling Hail'). After an ex-
citing contest Traveling Hail was elected. Little Crow felt
sore over his defeat. Many of our tribe believed him resi)on-
sible for the sale of the north ten-mile strip, and I think this was
why he was defeated. I did not care much about it. Many
whites think that Little Crow was the principal chief of the
Dakotas at this time, but he was not. Wabasha was the princi-
pal chief; and he w^as of the w^hite man's party; so was I; so
was old Shakopee, whose band was very large. Many think if
old Shakopee had lived there would have been no war, for he
Avas for the white men and had great influence. But he died
that summer, and was succeeded by his son, whose real name
was Ea-to-ka (^Another Language'), but when he became chief
he took his father's name, and was afterwards called 'Little
Shakopee,' or 'Little Six,' for in the Sioux language 'Shakopee'
means six. This Shakopee was against the white men. He
took part in the outbreak, murdering women and children, but
I never saw him in a battle, and he was caught in Manitoba and
hanged in 1864. My brother. Medicine Bottle, was hanged with
him.

"As the summer advanced, there was great trouble among the
Sioux — troubles among themselves, troubles with the whites,
and one thing and another. The war with the South was going
on then, and a great many men had left the state and gone down
there to fight. A few weeks before the outbreak the president
called for many more men, and a great many of the white men
of :Minnesota and some half-breeds enlisted and went to Fort
Snelling to be sent South. We understood that the South was
getting the best of the fight, and it was said that the North
would be whipped. The year before the new president had
turned out Maj. Brown and Maj. CuUen, the Indian agents, and
put in their places Maj. Galbraith and Mr. Clark Thompson, and
thev had turned out the men under them and put in others of

A SIOUX STORY OF THE WAR. 387

their own party. There were a great many changes. An
Indian named Shonka-sha ('White Dog'), who had been hired to
teach the Indians to farm, was removed and another Indian
named Ta-opi ('The Wounded Man'), a son of old Betsy, of St.
Paul, put in his place. Nearly all of the men who were turned
out were dissatisfied, and the most of the Indians did not like
the new men. At last Maj. Galbraith w ent to work about the
agencies and recruited a company of soldiers to go South. His
men were nearly all half-breeds. This was the company called
the Renville Rangers, for they were mostly from Renville county.
The Indians now thought the whites must be pretty hard up for
men to fight the South, or they would not come so far out on the
frontier and take half-breeds or anything to help them.

"It began to be whispered about that now would be a good
time to go to war with the whites and get back the lands. It
was believed that the men who had enlisted last had all
left the state, and that before help could be sent the Indians
could clean out the country, and that the Winnebagoes, and
even the Chippewas, would assist the Sioux. It was also
thought that a war with the whites would cause the Sioux to
forget the troubles among themselves and enable many of them
to pay off some old scores. Though I took part in the war, I was
against it. I knew there was no good cause for it, and I had
been to Washington and knew the power of the whites and that
they would finally conquer us. We might succeed for a time,
but we would be overpowered and defeated at last. I said all
this and many more things to my people, but many of my own
bands were against me, and some of the other chiefs put words
in their mouths to say to me. When the outbreak came Little
( 'row told some of my band that if I refused to lead them to
shoot me as a traitor who would not stand up for his nation,
and then select another leader in my place.

"But after the first talk of war the counsels of the peace
Indians prevailed, and many of us thought the danger had all
blown over. The time of the government payment was near at
hand, and this may have had something to do with it. There
was another thing that helped to stop the war talk. The crops
that had been put in by the 'farmer' Indians were looking well,
and there seemed to be a good prospect for a plentiful supply of
provisions for them the coming winter without having to depend
on the game of the country or without going far out to the west

388 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

on the plains for buffalo. It seemed as if the white men's way
was certainly the best. Many of the Indians had been short of
provisions that summer and had exhausted their credits and
were in bad condition. 'Now,' said the farmer Indians, 'if you
had worked last season you would not be starving now and
begging for food.' The 'farmers' were favored by the govern-
ment in every way. They had houses built for them, some of
them even had brick houses, and they were not allowed to suffer.
The other Indians did not like this. They were envious of tJiem
and jealous, and disliked them because they had gone back on
the customs of the tribe and because they were favored. They
called them 'farmers,' as if it was disgraceful to be a farmer.
They called them 'cut-hairs,' because they had given up the
Indian fashion of wearing the hair, and 'breeches men,' because
they wore pantaloons, and 'Dutchmen,' because so many of the
settlers on the north side of the river and elsewhere in the
country were Germans. I have heard that there was a secret
organization of the Indians called the 'Soldiers' Lodge,' whose
object was to declare war against the whites, but I knew noth-
ing of it.

"At last the time for the payment came and the Indians
came in to the agencies to get their money. But the paymaster
did not come, and week after week went by and still he did not
come. The payment was to be in gold. Somebody told the
Indians that the pa3^ment would never be made. The govern-
ment was in a great war, and gold was scarce, and paper money
had taken its place, and it was said the gold could not be had to
pay us. Then the trouble began again and the war talk started
up. Many of the Indians who had gathered about the agencies
were out of provisions and were easily made angry. Still, most
of us thought the trouble would pass, and we said nothing about
it. I thought there might be trouble, but I had no idea there
would be such a war. Little Crow and other chiefs did not
think so. But it seems some of the tribe were getting ready
for it.

"You know^ how the war started — by. the killing of some
white people near Acton, in Meeker county. I will tell you
how this was done, as it was told me by all of the four young
men who did the killing. These young fellows all belonged to
Shakopee's band. Their names were Sungigidan ('Brown
Wing'), Ka-om-de-i-ye-ye-dan ('Breaking Up'), Nagi-wi-cak-te

A SIOUX STORY OF THE WAR. 389

('Killiug Ghost'), and Pa-zo-i-yo-pa ('Runs against Something
when Crawling') I do not think their names have ever before
been printed. One of them is yet living. They told me they did
not go out to kill white people. They said the}^ went over into
the Big Woods to hunt ; that on Sunday, Aug. 17, they came to
a settler's fence, and here they found a hen's nest with some
eggs in it. One of them took the eggs, when another said:
^Don't take them, for they belong to a white man and we may
get into trouble.' The other was angry, for he was very hungry
and wanted to eat the eggs, and he dashed them to the ground
and replied : 'You are a coward. You are afraid of the white
man. You are afraid to take even an egg from him, though you
are half-starved. Yes, you are a coward, and I will tell every-
body so.' The other replied: 'I am not a coward. I am not
afraid of the white man, and to show you that I am not I will
go to the house and shoot him. Are you brave enough to go
with me ?' The one wht > had called him a coward said : 'Yes, I
will go with 3^ou, and we will see who is the braver of us two.'
Their two companions then said: 'We will go with you, and we
will be brave, too.' They all went to the house of the white
man (Mr. Robinson Jones), but he got alarmed and went to an-
other house (that of his son-in-law, Howard Baker), where were
some other white men and women. The four Indians followed
them and killed three men and two women (Jones, Baker, a Mr.
Webster, Mrs. Jones and a girl of fourteen). Then they hitched
up a team belonging to another settler and drove to Shakopee's
camp six miles above Redwood agency), which they reached
late that night and told what they had done, as I have related.

"The tale told by the young men created the greatest excite-
ment. Everybody was waked up and heard it. Shakopee took
the young men to Little Crow's house (two miles above the
agency), and he sat up in bed and listened to their story. He
said war was now declared. Blood had been shed, the payment
would be stopped, and the whites would take a dreadful ven-
geance because women had been killed. Wabasha, Wacouta,
myself and others still talked for peace, but nobody would listen
to us, and soon the cry was 'Kill the whites and kill all these cut-
hairs who will not join us.' A council was held and war was
declared. Parties formed and dashed away in the darkness to
kill settlers. The women began to ran bullets and the men to
clean their guns. Little Crow gave orders to attack the agency

390 MINNESOTA HISTOEICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

early next morning and to kill all the traders. When the Indi-
ans first came to him for counsel and advice he said to them,
tauntingly: 'Why do you come to me for advice? Go to the
man you elected speaker (Traveling Hail) and let him tell you
what to do' ; but he soon came around all right and soxnehow
took the lead in everything, though he was not head chief, as I
have said.

"At this time my village was up on Crow creek, near Little
Crow's. I did not have a very large band — not more than thirty
or forty fighting men. Most of them were not for the war at
first, but nearly all got into it at last. A great many members
of the other bands were like my men ; they took no part in the
first movements, but afterward did. The next morning, when
the force started down to attack the agency, I went along. I
did not lead my band, and I took no part in the killing. I went
to save the lives of two particular friends if I could. I think
others went for the same reason, for nearly every Indian had a
friend that he did not Avant killed; of course he did not care
about anybody's else friend. The killing was nearly all done
when I got there. Little Crow was on the ground directing
operations. The day before, he had attended church there and
listened closely to the sermon and had shaken hands with every-
body. So many Indians have lied about their saving the lives
of white people that I dislike to speak of what I did. But I
did save the life of George H. Spencer at the time of the mas-
sacre. I know that his friend, Chaska, has always had the
credit of that, but Spencer would have been a dead man in spite
of Chaska if it had not been for me. I asked Spencer about
this once, but he said he was wounded at the time and so ex-
cited that he could not remember what I did. Once after that
I kept a half-breed family from being murdered; these are all
the people whose lives I claim to have saved. I was never pres-
ent when the white people were willfully murdered. I saw all
the dead bodies at the agency. Mr. Andrew Myrick, a trader,
with an Indian wife, had refused some hungry Indians credit a
short time before when they asked him for some provisions.
He said to them : 'Go and eat grass.' Now he was lying on the
ground dead, with his mouth stuffed full of grass, and the In-
dians were saying tauntingly : 'Myrick is eating grass himself.'

"When I returned to my village that day I found that many
of my band had changed their minds about the war, and wanted

A SIOUX STORY OF THP: WAR. 391

to go into it. All the other villages were the same way. I was
still of the belief that it was not best, but I thought I must go
with my band and my nation, and I said to my men that I
would lead them into the war, and we would all act like brave
Dakotas and do the best we could. All my men were with me;
none had gone off on raids, but we did not have guns for all at
first.

^'Tliat afternoon woi'd came to my village that soldiers were
coming to the agency from Fort Snelling. (These were Capt.
Marsh and his men.) At once I mounted the best horse I had,
and, with some of my men, rode as fast as I could to meet them
at the ferry. But when I got there the fight was over, and I
well remember that a cloud of powder smoke was rising slowly
from the low, wet ground where the firing had been. I heard a
few scattering shots down the river, where the Indians were
still pursuing the soldiers, but I took no part. I crossed the
river and saw the bodies of the soldiers that had been killed.
I think Mr. Quinn, the interpreter, was shot several times after
he had been killed. The Indians told me that the most of them
who fired on Capt. Marsh and his men were on the same side of
the river; that only a few shots came from the opposite or
south side. They said that White Dog did not tell Mr. Quinn
to come over, but told him to go back. Of course I do not know
what the truth is about this. White Dog was the Indian head
farmer who had been replaced by Taopi and who was hanged at
Mankato.

''I was not in the first fight at New Ulm nor the first attack
on Fort Ridgely. Here let me say that the Indian names of
these and other places in Minnesota are different from the Eng-
lish names. St. Paul is the 'AVhite Kock;' Minneapolis is 'the
Place Where the Water Falls;' New Ulm is 'the Place Where
There Is a Cottonwood Grove on the River;' Fort Ridgely was
'the Soldiers' House;' Birch Coulie was called 'Birch Creek,'
etc. I was in the second fight at New Ulm and in the second
attack on Fort Ridgely. At New Ulm I had but a few of my
band with me. We lost none of them. We had but few, if any,
of the Indians killed; at least I did not hear of but a few. A
half-breed named George Le Blanc, who was with us, was killed.
There was no one in chief command of the Indians at New Ulm.
A few sub-chiefs, like myself, and the head soldiers led them,
and the leaders agreed among themselves what was to be done.

392 MINVESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

1 do not think there was a chief present at the first fight. 1
think that attack was made by marauding Indians from several
bands, every man for himself, but when we heard they were
fighting we went down to help them. I think it probable that
the first attack on Fort Eidgely was made in the same way; at
any rate, 1 do not remember that there was a chief there.

"The second fight at Fort Kidgely was made a grand aft'air.
Little Crow was with us. Mr. Good Thunder, now at Birch
Coulie agency, was with us. He counted the Indians as they
filed past him on the march to the attack, and reported that
thei*e were 800 of us. He acted very bravely in the fight, and
distinguished himself by running close up to the fort and bring-
ing away a horse. He is now married to the former widow of
White Dog, and both he and his wife are good Christian citi-
zens. We went down determined to take the fort, for we knew
it was of the greatest importance to us to have it. If we could
take it we would soon haxe the whole Minnesota valley. I>ut
we failed, and of course it was best that we did fail.

"Though Little Crow was present, he did not take a very
active part in the fight. As I remember, the chief leaders in
the fight were 'The Thief/ who was the head soldier of Man-
kato's band, and Mankato ('Blue Earth') himself. This Mankato
was not the old chief for whom the town was named, but a sub-
chief, the son of old Good Koad. He was a very brave man and
a good leader. He was killed at the battle of Wood lake by a
cannon ball. We went down to the attack on both sides of the
river. I went down on the south side with my men, and we
crossed the river in front of the fort and went up through the
timber and fought on that side next the river. The fight com-
menced about noon on Friday after the outbreak. We had a
few Sissetons and Wakpatons with us, and some Winuebagoes,
under the 'Little Priest,' were in this fight and at New Ulm. I
saw them myself. But for the cannon I think we would have
taken the fort. The soldiers fought us so bravely we thought
there were more of them than there were. The cannons dis-
turbed us greatly, but did not hurt many. We did not have
many Indians killed. I think the whites put the number too
large, and I think they overestimated the number killed in every
battle. We seldom carried off our dead. We usually buried
them in a secluded place on the battle-field when we could-
We always tried to carry away the wounded. When we re-

I

A SIOUX STORY OF THE WAR. 393

treated from Kidgelj I recrossed the river opposite the fort and
went up on the soiitli side. All our army but the scouts fell
back up the river to our villages near Kedwood agency, and then
on up to the Yellow Medicine and the mouth of the Chippewa.

"Our scouts brought word that our old friend Wapetonhonska
('The Long Trader'), as we called Gen. Sibley, was coming up
against us, and in a few days we learned that he had come to
Fort Ridgely with a large number of soldiers. Little Crow, with
a strong party, went over into the Big Woods, towards Forest
City and Hutchinson. After he had gone, I and the other sub-
chiefs concluded to go down and attack New Ulm again and
take the town and cross the river to the east, or in the rear of
Fort Ridgely, where Sibley was, and then our movements were
to be governed by circumstances. We had left our village near
the Redwood in some haste and alarm, expecting to be followed
after the defeat at Ridgely, and had not taken all our property
away. So we took many of our women with us to gather up
the property and some other things, and we brought along some
wagons to haul them off.

"We came down the main road on the south side of the river,
and were several hundred strong. We left our camps in the
morning and got to our old villages in the afternoon. When
the men in advance reached Little Crow's village — which was on
the high bluff on the south side of the Minnesota, below the
mouth of the Redwood — they looked to the north across the val-
ley, and up on the high bluff on the north side, and out on the
prairie some miles away, they saw a column of mounted men
and some wagons coming out of the Beaver creek timber on the
prairie and going eastward. We also saw signs in Little Crow's
village that white men had been there only a few hours before,
and judging from the trail they had made when they left, these
were the men we now saw to the northward. There was, of
course, a little excitement, and the column halted. Four or five
of our best scouts were sent across the valley to follow the
movements of the soldiers, creeping across the prairie like so
many ants. It was near sundown, and we knew they would
soon go into camp, and we thought the camping ground would
be somewhere on the Birch Coulie, where there was wood and
water. The women Avent to work to load the wagons. The
scouts followed the soldiers carefully, and a little after sun-
down returned with the information that they had gone into

394 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

camp near the liead of I>ircli Coulie. At this time we did not
know there were two companies there. We thought the com-
pany of mounted men (Capt. Anderson's) was all, and that there
were not more than seventj^-five men.

"It was concluded to surround the camp that night and at-
tack it at daylight. We felt sure w^e could capture it, and that
200 men would be enough for the undertaking. So about that
number was selected. There were four bands — my own, Hu-
sha-sha's (^Ked Legs'), Gray Bird's and Mankato's. I had about
thirty men. Nearly all the Indians had double-barreled shot-
guns, and we loaded them with buckshot and large buUets
called 'traders' balls.' After dark we started, crossed the river
and valley, went up the bluffs and on the prairie, and soon we
saw the white tents and the w^agons of the camp. We had no
difficulty in surrounding the camp. The pickets were only a
little w ay from it. I led my men up from the west through the
grass and took up a position 200 yards from the camp, behind
a small knoll or elevation. Red Legs took his men into the
coulie east of the camp. Mankato ('Blue Earth') had some of
his men in the coulie and some on the prairie. Gray Bird and
his men w^ere mostly on the prairie.

"Just at dawn the fight began. It continued all day and the
following night until late the next morning. Both sides fought
well. Owing to the white men's wa^^ of fighting they lost many
men. Owing to the Indians' way of fighting they lost but few.
The white men stood up and exposed themselves at first, but at
last they learned to keep quiet. The Indians always took care
of themselves. We had an easy time of it. We could crawl
through the grass and into the coulie and get water when we
w^anted it, and after a few hours our women crossed the river
and came up near the bluff and cooked for us, and we could go
back and eat and then return to the fight. We did not lose
many- men. Indeed, I only saw two dead Indians, and I never
heard that any more were killed. The two I saw were in the
coulie and belonged to Red Legs' band. One w^as a Wakpaton
named Ho-ton-na (' Animal's Voice') and the other w^as a Sisse-
ton. Their bodies were taken dow n the coulie and buried during
the fight. I did not see a man killed on the prairie. W^e had
several men wounded, but none verv^ badly. I did not see the
incident which is related of an Indian, a brother of Little Crow,
who, it is said, rode up on a white horse near the camp with a

A SIOUX STORY OF THE WAR. 395

white flag and held a parle}' and had his horse killed as he rode
away. That must have happened while I was absent from the
field eating my dinner. Little Crow had no brother there. The
White Spider was not there. I think Little Crow's brothers
were with him in the Big Woods at this time. The only Indian
horse I saw killed that I remember was a bay. Buffalo Ghost
succeeded in capturing a horse from the camp. Late in the day
some of the men who had been left in the villages came over on
their horses to see what the trouble was that the camp had not
been taken, and they rode about the prairie for a time, but I
don't think many of them got into the fight. I do not remem-
ber that we got many r( -enforcements that day. If we got any,
they must have come up the coulie and I did not see them. Per-
haps some horsemen came up on the east side of the coulie, but I
knew nothing about it. I am sure no re-enforcements came to
me. I did not need any. Our circle about the camp was rather
small and we could only use a certain number of men.

"About the middle of the afternoon our men became much
dissatisfied at the slowness of the fight, and the stubbornness
of the whites, and the word was passed around the lines to get
ready to charge the camp. The brave Mankato wanted to
charge after the first hour. There were some half-breeds with
the whites who could speak Sioux well, and they heard us ar-
ranging to assault them. Jack Frazer told me afterward that
he heard us talking about it very plainly. Alex Faribault was
there and heard the talk and called out to us: 'You do very
wrong to fire on us. We did not come out to fight; we only
came out to bury the bodies of the white "people you killed.' I
have heard that Faribault, Frazer and another half-breed dug a
rifle pit for themselves with bayonets, and that Faribault
worked so hard with his bayonet in digging that he wore the
flesh from the inside of his hand. One half-breed named Louis
Bourier attempted to desert to us, but as he was running to-
wards us some of our men shot and killed him. We could have
taken the camp, I think. During the fight the whites had
thrown up breastworks, but they were not very high and we
could easily have jumped over them. We did not know that
Maj. Joe Brown was there; if we had, I think some of our men
would have charged anyhow, for they wanted him out of the
way. Some years ago I saw Capt. Grant in St. Paul and he told
me he was in command of the camp at Birch Coulie.

396 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

"Just as we were about to charge word came that a large
number of mounted * soldiers were coming up from the east
toward Fort Ridgely. This stopped the charge and created
some excitement. Mankato at once took some men from the
coulie and went out to meet them. He told me he did not take
more than fifty, but he scattered them out and they all yelled
and made such a noise that the whites must have thought there
were a great many more, and they stopped on the prairie and
began fighting. They had a cannon and used it, but it did no
harm. If the Indians had any men killed in the fight I never
heard of it. Mankato flourished his men around so, and all the
Indians in the coulie kept up a noise, and at last the whites be-
gan to fall back, and they retreated about two miles and began
to dig breastworks. Mankato followed them and left about
thirty men to watch them, and returned to the fight at the coulie
with the rest. The Indians were laughing when they came
back at the way they had deceived the white men, and we were
all glad that the whites had not pushed forward and driven us
away. If any more Indians went against this force than the
fifty or possibly seventy-five that I have told you of I never
heard of it. I was not with them and cannot say positively,
but I do not think there were. I went out to near the fortified
camp during the night, and there was no large force of Indians
over there, and I know there were not more than thirty
of our men watching the camp. When the men of this force
began to fall back, the whites in the camp hallooed and made a
great commotion, as if they were begging them to return and re-
lieve them, and seemed much distressed that they did not.

"The next morning Gen. Sibley came with a very large force
and drove us away from the field. We took our time about get-
ting away. Some of our men said they remained till Sibley got
up and that they fired at some of his men as they were shaking
hands with some of the men of the camp. Those of us who were
on the prairie went back to the westward and on down the val-
ley. Those in the coulie went down back southward to where
their horses were, and then mounted and rode westward across
the prairie about a mile south of the battle-field. There was
no pursuit. The whites fired their cannons at us as we were
leaving the field, but they might as well have beaten a big drum
for all the harm they did. They only made a noise. We went
back across the river to our camps in the old \iUages, and then

A SIOUX STORY OF THE WAR. 397

on up the river to the Yellow Medicine and the mouth of the
Chippewa, where Little Crow joined us.

"For some time after the fight at Birch Coulie the greater
part of the Indians remained in the camps about the Yellow
Medicine and the mouth of the Chippewa. At last the word
came that Sibley with his army was again on the move against
us. Our scouts were very active and vigilant, and we heard
from him nearly every hour. He had left a letter for Little Crow
in a split stick on the battle-field of Birch Coulie, and some of
our men found it and brought it in, and correspondence had been
going on between us ever since. Tom Kobinson and Joe Camp-
bell, half-breed prisoners, wrote the letters for Little Crow. It
seems that some letters were written to Gen. Sibley by the half-
breeds which Little Crow never saw. I and others understood
from the half-breeds that Gen. Sibley would treat with all of us
who had only been soldiers and would surrender as prisoners
of war, and that only those who had murdered people in cold
blood, the settlers and others, would be punished in any way.
There was great dissatisfaction among us at our condition.
Many wanted to surrender; others left us for the West. But
Sibley came on and on, and at last came the battle of Wood
lake.

"When we learned that Sibley had gone into camp at the
Wood lake, a council of the sub-chiefs and others was held
and it was determined to give him a battle near there. I think
the lake now called Battle lake was the old-time Wood lake.
As I understand it, there once were some cottonwoods about it,
and the Indians called it ^M'da-chan' — ^Wood lake. The larger
lake, two miles west, now called Wood lake, was always known
to me by the Indian name of ^Hinta hauk-pay-an wo-ju,' mean-
ing literally, ^the Planting Place of the Man who ties his Moc-
casins with Bass wood Bark.' We soon learned that Sibley had
thrown up breastworks and it was not deemed safe to attack
him at the lake. We concluded that the fight should be about
a mile or more to the northwest of the lake, on the road along
which the troops would march. This was the road leading to
the upper country, and of course Sibley would travel it. At the
point determined on we planned to hide a large number of men
on the side of the road. Near the lake, in a ravine formed by
the outlet, we were to place another strong body. Behind a
hill to the west were to be some more men. We thought that

398 MINNESOTA HISTOEICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

when Sibley marched out along the road and when the head of
his column had reached the farther end of the line of our first
division, our men would open fire. The men in the ravine would
then be in the rear of the whites and would begin firing on that
end of the column. The men from behind the hill would rush
out and attack the flank, and then we had horsemen far out on
the right and left who would come up. We expected to throw
the whole white force into confusion by the sudden and unex-
pected attack and defeat them before they could rally.

"I think this was a good plan of battle. Our concealed men
would not have been discovered. The grass was tall and the
place by the road and the ravine were good hiding places. We
had learned that Sibley was not particular about sending out
scouts and examining the country before he passed it. He had
a number of mounted men, but they always rode together, at the
head of the column, when on a march, and did not examine the
ground at the sides of the road. The night he lay at Wood lake
his pickets were only a short distance from camp — less than half
a mile. When we were putting our men into position that night
we often saw them plainly. I worked hard that night fixing the
men. Little Crow was on the field, too. Mankato was there.
Indeed, all our fighting chiefs Avere present and all our best
fighting Indians. We felt that this would be the deciding fight
of the war. The whites were unconscious. We could hear them
laughing and singing. When all our preparations were made
Little Crow and I and some other chiefs went to the mound or
hill to the west so as to watch the fight better when it should
commence. There were numbers of other Indians there.

"The morning came and an accident spoiled all our plans.
For some reason Sibley did not move early as we expected he
would. Our men were lying hidden waiting patiently. Some
were very near the camp lines in the ravine, but the whites did
not see a man of all our men. I do not think they would have
discovered our ambuscade. It seemed a considerable time after
sun-up when some four or five wagons with a number of soldiers
started out from the camp in the direction of the old Yellow
Medicine agenc}'. We learned afterwards that the^^ were going
without orders to dig potatoes over at the agency, five miles
away. They came on over the prairie, right where part of our
line was. Some of the wagons were not in the road, and if
they had kept straight on would have driven right over our men

A SIOUX STORY OF THE WAR. 399

as they lay in the grass. At last they came so close that our
men had to rise up and fire. This brought on the fight, of
course, but not according to the way we had planned it. Little
Crow saw it and felt very badly.

"Of course you know how the battle was fought. The Indi-
ans that were in the fight did well, but hundreds of our men did
not get into it and did not fire a shot. They were out too far.
The men in the ravine and the line connecting them with those
on the road did the most of the fighting. Those of us on the
hill did our best, but we were soon driven off. Mankato was
killed here, and we lost a v ery good and brave war chief. He
was killed by a cannon ball that was so nearly spent that he was
not afraid of it, and it struck him in the back, as he lay on the
ground, and killed him. The whites drove our men out of the
ravine by a charge and that ended the battle. We retreated in
some disorder, though the whites did noi offer to pursue us.
We crossed a wide prairie, but their horsemen did not follow us.
We lost fourteen or fifteen men killed and quite a number
wounded. Some of the wounded died afterwards, but I do not
know how many. We carried off no dead bodies, but took away
all our wounded. The whites scalped all our dead men — so I
have heard.

"Soon after the battle 1, with many others who had taken
part in the war, surrendered to Gen. Sibley. Kobinson and the
other half-breeds assured us that if we would do this we would
only be held as prisoners of war a short time, but as soon as I
surrendered I was thrown into prison. Afterward I was tried
and served three years in the prison at Davenport and the peni-
tentiary at Kock Island for taking part in the war. On my
trial a great number of the white prisoners, women and others,
were called up, but not one of them could testify that I had
murdered any one or had done anything to deserve death, or else
1 would have been hanged. If I had known that I would be
sent to the penitentiary I would not have surrendered, but when
I had been in the penitentiary three years and they were about
to turn me out, I told them they might keep me another year
if they wished, and I meant what I said. I did not like the way
1 had been treated. I surrendered in good faith, knowing that
many of the whites were acquainted with me and that I had not
been a murderer, or present when a murder had been commit-
ted, and if I had killed or wounded a man it had been in fair.

400 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTION?!.

open figlit. But all feeling on my part about this has long since
passed away. For years I have been a Christian and I hope to
die one. My white neighbors and friends know my character
as a citizen and a man. I am at peace with every one, whites
and Indians. I am getting to be an old man, but I am still able
to work. I am poor, but I manage to get along. This is my
second wife, and this little girl is our adopted daughter. I will
come and see you when I come to St. Paul. Good-bye."

INCIDENTS OF THE THREATENED OUTBREAK. 401

INCIDENTS OF THE THREATENED OUTBREAK OF
HOLE-IN-THE DAY AND OTHER OJIBWAYS AT TIME
OF SIOUX MASSACRE OF 1862.

By Grorge W. Sweet.

(

Considering it the duty of each of the old settlers of the state,
and especially members of the Minnesota Historical society, to
contribute facts within their personal knowledge relating to
the principal events in the early settlement of our state, in order
that a record thereof may be preserved, I beg leave to offer the
following account of the part taken by the undersigned in the
suppression and settlement of the troubles with the Chippewas,
in August, 1862, at the outbreak of the Sioux massacre.

On the 20tli day of August, 1862, a messenger came to me at
Sauk Rapids, requesting me without delay to call upon the com-
missioner of Indian affairs, Wm. P. Dole, at the Stearns House
in St. Cloud. Having just heard of the outbreaks at Acton and
Redwood, and the slaughter of Capt. Marsh's company, I lost no
time in complying with the request. 1 found on reaching there,
Maj. L. C. Walker, Chippewa agent, who had just arrived from
the Chippewa agency, above Crow Wing, bringing startling ac-
counts of the hostile attitude of Hole-in-tTie-Day and the Indians
under him. He was greatly excited, and expressed the opinion
that Hole-in- the-Day and Little Crow,* of the Sioux, had been
in communication with each other and had agreed to begin a
simultaneous attack upon the whites, with the belief that, as
most of the able-bodied men of Minnesota had gone South, they
would be able to drive all others out of the country and recover
their lands. He feared that the prisoners in the hands of the
Indians had already been massacred, in retaliation for the un-
successful attempt made by him to capture Hole-in-the-Day, in

George W. Sweet came to Minnesota in 1849. He was a carpenter, but
studied law later. He married a daughter of Charles H. Cakes, the long-tine
trader among the Ojlbways of Lake Superior. Mr. Sweet has been a member
of the legislature, and has lived on the frontier, at Sauk Eapids and elsewhere,
for forty-five years. M.

*It was every way impossible that there was any concert of action between
Little Crow and Hole-in-the-Day. The like causes of unrest existed among the
Ojlbways as among the Sioux, but not to the same extent. Difficulties in regard
to treaties, dissatisfaction with traders and agents, were oomomn to both na-
tions. W. R. M.
—24

402 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

which case he thought the massacre would become general and
indiscriminate. He urged me to attempt to open communica-
tion with the hostiles, who were camped near Gull lake, with a
view to their pacification, if possible. After considerable par-
ley, and upon the urgent solicitations of Commissioner Dole, I
reluctantly consented to attempt the mission.

Under instructions to report to Commissioner Dole at St. Paul,
I started with private team, and on my route met scores of
settlers fleeing from their homes, some bound for St. Paul, some
for the states below and others for the forts. Their countenances
blanched with fear, they imagined that every clump of timber
and ravine along the line of their flight had hostile Indians lying
in wait to slaughter them.

On reaching Little Falls I made inquiry as to who were then
at Long Prairie, and was informed that a Mrs. Weeks was
there with her children, without a man in the settlement, her
husband being then absent on business in Cincinnati. I sent a
team after them, with instructions to lose no time in getting
them away from there. Mrs. W. was almost forced into the
wagon, as she had heard nothing of any Indian troubles and was
daily looking for the return of her husband. Their departure
was none too soon, for they were but a short distance from their
house, when, looking back, they saw the Sioux in the act of fir-
ing the buildings. On meeting Mr. Weeks two days after in St.
Paul, and informing him of their safety, his happiness was so
great that he threw his arms around me and fairly overwhelmed
me with expressions of his thankfulness. Between Fort Ripley
and Crow Wing I met Peter Roy, United States interpreter, ac-
companied by Bad Boy, one of the chiefs, both of whom urged
me to turn around and not expose myself to danger by attempt-
ing to open negotiations with the hostiles at Gull lake, as they
had both done their best to avert a general war and massacre,
but had failed, and were now fleeing to save their own lives.
At Crow Wing I sought out Clement H. Beaulieu, Sr., who had
been formerly the foremost trader among the Chippewas, but
who had been refused a renewal of his license to trade in the
Indian country on the ground, as stated to me by Clark W.
Thompson, superintendent of Indian affairs, that in politics
Beaulieu was not in accord with the administration, and what-
ever good things there were, they proposed to have.

I informed Mr. Beaulieu of the mission I had undertaken, and
requested him to accompany me to the hostile camp. He con-

INCIDENTS OF THE THREATENED OUTBREAK. 403

sented, though he expressed his fears that we were too late to
save the lives of the prisoners in the hands of the Indians, and
suggested that we might possibly share their fate. Taking a
team with George Fairbanks as driver, we reached within a
half mile of the Indian camp, where we left our team, and pro-
ceeded on foot to the creek between Gull and Round lakes,
where we were stopped by an armed Indian, a picket guard, but
pushing by him, he gave the alarm by a loud cry of ''A white
man in camp," and instantly, with a terrific war-whoop, the
whole force of Indians sprang to arms, and like Roderick Dhu's
force, they seemed to come out of the ground, and we were sur-
rounded by more than three hundred w^arriors armed, some with
rifles, some with "Nor'wesf guns, others with war clubs, tom-
ahawks, scalping knives, and a few had scythes to which they
had fitted handles like corn cutters. Crowding our way through
the excited mass towards the headquarters of Hole-in- the-day,
which was distinguished from the other wigwams by a flagstaff
in front flying a small flag, not the stars and stripes, however,
but one of their own make, we here met the renowned chief,
whose face looked paler than usual, but in which we could dis-
cover no sign of welcome, such as I had been accustomed to re-
ceive on meeting him.

At my request, he ordered the warriors to move back and give
us room, whereupon they formed themselves into a semicircle
of about thirty feet in diameter. In spite of Hole-in-the-day's
motions to the contrary. Big Dog, a brave old chief, a personal
friend of mine, forced his way up to me, and, grasping my hand,
pressed it three times distinctly, which he afterwards explained
to me as meaning that he would sacriflce his own life before I
should be harmed. Two or three others attempted the hand
shaking, but were ordered back.

All being seated on the grass, I informed Hole-in-the-day that
I had come to him from the commissioner of Indian affairs, to
learn from his own mouth, what his complaints were, and what
were his intentions; that is, whether he wanted war or peace
with the white people. He replied that he did not want war,
but only his rights ; that he could not get his rights by peace-
able means; that the government agents had been stealing
from them; that they had brought new traders into the country
with whom the agent was in partnership, and with whom the
agent insisted they should do all their trading. That the agent

404 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

had put annuity goods into these traders' stores to be sold to
the Indians. I replied to him that if his object was to have
their wrongs redressed they could never accomplish it by force,
but their only way to succeed would be to have a commission
appointed to investigate these charges, and that I was autho-
rized by the commissioner to say that he would be glad to lis-
ten to their complaints, and if well founded, they should have
redress. He then said that was satisfactory, and he would meet
the commissioner and settle all difficulties peaceably.

I insisted upon the release of the prisoners in his hands, as
a proof of his peaceful intentions, to which he consented, and
Mrs. Arthur Garden and her children were brought in and de-
livered up. As it was then nine at night, and I had no means
of transporting the balance of the prisoners, I requested him
to release them the next morning, which was done. It was fur-
ther agreed between us that a truce of four days should be kept,
in which the Indians should remain where they were, and not
disturb anything at the agency or go near the white settle-
ments ; and on the part of the government, I agreed that there
should be no further attempts by the soldiers to capture him,
and in the meantime I would report to Commissioner Dole at
St. Paul and return to the Indians.

Hole-in-the-day sent a guard to accompany us about three
miles so as to pass us beyond their picket line. We reached
Crow Wing about midnight, where I learned that during my
absence at Gull lake the commandant at Fort Ridgely, in order
to strengthen the force at the post, which had been reduced to
twenty-six effective men, had impressed into the service tem-
porarily all the able-bodied men found at Crow Wing, and
among these my driver, who had taken with him my team.
After a little delay, I found among the half-breeds a team to
carry me to a point opposite the fort. When about a mile
from the fort, I heard in the direction of the post a single shot,
followed by a volley. It appears that a flatboat or wangan
had got loose and floating down the channel, the sentinel hailed
and receiving no reply, he fired at it, which brought out the
guard, who delivered a volley into it, suspecting it contained
a force of Indians intending to make a lodgement upon the
bank of th^ river where there was no stockade.

Crossing the river in a small boat a few minutes after this
alarm, I came near being shot by a picket in the darkness, but.

INCIDENTS OF THE THREATENED OUTBREAK. 405

hearing the click of his gun as he cocked it, I got as near to
the ground as possible, from which position I hailed the picket,
and remained there until he could get the guard out, and' satisfy
them that I did not intend to storm the fort.

After informing the commanding officer as to the state of
affairs, and requesting the military to respect the terms of the
truce agreed upon, I was informed that the ladies of the post
were at Chaplain Geer's quarters, where they desired my pres-
ence. It was now about two a. m., but I found the ladies, with
some from Crow Wing, perspiring over a red-hot stove, casting
bullets, of which they had already about a half bushel on a ta-
ble, which they were trimming ready for use.

Assuring the. ladies that there were no Indians within fifteen
miles of them and no danger of an attack for at least four
days, I left at three o'clock and reached Little Falls at sunrise,
where I met Capt. Hall on his way to Fort Kipley to assume
command, accompanied by Capt. Chas. H. Beaulieu. Capt.
Hall assured me that the terms of the truce made with the In-
dians should be scrupulously kept b}^ him.

On reaching Sauk Kapids I found the people who had not
already left were on the point of abandoning their homes, to
seek protection within some fortified place. I here brought
into play my authority in the state militia, by ordering Capt. E.
O. Hamlin to put the alarmed men at work throwing up rifle-
pits around the town, and especially near the Hyperborean ho-
tel, with directions to cease work as soon as he deemed it ad-
visable. Two or three hours' work in the hot sun convinced
them that there was no danger, and consequently no need of
rifle-pits.

Reaching St. Paul, I reported to the commissioner, inform-
ing him of the release of the prisoners, of the truce and the
anxiety of the Indians to meet him and settle all the troubles,
requesting him to accompany me on my return to the In-
dians and make a settlement with them before any new com-
plications should arise; but he stated that he would only go
there with sufficient troops as an escort to be able to protect
him from them, and for this purpose he must have at least
two full companies. His request for the troops was taken by
me to Gov. Ramsey at his house, who informed me that Fort
Snelling had scarcely enough men for guard mount, as he had
ordered every available man to join Gen. Sibley's expedition
against the Sioux.

406 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

I informed the Governor that I had passed Capt. Libby's and
another company on their way to Fort Snelling to be mustered
in, and requested him to issue the order to Col. t^mith, then in
command at Fort Snelling, for two companies, so that I could
return to the Indians and assure them that the commissioner
w^ould meet them in council. The Governor seemed to think
there was no real necessity for the troops, and even if there was,
it was improper to issue the order before they had the men. I
found the commander-in-chief firm in his refusal, until I was
warmly seconded by Mrs. Eamsey, who had been a silent listener
to. our discussion.

About 1 a. m. I was able to exhibit to the commissioner the
oiHler for the troops, and early the next morninj? I delivered
it in person to Col. Smith at Fort Snelling, who informed me
that he had no transportation for the troops. To make sure
of transportation I went on and met Capt. Libby near Min-
neapolis, and, calling him aside, requested him to detain all of
the teams on reaching the fort, as he would have need of them
to move his men as soon as they were mustered in, clothed and
equipped.

1 reached the Indian camp again before the expiration of the
four days, and found them all ready for a council, having in the
meanwhile erected a large council wigwam with a capacity for
a hundred men or more. A quarter of an hour after my ar-
rival the chiefs and head men were all here assembled, and,
after the ordinary preliminaries, and a smoke of the pipe of
peace, Hole-in-the-day came forward and, shaking hands with
me, said, ''We have faithfully kept our agreement made with
you and are glad you have kept your promise and come back
to us. Xow what message and reply do you bring to us from
our father in Washington f (Commissioner.) I arose and re-
plied that their father in Washington w as pleased to hear that
they had released the prisoners, and that they wanted peace
rather than war, and that he would come to them and listen to
their complaints, and if he found they had been wronged, they
should have all their wrongs righted. The question then put
to me was, "How soon will he be here?" I could not reply, "as
soon as he gets sufficient troops to guard him," but gave an
answer that from the "how, hows" seemed to satisfy them in
these w^ords: "I have been to St. Paul and back almost as
quick as a bird would fly, as I am not a big chief but a small

INCIDENTS OF THE THREATENED OUTBREAK. 407

man ; you know you can throw a small stone more swiftly than
a big one."

The council ended, many of the Indians gathered around me
and warmly shook my hand, stating they were glad the troubles
were about to be all settled. I desire here to say that in all
these negotiations at Gull lake I had Clement H. Beaulieu, Sr.,
with me, and it was largely owing to his tact and intimate
knoAA ledge of the Indians that I was enabled to succeed in this
difficult and dangerous undertaking. I feel that he has never
had justice done him for the magnanimous part he took during
those few momentous days. He had been debarred from col-
lecting the just demands against the Indians for goods sold to
individuals on credit while he was a licensed trader, refused
a renewal of his license, thus reducing him from affluence to
comparative penury, and still, smarting under all these wrongs,
he was ready and willing to risk his life to save the lives and
property of those who were trying to ruin him.

Having reported again to Commissioner Dole as to the result
of my second visit to Hole-in-the-day's camp, and not agreeing
with him as to the propriety of making a show of military force
at the council to be held with the Indians, I left him at Fort
Kipley, desiring a little rest, not having slept an average of two
hours in the twenty-four for a week or more. In his attempt
to get the Indians under Hole-in-the-day into a cul de sac, at
Crow Wing on the 10th of September, Gen. Dole found himself
outgeneraled by the wily Indian, and was completely surrounded
and at the mercy of the Indians.

Eealizing his perilous situation after an ineffectual attempt
to send to Fort Ripley for reinforcements, he essayed concilia-
tion in a harangue contrasting strongly with the terrible
threats made a few hours before at Fort Ripley. In trembling
accents he commenced, "My dear red brethren," and by these
means a conflict was avoided. Had a single shot been fired
by some hot headed, reckless scamp, nothing could have saved
a slaughter of these raw troops together with the commissioner
and attendants. Among these was A. S. H. White, chief clerk
of the interior department, and a number of other civilians.

Hole-in-the-day afterwards stated to me that he only wanted
to show Gen. Dole that he was not so easily to be outgeneraled.

In Ms annual report for 1862, p. 17, Commissioner Dole says
that "the prisoners after being taken to the camp at Gull lake

408 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

had been liberated through the influence of the chiefs of the
Pillagers." He knew that they were liberated upon my re-
quest. James Whitehead, afterwards agent for these same
Indians, can state how he came to be released. Only for some
emphatic expressions of mine in relation to a want of courage
on the part of the commissioner, a very different account of the
part taken by me would have been given, and I should have re-
ceived pay for my services. As it was I received nothing, either
in per diem or credit for time and risk of life.

Apologizing to the society for the length of this communica-
tion, and especially for what may appear egotistical in relating
so much of my own doings, I can only say that it has seemed
to me the better way for each one to record the part taken by
him personally, and then it can be sifted by the compiler of
future histories.

Sauk Rapids, Minn., March 1, 1887.

J

DAKOTA SCALP DANCES. 409

DAKOTA SCALP DANCES.

By Rev. T. S. Williamson.

Thirty to fifty years ago scalp dances were common among
the Dakotas, or as they were then more commonly called,
"Sioux" of Minnesota. They were never a pleasant or interest-
ing sight to me; but I have frequently passed near them and
sometimes stopped and looked on for some minutes. It was
customary to have such a dance whenever a scalp was brought
to a village, and the same scalp was taken to several villages
and danced around at each, and might be danced around many
times at the same village. In all the scalp dances I ever saw
men and women danced together, not mingled, but the men on
one side of the circle and the women on the other, facing them ;
and though the women were close to each other, and the men
were also, the men did not come very near the women. A woman,
generally quite old, held the pole to which the scalp was at-
tached, and shook it as they danced. I think these things were
all customary in scalp dances, and that men and women, or
boys and girls both, were necessary to a scalp dance, and aside
from the sight of the scalp, these were the pleasantest of all
their dances.

If a scalp was taken after the trees were green it might be
danced to till the leaver; fell; if taken after the leaves fell, till
new ones grew ; but they were not infrequently buried sooner.

St. Peter, Minn., March, 1878.

This description of Sioux scalp dances was written by the venerable Dr.
Williamson at the request of Mr. Frank T.. llandali, March, 1878

410 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

EARLIEST SCHOOLS IN MINNESOTA VALLEY.

By Rev. T. S. Williamson.

The first school ever taught in the Minnesota valley, and I
suppose the first in what is now Minnesota, outside of Fort
Snelling, was begun at Lac qui Parle in the latter part of July,
1835, and was taught by Miss Sarah Poage, younger sister of
my wife, who subsequently became the wife of Mr. Gideon H.
Pond, recently deceased. The teaching was in English and
was for several years in our dwelling house, which, for the first
year, consisted of a single room. The pupils w ere Uakotas and
metis females and small boys. The full Dakota females had
too many other things to do to profit much by learning to read
English. Of the mixed bloods, four of the first who attended
are still living and have families of children grown up and
some of them married, namely : Mrs. Hypolite Depuis a nd Mrs.
Duncan Campbell of Mendota; Mrs. Henry Belland of West St.
Paul (mother-in-law of Francis Baasen, Esq., of this county),
and Mrs. Magdalen CampbeU of the Sisseton reservation.
These and some others learned, to read English, but I never
heard any of them speaking it much. Three of the boys who
attended this school, and are living, learned to speak as well
as to read English. These are Antoine Le Clerc, who is inter-
preter for some of the Indian agents on the Missouri, (I think
at Crow creek), and Lorenzo Lawrence, who got some fame in
the time of the Indian war by rescuing Mrs. J. W. De Camp
and her children and bringing them to Fort Ridgely. She
afterward became the wife of Rev. Mr. Sweet. Last summer he,
Lorenzo, was at the Braru, or Yellow Earth river, not far east
of the Two Woods in Dakota territory. The other, Enoch
Mahpiyahohinape, is now chief of a small band at Fort EUice,
west of Manitoba. He, with his relatives, assisted in rescuing
the white prisoners and delivering them to Gen. Sibley at
Camp Release, but soon after, fearing treachery, he and his
father and brothers and their families fled to the British and
have not returned. He and Lorenzo Lawrence are full Indians,
and I think they did not attend Miss Poage's school much the
first vear.

EARLIEST SCHOOLS IN MINNESOTA VALLEY. 411

The first school for teaching to read Dakota I began at Lac
qui Parle in December, 1835. I taught in a large Dakota tent
belonging to Mr. Renville, then trader there. My pupils were
men, most of them his relatives, and might Jiave been appro-
priately called his bodyguard. He called them his soldiers.
They were about twenty in number. Some of them were too
old to see without glasses and so too old to learn to read.
Others took no interest in learning, and some of those who
were most interested in learning had their families to support
by hunting. The average attendance did not much exceed half
a dozen. I had no books from which to teach, as the first
printing in the language was not done till three years later;
yet, at the end of three months, three of my pupils had learned
to read and write their own language and some half a dozen
others got such a start that they afterward learned to read
and write with very little schooling. And in the whole Sioux
nation there cannot be named twenty other men who have done
so much in helping the whites, and in civilizing their own
people, as the members of that school. Some of them were the
first Dakota men to dress as white men and work as white
men. They and their children, and other near relatives, were
the leading farmers on the reservation till 1862. The services
they rendered to our people in the war of that year were worth
far more than all the money which has been expended in mis-
sions and schools for the Dakotas. One of them, John Other-
day, led more than sixty employes of the government, including
the family of the agent, Galbraith, from the Upper or Yellow
Medicine agency safely across the trackless prairie to the white
settlements. Two others, Simon Angwangmani and Paul Ma-
zokutirnani, who are still living, together with Rev. J. B. Ren-
ville, who received the rudiments of his education in Miss
Poage's school, of which I have niade mention above, were the
chief agents in rescuing and delivering to Gen. Sibley the
nearly 280 prisoners at Camp Release. In 1840, or about that
time, we built at Lac qui Parle a house, 24x36 feet, for a meet-
ing house and schools. It was built of unburnt brick, with a
good shingle roof, plastered inside on the walls with lime, and
ceiled with boards over head, and a folding partition; and, with

412 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

some repairs, was in good condition till the mission was moved
from the neighborhood in 1854. This was the first building for
a church or school house in the valley of the Minnesota.

In the summer^of 1863 Rev. S. R. Riggs and family came to
Traverse, and Mr. Robert Hopkins and wife joined them the
next spring, and, in the autumn of that year, a school was be-
gun for the Dakotas in the neighborhood; but as most of them
strongly opposed it, not much was accomplished in teaching
them to read. The second school house in the valley was
erected in Traverse in 1815 or 1846. (I have no record of the
date.) After the Indians left, it was sold, and for several years
was occupied as a store by Bruce Pierce.

In the autumn of 1852 I took my family to Pajutazizi, and in
the spring of 1853 we began a school there, and during the
summer built a good frame school house, the third in the valley.

In March, 1854, the dwellings of the missionaries at Lac qui
I*arle took fire and were consumed, in consequence of which Rev.
S. R. Riggs moved to the neighborhood of Pajutazizi, or Yellow
Medicine, during the summer, and in a few years erected more
and better buildings than were built at any other mission sta-
tion among the Dakotas in Minnesota.

About this time a school was opened for white children in
Traverse, but there are many in the neighborhood better in-
formed about this than I am.

TKADITIONS OF SIOUX INDIANS. 413

TRADITIONS OF SIOUX INDIANS.

By Maj. Wm. H. Forbes.

The Sioux Indian, or rather the Dalvota Indian, is a Deist.
He believes in one Great Spirit — Wahkon-(spirit)-Tonkah
(great) — the creator of all things, who made the earth and all
that belongs to it. He is God. He always was. What is now
the world was at first one vast lake or sea. Wahkon-Tonkah
cast thereon two black balls. The first became this earth, and
with the other he created two of each, male and female, of every
kind of living thing — beasts, birds, fishes, insects, reptiles —
all of every moving or stirring object ; and the same with the
vegetable world. Lastly, he made man from three kinds
of clay, white, red and black; the first white man and woman
from the white clay, the Indian from the red, and the negro
from the black. The white man was the most prudent. He
immediately turned his intelligence toward the cultivation of
the earth, and from the flint rock he made himself tools where-
with he erected a dwelling for protection from the cold, and
caused the black, who appeared not to be able to plan any-
thing, to assist him in his labor, and therby making him de-
pendent, he became the white man's servant. He tried the
same with the Indian, but he would not submit. The Indian
did not like the toiling life of the others. He turned his at-
tention to the different kinds of animals, etc. He devised the
bow and arrows, pointing the arrows w^ith the flint, which he
saw the others use to make their tools, and made himself a
knife. He killed his game, which served him for food, cloth-

Maj. Forbes was born on the island of Montreal. His father was a native
of Scotland and member of Hudson Bay company as early as 1785. 'Maj. F.
came to Minnesota In 1837. He was clerk and friend and intimate associate
of H. H. Sibley many years. In 1847 he toolc charge of a branch of the fur
trade at St. Paul; was postmaster of St. Paul in 1853-56; was partner of
N. W. Kittson in St. Paul for supplying the Indian traders; had a trading post
at Redwood agency, August, 1862, at the time of the outbreak. He served on
Gen. Sibley's staff during the campaign of 1862-3; was appointed commis-
sary of subsistence and captain of United States volunteers, serving to the
close of the war. After the war was Indian aeent it Fort Totten, Devils lake.
He died July 20, 1875. (See vol. 4, Minnesota Historical Collection, page 54.)

414 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

ing and shelter. He followed the wild beasts, in his chase,
into the forests and gradually wandered afar off, and thus,
with his descendants, lost sight of the other two races. At
last, after the white man had built up his country with cities,
and had cultivated all the land, and had so multiplied that
they encroached upon "one and another's" rights, they made
war upon each other until some were compelled to seek for
other lands, where they thought they might regain peace, when
they discoAxn^ed where dwelt the Indians, who were then happy,
living by the chase, with plenty of game and but few wants.
They took them by the hand; they welcomed them w^armly;
told them their medicine men had foretold. their coming, and
that they would come in big canoes, for they (the Indians)
claim to have come in small canoes away far south ; gave their
visitors lands to till, and they soon went back and again re-
turned with a great many more, bringing the black man to
labor for them. But they soon took possession of all they
saw and dispossessed the Indian of his most desirable and
sacred locations. The Indian, feeling his wrongs, resisted.
Wars ensued; but the white man, with his guns and other
formidable implements of war, soon had the advantage, and
other white men crossed the "waters" to assist, and the Indian
was soon driven far aw^ay from his home and left all he once
owned and had offered to share, in the hands of his visitors.

There are also among these Indians those who adore minor,
or evil, spirits. These are embodied in rocks and such like.
Such as believe thus are the "powwow" doctors, jugglers and
"partisans," or war leaders. The Great Spirit has nothing to
do with such, but can protect the good man if he asks for it,
and the most certain protection is to join the medicine dance,
a secret and religious society in its intention, although often-
times perverted by the leaders or high priests to
gratify some unholy act. But they are not singu-
lar in this respect. Their principal prayer and cry during
an initiation to these rites is, "Wahkon-Tonkah, Oh-shee-mon-
dah-yea!" Great Spirit, have piity on me. They sacrifice to the
Great Spirit only objects of some value. These wild fellows
would, for instance, sacrifice a dressed buffalo robe, dressed
with tail, head and hoofs attached; or others, a valuable (to
them) piece of scarlet cloth, etc.

I

TRADITIONS OF SIOUX INDIANS. 415

The jugglers sacrifice small objects of no great value to their
demons — an arrow, or a pipe of kinnikinic and tobacco, Ver-
million, etc., upon a stone painted red, as an altar, and sup-
posed to embody their spirit.

They believe in a future existence; but, like "Mahomet's"
heaven, its joys are sensual and such as please the taste and
appetite of them while living in the body. My "relator" told
me, that tradition said : "One man died and his spirit traveled
away south, through a beautiful region and over an elegant
road until he came to an immense place, the residence of many
people, among whom he recognized some whom he had known
in the body. He was kindly welcomed; he saw all kinds of
game, fish, etc.; deer and buffalo seemed to predominate. He
was invited to visit in several habitations, and his appetite
was tempted with the most delicious food, all of which he re-
fused to partake of, and was allowed to return to his body, and
lived again." Others have told that they believed in the trans-
migration of spirits, the soul or spirit not always returning as
a human being, but sometimes as a grizzly bear, wolf-dog, etc.
This is about as near to the "totem" as I could learn, except iu
the "medicine dance." The sacred sacks used by its members
are all different; when a member dies the sack is handed down
to his nearest relative, who, in turn, becomes initiated, and so
great is his respect for that animal from which the skin has
been taken for the sacred sack that, even if starving, he would
not eat of its flesh. But I noticed that, generally, the sacks
are made from such animals or birds as are not deemed,
even among themselves, table luxuries. They have loon skins
instead of ducks', turkey buzzard, otter, mink, and such like.
These animals or birds, I think, answer to the families by
whom they are used, to what is termed "totem."

Upon the subject of future punishments, they have no very
distinct theory; but there is evidently a practical belief,
for, if a woman commits suicide (men, they think, do no such
foolish and cowardly act) the cord by which she hangs herself
(^the mode of "suiciding") is left suspended, for the spirit of the
deceased will remain there hanging. When a murderer is
buried, he is placed face downward and something tied across
the mouth, seemingly to keep the spirit there confined; but if
forever, or for a time, I could never learn. It is the same with
the soul of any very bad man — ^it does not leave the place where

416 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

is placed the "remains," but hovers constantly around them,
and of a dark, still night is heard to whistle the notes of a
death song, detained from entering that pleasant "southern
country."

The "spiritualists" who deal with the minor, or evil, spirits,
have in their war-spear covers, "medicine," so termed, which
is eaten or drunk just as they go into a battle, and of which
they never otherwise partake. Our lower Sioux, about St.
Paul, generally used whisky, "and but very little in a small
vial, which was drunk on going into the fight, and the vial
thrown away. Many such vials have I furnished, with the
liquor, to those who had returned from their Chipj)ewa forays;
and that is the way I account for the so few drunkards there
were among those Indians, compared with other tribes or
bands. I have been informed by those who have thus druok
the sacred whisky, on the eve of battle, that the effect was in-
stantaneous, making the drinker frenzied and like a "madman"
— "Dutch courage."

These last spiritual] stb have the most followers among the
masses, owing to their reputation as doctors, although all who
believe thus never deny the existence of the one and only all-
powerful God.

I have thrown together these few traditions and cus-
toms of the Sioux, relating to their supernatural belief, in
a hurry and without much care, putting them down as I
have heard them; and I hope that even thus they may be useful
in compiling a history of this strange people before the last dis-
appears from his "hunting ground." But when he does, he will
go to a better home, where justice will be done to him and to
those who have wronged him.

Fort Totten Indian Agency, D. T., Jan. 22, 1872.

Gabriel Franchkre.

(From a photograph, taken from a portrait.)

DEATH OF A EEMAEKABLE MAN. 417

DEATH OF A REMARKABLE MAN.

By Hon. Benjamin P. Avery.

Gabriel Franchere, the last survivor of the little band of
fifty-seven men who made the first American settlement on the
Pacific coast, died at St. Paul, Minn., on the 12th of April, 1863,
in the seventy-seventh year of his age. Mr. Franchere v^as
born in Montreal, Canada, in 1786, of highly respectable par-
ents, who gave him an excellent French and English education.
In 1810, when in his twenty-fourth year, he joined the expedi-
tion fitted out by John Jacob Astor and others, to establish a
fur-trading station on the Columbia river, in Oregon, which
territory had then first come into notice through the reports of
those energetic travelers, Lewis and Clarke, who had lately re-
turned from an overland trip to the mouth of the Columbia,
which they undertook under government auspices. Astor and
his associates, constituting the American Fur company, con-
ceived the idea of sending a party of Canadian boatmen up the
Missouri river to its source, whence they were to strike across
the country for the mouth of the Columbia to form a junction
with another party who were to go round by way of Cape
Horn. By both these routes, within the last fifteen years, have
mainlj^ poured those great currents of emigration which have
peopled this coast with more than half a million Americans,
and given to the Union two states, and three territories that
soon will be states. Mr. Franchere sailed from New York with
the Cape Horn expedition in September, 1811, acting as one of
the clerks of the expedition. The little party that accompanied
them from Montreal made the trip to New York city in a birch
bark canoe by the St. Lawrence and St. John rivers, Lake
Champlain and Hudson river, transporting their frail bark on

Sept. 27. 18S9.
With the photograph of Gabriel Franchere, which, at my request, is herewith
presented to tlie Historical society by my friends, his son, E. Franchere, and
grandsons, G. W. and F. Francliere, of Lalie Crystal, this state, I wish to present
the following from the pen of Benjamin P. Avery, late United States minister to
China, and editor ot the Overland Monthly. It is of real historical value bej-ond
the biography of the man it honors.

Very truly,

T. H. KIRK.
—2.-,

418 MINNESOTA HTSTOT?TCAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

wheels over the land intervening between these water courses.
He has left a lively picture of their arrival at New York, a city
which then contained only 90,000 inhabitants, while Brooklyn
was a small village.

He says in his journal : "We had landed at the north end of
the city, and the next day, being Sunday, we re-embarked, and
were obliged to make a course round the city in order to arrive
at our lodgings on Long Island. We sang as we rowed, which,
joined to the unusual sight of a birch-bark canoe impelled by
nine stout Canadians, dark as Indians and as gayly adorned,
attracted a crowd upon the wharves to gaze at us as we glided
along."

The whole expedition consisted of four of Astor's partners,
eleven clerks, (of whom Mr. Franchere was one), thirteen Cana-
dian boatmen, five mechanics and a crew of twenty-four. The
vessel in which they sailed was called the Tonquin, of about
300 tons burden, commanded by Capt. Thorn, a first lieutenant
of the United States navy. Most of the men claimed to be
British subjects, but the expedition sailed under the American
flag, and was commanded, as we have seen, by an American
naval officer. The voyage was a long and perilous one. Touch-
ing at the Sandwich islands, several natives joined the expedi-
tion and shared its subsequent fortunes. After landing all but
the officers and crew at the mouth of the Columbia, the Ton-
quin was under orders to open a trade with the Indians at
Nootka sound. It was attacked by the savages shortly after
arrival at its destination, every man aboard killed and the ship
destroyed. This was a severe blow to the colonists, but they
proceeded vigorously to build and fortify the settlement, which
was called Astoria, after the proprietor of the enterprise. A
thrifty trade for furs was begun with the Indians, and several
exploring parties were sent into the interior, one of which Mr.
Franchere accompanied, encountering great dangers and hard-
ships. Astor sent another expedition around Cape Horn to
re-enforce the little colony, which was further strengthened by
the arrival of a portion of the party of boatmen who had pre-
viously sailed up the Missouri. At the breaking out of the
War of 1812, the English sent a man-of-war brig, the Raccoon,
to break up the settlement at Astoria. The post was neces-
sarily surrendered, and its inhabitants made their way back

DEATH OF A REMARKABLE MAN. 419

to the United States, overland, as best they could, by way of
the Columbia and Saskatchewan rivers and the great lakes.
Mr. Franchere arrived at Montreal in August, 1814, and the
writer of this, who was so fortunate as to know him intimately
within the last twenty years, has heard him describe, with
great animation, the particulars of his perilous trip across the
continent, and how he was hailed by his friends, and not least
by the true girl who was still waiting for him, as one returned
from the dead.

Mr. Franchere wrote and published in the French language
a beautiful narrative of the expedition to Astoria and its
varied fortunes and those of the persons composing it up to the
time of his return to Montreal. Nearly forty years afterward
— that is, in 1854 — when he had long been a resident of New
York City, he published an English translation of his work,
which, as its editor says, possesses a Defoe-like simplicity of
style, gives a remarkable description of travel and adventure
in the Northw^estern wilderness of fifty years ago, is a valuable
fragment of our history snatched from oblivion, "and is, in fact,
the only account by an eye-witness and a participator in the en-
terprise, of this first attempt to form a settlement on the
Pacific under the stars and stripes." In 1846, when the Oregon
boundary question was agitating the country and threatening
to involve us in a war with Great Britain, a copy of the French
edition of this little work furnished conclusive evidence of the
priority of an American occupation and settlement in Oregon,
and established the rightfulness of our claim to that territory.
Thomas H. Benton quoted and praised "Franchere's Narrative'^
in a decisive speech on that question in the United States sen
ate. Washington Irving had previously made it, to some ex-
tent, the basis of his charming "Astoria," borrowing from it
largely. The English translation was published by Redfield
of New^ York. It has gone through several editions, and is not
yet out of print.

Mr. Franchere, subsequent to his return from Oregon, was
connected with the American Fur company down to the time
of its failure, and, in an extremely honorable manner, sacrificed
his own personal fortune to assist in meeting its liabilities.
He was afterward associated with the well-known house of
Pierre Choteau, Jr., & Co. in their extensive operations in

420 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

the Northwest. Latterly he has been engaged in the fur busi-
ness at New York in his own name. At the time of his death
he was on a visit to his stepson, J. S. Prince, mayor of St. Paul,
Minn. He was a man below the medium stature, of very sim-
ple and correct habits, which insured him good health and
cheerful spirits. He possessed a blithe disposition, veined
with a kindly humor; was very active and intelligent, exceed-
ingly kind-hearted, true to his adopted country, and had a firm
faith in the Christian religion. He left a wife (his second), sev-
eral married daughters, and one son, who has been a resident
of California since 1849, and is now in business in Nevada
county. We believe he was the very last survivor of the
Astoria expedition. He lived to see on the Pacific coast, which
he found a complete wilderness, a young empire, growing to
greatness under the most remarkable conditions known in
human annals.

FIEST SETTLEMENT ON RED RIVER. 421

FIRST SETTLEMENT ON RED RIVER OF THE NORTH,
1812. CONDITION IN 1847.

By Mrs. Elizabeth T. Ayers.

This region of country was explored and first occupied by
fur traders about the middle of the 17th century. Prince Ru-
pert and other British lords undertook, at their own expense,
an expedition to Hudson bay for the discoA-ery of a passage
into the South seas, or to China, and for finding trade for furs,
minerals and other commodities. They made some discover-
ies, and were in 1670 incorporated under the title of Hudson
Bay company. They received a charter from Charles II., grant-
ing to them and their successors exclusive right and juris-
diction over a territory larger than all Europe, which they
called Rupert's Land. The charter has long since expired, but
they continue to receive license from the British government
for trading, and still enjoy superior rights and privileges.

But the first permanent settlement (put down on many of our
school maps "Selkirk's Settlement") was made by a company
of Scotch Highlanders in the years 1812 and 1815. They were
driven from farms which they had rented in the north of Scot-

Mrs. Elizabeth T. Ayer, the widow of Frederick Ayer, sent this manuscript to
the Minnesota Historical Society with the following note written in a clear, firm
hand.— W. R. M.

"Soon after missionaries went among the Indians of Red lake, which was in
1843, friendly relations sprang up between them and the settlers of Red river.
The missionaries were hungry, and two of their number went to Fort Garry for
food. They were given much more than the worth of their money. This was
done repeatedly. After awhile the missionaries had an opportunity of securing
and returning $1,800, which had been stolen from the bank of the Hudson Bay
company. This little circumstance was much in their favor.

"In 1847 I went with our two children, eleven and thirteen years of age, to
spend a winter with the Highlanders. While the boys were in school the mother
spent sotaie of her leisure time in writing 'The First Settlement of the Place.'

Yours truly,

"Belle Prairie, Minn., April 7, 1892. B. T. AYER "

August, 1894— Mrs. Ayer, aged ninety-two, is still living where her husband
located in 1849.— W. R. M. •

422 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

land, because the British goYernment thought it more profita-
ble to stock the land with sheep.

Being in distressed circumstances, they forwarded a petition
to the British parliament for relief. This petition fell into the
hands of Lord Selkirk, and he went in person to see the High-
landers. He owned a share in the jjrofits of Hudson Bay com-
pany, and had purchased a large tract of land in that region,
though he had never seen it.

He told the Scotch Highlanders that if they would leave their
native country he would be at the expense of removing them
to America, and would give them a free settlement on his pos-
sessions at Red river. He suggested that two from each family
should first go and make preparation for the parents and chii-
dren who might follow.

Accordingly in the summer of 1812 about sixty young men
and women, mostly relatives, left Scotland to find a home in
the American wilderness. They had a rough passage, and
many of them died of typhoid fever after they entered Hudson
ba}^ The remainder were obliged to winter at Fort Churchill
and they did not arrive at the place of their destination on
lied river till the next summer. While at Fort Churchill they
were short of provisions, and those who were trading with the
Indians at that place took advantage of their destitute circum-
stances and greatly oppressed them. They even took the locks
from their fowling pieces to prevent their killing game, and
then sold them stale provisions at a great price. The winter
to them was a long one. They all left Fort Churchill in March
on snowshoes, and, after encountering many difficulties, ar-
rived near the mouth of the Assinaboine on Red river — not
to find their appointed home, but to meet a continuation of
troubles.

A company of fur traders, known by the name of "Nor'west
company," after the cession of Canada to Great Britain, had
spread themselves rapidly over the interior of North America
to the Arctic circle and Pacific ocean — and finally extended
their establishments to Hudson bay. A contest between this
company and the Hudson Bay company, marked with great bit-
terness and animosity, was carried on for many years, and
ended only in the coalition of the parties in 1821.

It was during these quarrels that the first company of Scotch
Highlanders sent out by Lord Douglas, Earl of Selkirk, arrived

FIKST SETTLEMENT ON RED KIVER. 423

at Red river. The Hudson Bay company, of course, favored
their settling there, while the NorVest sternly opposed it.
They feared that it might strengthen the Hudson Bay
company against them. They treated the emigrants kindly
in other respects. While they told them that they
must expect trouble if they attempted to settle at Red river,
they offered them a free passage to Canada and promised
to see them comfortably settled there. Remembering the ill-
treatment from some of the Hudson Bay company the pre-
vious winter, they more readily acceded to the proposal of the
Nor'west company, and they went to Canada that same sum-
mer and settled on the north of Lake Erie. (Judge Ross in his
corrections says, "A few of them went over the line into the
United States.")

According to the original plan a second and larger party
came over in 1815. The first party had written from Canada
to their parents, giving an account of their troubles, but their
letters were intercepted and never reached Scotland.

When this company of fathers and mothers arrived at Hud-
son bay they found at Fort York two of the children who were
sent out in 1812 to make them a home in America. These two
had refused to go with the rest to Canada, but were determined,
if possible, to find their way back to Scotland. These two told
the whole story. It was the first that the parents had heard
from their children in three long years. Their hearts fainted.
In bitter anguish they cried, ''What shall we do?— what can we
do?" They were refused a return passage to Scotland, and
could they go back, not one of them had a home in the land of
his birth. For them there was no alternative. They were
obliged to go forward, well aware that trouble was before
them.

Their fears were realized. It was seven long years before
they were comfortably and peacefully settled. Alex. Ross says
it was twelve years. Both parties are right, allowing them to
reckon from their different standpoints.

This second party arrived at Red river in October, 1815, but
not being able to get provision for the winter they went out on
the plains to hunt buffalo. In the spring they returned to Red
river; and notwithstanding the opposition of the Nor'west
company, who wished them to follow their children to Canada,
their lands were measured off according to the directions of

424 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

Lord Selkirk, and they put in their seed; but the threats
against them were so dreadful that they could not be happy.
Some of these threats were soon executed.

On the 19th of June, 1816, the Nor'west company, having
come from their hunting grounds, presented themselves at the
Hudson Bay company's fort on Red river. With them were a
company of men, mostly half-breeds — in all they numbered 70
men, well prepared for slaughter. Their plan was, first, to take
the fort, and thus to make themselves masters of the place;
next to kill all the Scotchmen to prevent their settling at Red
river, and should this be accomplished each one of these half-
breeds was to have a wife or daughter of the slain for his
services.

The Hudson Bay company, fearing an attack, had all gath-
ered into their fort, which was, at that time, a poor security
against such a company as stood, all mounted, before them.
Gov. Semple and two of the Hudson Bay company went out to
meet them — others gathered around to see what would follow.
Twenty-two were slaughtered and six were taken prisoners.
The massacre exhibited a scene of savage cruelty. The gov-
ernor fell first, and though helpless, was not mortally wounded.
He gave his gold watch to his antagonist to spare his life, but
he was soon after shot through the head by Ma-ji-ga-ba-ne, a
well-known conjurer and medicine man at Leech lake. The
governor's faithful servant, who held his master clasped in his
arms, shared a similar fate. Others pleaded for their lives,
declaring that they would go immediately to England and
never show themselve.i in this country again. But pleading
and promising were vain. The Scotch settlers, however, were
saved by a young Scotch half-breed who had been educated in
England — he interposed in their behalf. But they were saved
only on condition that they should all leave the place.

The dead, twenty-four in number, lay on the field, stripped
and mangled, till the evening of the next day. The fort Avas
then surrounded, and the conquered were allowed to bury their
dead. The conquerors furnished them a guard while doinj? it,
but still they feared that the more savage and bloodthirsty
among them might disobey orders ; and their slain were buried
superficially.

Early the next morning, June 21, the Scotch Highlanders
aU started off according to promise and went with the Hudson

FIRST SETTLEMENT ON RED RIVER. 425

Bay compauy to Fort York. Earl Selkirk, being in Canada,
heard of this outbreak, and sent soldiers to retake the fort.
This was done, and the subdued parties who had wintered at
Fort York, Hudson bay, returned to Red river in the summer
of 1817, but too late to cultivate their fields and lay up a sup-
ply for winter. In this distressed and unhappy condition Earl
Selkirk found his colony. This was the only time he ever saw
his possessions on Red river. The sight affected his health,
and is supposed to have shortened his life. He had expended
£80,000 on his colony, and it seemed to bring only trouble and
sorrow. The lands he had purchased of the Indians, excepting
what were occupied by the Highlanders, he made over to the
Hudson Bay company and returned to Europe.

When the party returned from Fort York, after Earl Sel-
kirk had retaken their fort, they met a horrible sight. The
wolves and dogs had taken from their shallow graves the bodies
of those they had buried in haste after the massacre and had
strewn them over the ground to a great distance. After re-
burying the dead, nearly the whole settlement, which at this
time had some additions from Europe, were driven by hunger
to winter again on the plains — a mixed company, as may be
seen from the fact that in their camp that winter they spoke
nine different languages. In the spring they returned and did
what they could to make themselves comfortable. They put in
what seed they had, but for three years their crops were
partly or entirely cut off by locusts. The first appearance of
the locusts was on a Sabbath. People going from church met a
cloud of them so dense that they with difficulty made their way
through it. The barley, then in the ear, was in two hours com-
pletely cut off. The wheat that year was saved. The locusts
deposited their eggs, and were soon gone. Afterwards they
were seen by voyagers on the shores of Lake Winnipeg, heaped
up in drifts as high as a man's head. The next year locusts
sprung up from the soil and destroyed everything. The year
following there were fewer locusts, but enough to destroy the
crops.

In 1821 the contending companies united under the name of
Hudson Bay company. Since that time all parties have been
wonderfully careful to make no allusion to past troubles, and
they are a happy community. The older children know but

426 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

little of former quarrels, and the younger children almost
nothing. The different parties, including the Scotch, are now
(1847) intermarrying with the full consent and approbation of
parents.

The present number of inhabitants is five thousand five hun-
dred, including the Indian settlement, which contains six hun-
dred. These Indians have always been under the care of Rev.
Mr. Cochrane. He is styled "Father of the Settlement." They
are in a good state of civilization, and are thriving.

When the two fur companies were united in 1821, a small lot
of land was given to each of their discharged servants. They
are settled between Fort Garry and Pembina. The Scotch and
English are farther down the river, between upper and lower
Fort Garry, occupying a distance along the river of eighteen
or twenty miles.

The Scotch are partial to the Presbyterian form of worship.
When they left Scotland they had promise of a preacher who
could speak Gaelic, and it was a grievous disappointment to
them that he did not come. At present (1848) nearly all un-
derstand English, but the few who cannot understand still
mourn, and still hope to see him before they die.

There are six Episcopal churches in the settlement, a Catho-
lic cathedral, one or two chapels and a nunnery. The Scotch
Highlanders worship with Episcopalians. There are seven
schools in the settlement. There is also an academy near Fort
Garry patronized by Hudson Bay company. Most of its pupils
have been children of the chief fur traders throughout Rupert's
land. It is a boarding school — they live in good style. Order
and neatness are visible throughout the whole establishment.
The boys are trained for business and the girls for wives and
mothers. Rev. J. Macallum, Mr. Jones' successor, has been
superintendent fifteen years.

The training of the children in the settlement is strictly re-
ligious. When children eat by themselves they always "say
grace." At the boaring school the pupils take turn in express-
ing thanks, even when the master is present at the table.

In the Scotch and English settlements, between upper and
lower Fort Garry, their houses, parks and cultivated fields are
between the river and the "king road" (carriage road). West
of this carriage road is an extensive prairie, where all their

FIRST SETTLEMENT ON RED RIVER. 427

cattle feed in common, and just before sunset they may be seen,
as far as the eye can reach, every man's herd taking a straight
course to its owner's gate. Their hay field, also, is in common
— far out on the plains — and that every man may have an
equal chance, it is the law of the place that no one shall com-
mence making hay till the 20th of July. They are a generous
people, but hard on tresspassers.

Very liberal premiums are given from the public treasury
to those who excel in the manufacture of any useful article.
A lady of the writer's acquaintance just received about |8 for
a small skein of very fine, nice yarn. So small was the skein
that she could easily pass it through her finger ring.

The people are industrious and economical. They card and
spin their own wool, and full their own cloth. This they do by
kicking it. When a web of cloth that they want fulled is
brought from the weavers a party of young men are invited in.
The cloth is wet in strong soapsuds and thrown on the floor.
The operators sit down, facing each other, with a support at
their backs, and commence their work. The time they kick de-
pends on how thick they want the cloth. The steam from the
cloth, added to the labor of kicking, gives them a good bath.
They retire to change their clothes for dry ones. In the mean-
time the women and girls are loading the tables, and a pleasant
pastime ends the scene.

The general hospitality of the Selkirkers is so great that it
must be both natural and acquired. They are not forgetful in
entertaining strangers. Travelers have only time to introduce
themselves before attention is paid to their w^ants. If tired
and foot-sore, a small tub of water is brought, and even the
matron, in her snowy-white, broad-ruffled cap, does not think
it beneath her dignity to kneel, and, with her own hands, dress
the feet of the w^eary stranger. They manifest the same kind
heart with folks at home. It seems a pleasure rather than a
hardship to the Scotch woman and girls when a father, hus-
band or brother, returned from a long trip on a cold, stormy
day, to take the whip from his hand and care for the team,
while he warms himself and partakes of refreshments that are
waiting for him. The women help in the harvest field. They
know as well as the men when grain is ready for the sickle,
and they do their share in harvesting the crops. Their fields

428 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

are not large, and they are near the houses. They have not
much market for produce. There is much work to be done in
which women cannot help. The principal jobs are getting hay
and wood, for which they go ten or fifteen miles. Very, very
few do that at present — 1847-8.

FREDERICK AYER. 429

FREDERICK AYER, TEACHER AND MISSIONARY TO
THE OJIBWAY INDIANS 1829 TO 1850.

(Written at request of Rev. Mr. Boutwell.)

Frederick Ayer was born in Stockbridge, Mass., in 1803.
When he was two years old the family moved to Central New
York. His father was a Presbyterian minister, and he in-
tended that his son should follow the same profession; but
before he was prepared his health failed and he turned his
attention to other business.

He commenced his labors for the Indians in 1829 by teach-
ing the mission school at Mackinaw under the superintend-
ence of Rev. Wm. M. Ferry. The pupils of this school were
not all O jib ways, but were from many different tribes and
spoke different languages.

Mackinaw was then a general depot of the North Ameri-
can fur traders. They brought not only their own children
to the school, but such others as parents among whom they
were trading wished to send. They were gathered from Lake
Winnipeg, B. A., north, to Prairie du Chien and the head of
Lake Michigan south. They were taught in English only.

In the summer of 1830 Mr. Ayer went to La Pointe, Lake
Superior, with Mr. Warren, opened a school and commenced
the study of the O jib way language. In 1831 he met at Macki-
naw Rev. Messrs. Hall and Boutwell, who were sent out by
the A. B. C. F. M. to the Indians, and he returned with Mr.
and Mrs. Hall and their interpreter to spend another winter
at La Pointe.

The next year, 1832, Mr. Ayer wintered with another trader
at Sandy Lake. He opened a school there and completed a
little. Ojibway spelling book, which was commenced at La
Pointe. In the spring of 1833 he left Sandy Lake for Utica,
N. Y., to get the book printed. Mr. Aitkin, with whom he had
wintered, gave him |80, and, with a pack on his back and an
experienced guide, he started on his journey. Before they
reached Sault Ste. Marie the ice in Lake Superior was so weak
that Mr. Ayer broke through and was saved only by carrying
horizontally in his hands a long pole to prevent his sinking.

430 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

(Before arriving at any settlement they were out of provisions;
but fortunately, providentially, I should say, they came to a
sugar camp. Here they got fish of the Indians and a quart
of corn, which they crushed between two stones, and this
sufficed till they reached Fort Brady.)

Mr. Ayer hastened on to complete the object of his journey
that he might return to Mackinaw in time to go up Lake Su-
perior with the traders.

Hitherto Mr. Ayer had been an independent worker. He
now put himself under the direction of the "American Board"
(he married a teacher of the Mackinaw school) and was sent
to Yellow Lake, Wis., within the present bounds of Burnett
county. Miss Delia Cook, whose name should never be for-
gotten among the early missionaries, of the American Board
to the Indians, and Miss Hester Crooks, daughter of Ramsey
Crooks, a girl educated at Mackinaw, and who had some ex-
perience in teaching, were among the number who coasted up
Lake Superior in a mackinaw boat; the former to La Pointe
mission, the latter to Yellow Lake, * with Mr. and Mrs. Ayer.
They wintered in Dr. Borup's family at La Pointe. Mrs. Borup
also had for some years been a pupil at Mackinaw. The next
year Miss Crooks married Rev. Mr. Boutwell and went to
Leech Lake; and John L. Seymour and Miss Sabrina Stevens,
sister of J. D. Stevens, also Henry Blatchford, an interpreter
from Mackinaw, were added to Yellow Lake mission. When
Mr. Ayer told the Indians his object in coming among them
they gave him a welcome. But six months later, seeing two
or three log houses in process of building, they were much
troubled, and met in a body to request him to go away. A
Menomonee, from the region of Green Bay, had stirred them
up, not against the missionaries, but against the general gov-
ernment. The speaker said: "It makes the Indians sad to
see the white man's house go up on their land. We don't
want you to stay; you must go." And further on he said:
"You shall go." Mr. Ayer answered him. The party left at
midnight, and the missionaries went to bed with heavy hearts,
thinking that they might be thrust out almost immediately.
But before sunrise the next morning about two-thirds of the

•Yellow Lake river, which flows into the St. Croix from the Wisconsin
side half way between Lake Superior and the Mississippi, is the outlet of
Yellow lake.

FREDERICK AYER. 431

same party returned and said they had come to take back
what they had said the night before. The war chief was
speaker, but his words were mild. ''Why," said he, "should
we turn these teachers away before they have done us any
harm?" They would like to have us stay, he said, but added
that they did not want ony more to come, for the result might
be the loss of their lands. We might use whatever their
country afforded, but they would not give us any land nor sell
us any. "For," said the speaker, "if we should sell our land
where would our children play?"

Mr. Ayer finished his school house and went on with his
work as though nothing had happened. But evidently things
were not as they should be. The old chief seemed to "sit on
the fence" ready to jump either way. The war chief was
always friendly, but he had not so much control over what con-
cerned us. He did what he could without giving offense and
was anxious that his daughter of fourteen years should be
taken into the mission family. Mr. Ayer remained two years
longer at Yellow Lake. In the meantime the chief of Snake
Kiver band sent messages inviting the teachers to come and
live among them. Accordingly in the spring of 1836 the
mission was removed to Pokaguma lake, eighteen miles up
the river. The chief did all he had promised, and showed
himself a man. Nothing was said here to remind the mis-
sionaries that they were using the Indians' wood, water and
fish. On the contrary, when they sold their land it was urged
that the teacher's children should be enrolled for annual
payment the same as their own. The chief said that as they
were born on the land it was no more than right, and he
wished it might be done. Franklin Steele was the first white
man who came to visit the missionaries at Yellow Lake. For
sufficient reasons, Mr. and Mrs. Seymour had gone to Quincy,
111., to pursue their studies, and Rev. Mr. Boutwell and Mr.
Ely had been added to the mission. A school had been
opened, some Indian houses built, gardens enlarged, a church
organized, and the future looked hopeful. "But things have
an end."

In 1840 the Sioux selected this settlement as the place to
avenge the wrongs of the Ojibways— some of recent date; the
principal of which was the killing of two sons of Little Crow,
done in self-defense, between Pokaguma and the Falls of the
St. Croix.

432 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

The Sioux arrived at Pokaguma in the night and stopped
on the opposite side of the lake, two miles from the mission.
The main body went to the other side, and, after examin-
ing the ground where they intended to operate, hid among
the trees and brush back of the Indian gardens, with orders
that all keep quiet on both sides of the lake till the given
signal, when the Indians were busy in their gardens, and
then make quick work. But their plans failed. Most of the
Ojibways of the settlement had, from fear of the Sioux, slept
that night on an island half a mile out in the lake (I mean
the women and children), and were late to their gardens. In
the meantime a loaded canoe was nearing the opposite shore,
and the few Sioux who had remained there to dispatch any
who, in time of battle, might attempt to escape by crossing
over, fired prematurelj^ This gave the alarm and saved the
Ojibways. The chief ran to Mr. Ayer's door and said ex-
pressively, "The Sioux are upon us," and was off. They seemed
at once to understand that the main bod^^ of the enemy was
close at hand. The missionaries stepped out of the door and
had just time to see a great splashing of water across the
lake, when bullets came whizzing about their ears, and they
went in. The Sioux had left their hiding place, and the bat-
tle commenced in earnest. Most of the women and children
of the settlement were yet on the island. The house of the
war chief was well barricaded, and most of the men gathered
in there. The remainder took refuge in a house more ex-
posed at the end of the village. The enemy drew up very
near and fired in at the window. One gun was made useless,
being indented by a ball. The owner retired to a corner and
spent the time in prayer. The mother of the house, with her
small children, was on her way to the island under a shower
of bullets, calling aloud on God for help.

The missionaries, seeing from their window quantities of
bloody flesh thrown upon stumps in the battlefield, thought
surely that several of their friends had fallen. It proved to
be only a cow and a calf of an Ojibway. The mission children
were much frightened, and asked many questions, and for
apparent safety went up stairs, and were put behind some
well-filled barrels. In the heat of the battle two Ojibways
came from the island and landed in front of Mr. Ayer's house.
Thev drew their canoe ashore and secreted themselves as

FREDERICK AYER. 433

well as surroundings would permit. Not long after three
Sioux ran down the hill and toward the canoe. They were
fired upon and one fell dead. The other two ran for help,
but before they could return the Ojibways were on the way
back to the island. Not having time to take the scalp of
their enemy, they hastily cut the powder horn strap, dripping
with blood, from his breast as a trophy of victory. The Sioux
drew the dead body up the hill and back to the place of fight-
ing. The noise ceased. The battle was over. The mission-
aries soon heard the joyful words, quietly spoken, "We still
live." Not a warrior had fallen. The two school girls who
were in the canoe at the first firing in the morning were the
only persons killed, though half of the men and boys in the fight
were wounded.

The Sioux women and boys who had come with their war-
riors to carry away the spoil had the chagrin of returning as
empty as they came.

The Ojibways were careful that no canoes should be left with-
in reach of the Sioux. The Sioux marauders found a log canoe,
made by Mr. Ely, and removed their dead two miles up the
river, dressed them (seemingly) in the best the party could
furnish, with each a double-barreled gun, a tomahawk and
scalping-knife, set them against some large trees and went
on their way. (Some of these articles, also their elegant (?)
head-dresses were sent to the museum of the American Board
in Boston.)

In the closing scene the missionaries had the opportunity
of seeing the difference between those Indians who had list-
ened to instructions and those who had not. The second
day after the battle the pagan party brought back to the island
the dead bodies of their enemies, cut in pieces, and distributed
parts to such Ojibways as had at any time lost friends by the
hands of the Sioux. One woman, whose daughter was killed
and mutilated on that memorable morning, when she saw the
canoes coming with a head raised in the air on a long pole,
waded out into the water, grabbed it like a hungry dog and
dashed it repeatedly on the stones with savege fierceness.
Others of the pagans conducted themselves in a similar man-
ner. They even cooked some of the flesh that night in their
kettles of rice. Eunice (as she was named at her baptism) was
offered an arm. At first she hesitated; but for reasons, suffi-

4.34 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

cient in her own mind, thought best to take it. Her daughter-
in-law, widow of the son w^ho had recently been killed and
chopped in pieces by the Sioux, took another, and they went
into their lodge. Eunice said, "My daughter, we must not do
as some of our friends are doing. We have been taught bet-
ter." And, taking some white cloths from her sack, they
wrapped the arms in them, offered a prayer and gave them a
decent burial.

About this time a Mr. Kirkland was sent from Quincy, 111.,
by a party who wished to plant a colony not far from
the mission station. He arrived at Pokaguma very soon after
the battle. Notwithstanding what had happened he selected
a location on Cross lake, just where a railroad has now been
in operation for some years (Pine City). He w^orked vigorously
for two or three weeks and then went to consult the Indian
agent and the military at Fort Snelling. They gave him no en-
couragement that the two tribes would ever live in peace and
he went home.

The O jib ways lived in constant fear, and the place was soon
deserted. This was a great trial to the missionaries, but they
did not urge them to stay. They separated into small parties
and went where they could get a living for the present and be
out of danger. The teachers remained at their post, occasion-
ally visiting the Indians in their retreat, hoping they might
soon think it safe to return to their homes. In this they were
disappointed. These visits were not always very safe. On
one of these trips Mr. Ayer was lost, and from cold and hunger
came near perishing. Not finding the party he sought, he wan-
dered about for a day or two. In the meantime the weather
became much colder. Not expecting to camp out he took only
one blanket and food enough for one meal. In crossing Kettle
river on a self-made conveyance, and there being ice on the op-
posite shore, he got wet. The Indians, anticipating his visit,
had sent a young man to the mission station to guide him to
their new locality. He returned in haste, fell on Mr. Ayer's
track, and a light sprinkle of snow enabled him to follow it till
he was found.

In 1842 Mr. Ayer went with his family to the States, and in
Oberlin was ordained preached to the Ojibways. He soon re-
turned to the Indian country, and David Brainerd Spencer, an
Oberlin student w^ent with him. They spent the winter of

FREDERICK AYER. 435

1842-3 in traveling from one trading post to another, selecting
locations for missionary labor. For their own field they chose
Red Lake. When Mrs. Ayer, with her two little boys, six and
eight years old, went to join her husband at the new station,
Alonzo Barnard and wife and S. G. Wright, all of Oberlin col-
lege, went with her. Other missionaries soon followed, and
that station was for many years supplied with efficient labor-
ers. More recently the work there was assigned to Bishop
Whipple, and is still carried on. The Red Lake Indians were
a noble band — they had a noble chief. In civilization he led
the way, in religion he did not oppose. He shouldered a heavy
ax, and could be seen chopping on one side of a large tree in
profuse perspiration, while his wife was on the other side help-
ing what she could with her hatchet. This chief was also an
advocate of temperance. Not that he did not love whisky, but
he hated the effect of it on his band. He dictated a letter to
the president, begging him not to let the white-faces bring any
more fire-water to his people, giving as one reason that they
had teachers among them who must be protected, and if they
had whisky he did not know what might happen.

In the church there was much childish simplicity. Once,
when Mr. Ayer was lecturing on the eighth commandment, he
paused, and, without expecting an answer, said : "Now who is
there among you who has not stolen?" One woman began to
confess, another followed, then another. One thought she had
stolen about seven times. Another entered more into particu-
lars, mentioning the things she had stolen, till the scene was
quite amusing. Another rose to confess, but was cut short by
her husband, who said : "Who knows how many times she has
stolen? We are a nation of thieves." And with a few re-
marks the meeting closed.

Mr. Ajer's health required more out-door exercise, and early
in 1849 he left Red Lake, taking with him his eldest son, and
went to the frontier of the newly purchased territory, locating
on the east bank of the Mississippi river about twenty miles be-
low the Crow Wing river (now Belle Prairie, 1894). His plan
was to open an independent school there for the more advanced
and promising children in different parts of the Ojibwa coun-
try. His wife and other son joined them in July, but in three
weeks after the son passed away like a flower, to the great
grief of the lonely little family. But Mr. Ayer was prospered

436 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

in his undertaking. Tliat same year he raised a crop of pota-
toes and oats, for all of which those who were building Fort
Ripley gave him |1 a bushel, taking them from the field.

J. C. Burbank (afterwards prominent in business in St. Paul)
was hired to hew the frame of a school house, and while Mr.
Ayer was putting it up his wife went to the Eastern states and
got money to foot the bill and at the same time engaged teach-
ers. Mr. E. D. Neill said it was the best school house in the
territory at that time.

Several of the fur traders and others gave him some aid, and
when the school was opened sent their children. At first all
the pupils had more or less Ojibway blood flowing in their veins.
Over twenty were taken into the family, but in process of time,
as the country settled, the school became more white than In-
dian. Mr. Ayer was particular to have good help. During the
progress of the school one gentleman and two ladies from Ver-
mont, two ladies from Mount Holyoke seminary, two from the
college in Galesburg, 111,, a Mrs. Mahan of Oberlin and two or
three others were for a longer or shorter time assistants in the
work. They had a varying number of pupils till the commence-
ment of the civil war and the Indiaji outbreak. When a dis-
trict school was first organized it was joined with Mr. Ayer's
school and remained so for some years.

Mr. Ayer's health improved, and when, after the war, men
and women were called to go among the freedmen, he and
his wife offered their services. In 1865 they were sent to Gal-
latin, Tenn., but finding the place occupied by earnest Quakers,
they went to open a school in Atlanta, Ga. He stopped at
Chattanooga and shipped a soldiers' chapel for a school house.
Ten days after his wife joined him, and they immediately com-
menced school in the African church. On the first day they
had seventy-five pupils — on the next day over one hundred. In
less than a week the chapel was ready for use, more teachers
had arrived, and both houses were filled. The work increased
rapidly, and Mr. Ayer was obliged to leave the schools to at-
tend to other matters. But his place was filled in the person
of the late Mr. Ware, president of Atlanta university. The
American Missionary association built two large houses under
his supervision and remodeled another. His varied duties led
to an acquaintance with different classes of men, and all
seemed to respect him. He looked on most of them with favor,

FBEDEEICK AYER. 437

and the feeling was reciprocated. His first year in Atlanta
was a peculiarly trying one. Members of families who had
been long separated were in search of each other. They were
cold and hungry. Mr. Ayer, by little and little, from his own
private purse, saved many from star\'ation. He gave them no
money, but for some time he had quite a bill to pay monthly at
a grocer's. He gave tickets of small value for something eata-
ble, just enough to keep them from starvatioa Many did
starve — both whites and negroes. Many others fed themselves
by digging bullets from embankments in and around the city.
There were others who lived by gathering bones, which were
stacked in the heart of the city till they were shipped and
ground to fertilize the surrounding country. It was whispered
by anatomists that there was a large sprinkle of human bones
among them. At the same time the smallpox was raging in
the city.

Mr. Ayer organized a Congregational church and had a bap-
tistry connected with the house of worship (Storrs school)
that he might baptize by immersion, or otherwise, according to
the wishes of the candidate. He also formed a temperance
society, which, some months before his death, numbered more
than six hundred members.

He was sick only three weeks, and in that time he was car-
ried out two or three days to attend to important business
which no other could as well do. To facilitate labor, his son,
who, with his wife, had remained South after the war, had
given -his horse to his father and the latter bought himself a
buggy. This enabled him to accomplish twice the work he
could otherwise have done. In that hot climate he was indus-
trious to a fault. He worked in summer as well as in winter,
and seemed to enjoy it. "The spirit of a man sustaineth his
infirmity." But his work was done.

At his death there was great lamentation. One aged rebel,
w^ho had lost a small fortune by the war, embraced the corpse,
and, with sobs, said: "If he had not holpen me I should have
gone before him." Many others, in word or action, expressed
a similar feeling. All classes of people were represented at his
funeral to the number (as was estimated) of three thousand.
His remains w ere buried in Atlanta cemetery, Oct. 1, 1867.

Thus passed away one who had spent a life for the benefit of
others.

438 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

Mbs. Nancy McClurk-Huggan.

THE STOEY OF NANCY M'CLURE. 439

THE STORY OF NANCY McCLURE.

CAPTIVITY AMONG THE SIOUX.

1 was born at Mendota, then called St. Peters, in 1836. My
father was Lieut. James McClure, an officer in the regular army
stationed at Fort Snelling for several years. He was a native
of Pennsylvania and graduated from the West Point Military
academy in 1833, and was sent to Fort Snelling to join his regi-
ment soon after. In the fall of 1837 he was ordered to Florida,
and died at Fort Brooke, near Tampa Bay, in the month of
Aprii following, at the earlj^ age of twenty-six. Of course I
cannot remember him, but from what my mother and others
have told me, I feel very proud that I had such a father. He
was a brave, gallant and noble man, and had he lived he prob-
ably would have made a good record, and my life would have
been far different from what it has been. He married my
mother at Fort Snelling, and she always cherished his memory.
Not long ago some letters of his were found among the papers
of Gen. Sibley at St. Paul, and they show that he loved dearly
m3^ mother and me, his only child. I know very little of my rel-
atives on my father's side. It is only lately, through the help
of Gov. Marshall and another gentleman in St. Paul, that I
have been able to hear directly from any of them, though I
have tried for many years often and over again; but I am now
in communication with them, and it gives me much happiness.

On my mother's side I know my family history pretty well.
My great-great-grandfather was named Ta-te-mannee, or the
Walking Wind. He was one of the principal chiefs of the
great Sioux or Dakota Indian nation of Minnesota. My great-

Thls narrative was written for the Minnesota Historical societj', but, by per-
mission, appeared in the St. Paul Pioneer Press June 3, 1894, as one of Its
series of "Pioneer" historical sketches. W. R. M.

Mrs. McClure-Haggan's father was Lieut. .Tames MoClure, of the United States
army. She was born in Mendota in 1836. Her mother was daughter of a Da-
kota chief. Her father died in Florida in 1838. His letters (among Gen. Sib-
ley's papers in possession of the Historical society) show ?reat afprction and
solid Inde for hi.-> daughter, for whose care and education he provided.

W. R. M.

440 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

grandfather's name was Ma-ga-iyah-he, or the Alighting Goose.
He was a sub-chief and a noted man. Of him Neill's History of
Minnesota (page 903), giving an account of happenings at Fort
Snelling in 1828, says :

"One day this month (February) an old Sioux named Ma-ga-
iyah-he visited the fort and produced a Spanish commission,
dated A. D. 1781, and signed by Col. Francisco Cruzat, military
governor of Louisiana, the valley of the Minnesota at that time
having been a portion of the Spanish domain, subsequently
ceded to France."

I think it probable this commission had been given to my
great-great-grandfather, the Walking Wind, and that he jour-
neyed away down to St. Louis to receive it from his Spanish
"Father." I do not, of course, know the circumstances, but
would like to. The Indians greatly prize papers of this kind,
and take good care of them, sometimes preserving them for
many years. I have in my possession a paper given the Walk-
ing Wind in 1806, by Gov. William Clark, Indian commis-
sioner. I am now trying to find the Spanish commission, and
think I have discovered a trace of it. I know that some of my
Indian relatives have some old papers, and I hope it is among
them. But when I was a little girl my mother told me that
once on a time, fifty years ago, some of my great-grandfather's
brothers were drowned in a flood on the Missouri river. They
were encamped on the river bottom, and during the night the
water suddenly rose and swept them and nearly all the village
away. It may be that they had this paper, and that it was lost
with them.

The name of my mother's father was Manza-ku-te-mannee, or
the Walking Shooting Iron — or gun. Another Indian of the
same name, though commonly called Paul, was known to many
of the old settlers and noted for his many services to the
whites. My grandfather died when mother was about six
years old, and she was raised by my grandmother. My
mother's name was Winona, and my Indian name is also
Winona, which, among the Sioux, means the first-born female
child, and is as common a name among the Indians as Mary
is among the white people. She was born at Redwood Falls.
When she was young she was a very pretty woman, and very
nice always. Before she met my father she was courted by

THE STORY OF NANCY M'CLUKE 441

two respectable mixed-blood gentlemen, Joseph Montreille and
Antoine Renville, and Mr. Montreille wanted very badly to
marry her; but the young white officer, my father, won her
heart. Two years after my father's death, though, she married
Antoine Renville, and removed to Big Stone lake. His father,
Joseph Renville, was a very prominent trader in early days.
There were three children by her second marriage — Sophia,
now living at the Sisseton agency. South Dakota; Isaac, now
a Presbyterian minister at that agency, and William, now dead.
My stepfather, Mr. Renville, id ways treated me very kindly,
and I have nothing but respect for his memory. My dear
mother died at Lac qui Parle in 1850, after a long illness. I
was with her and cared for her a long time, and her death
nearly broke my heart. My stepfather died a true Christian
death in 1884.

Until I was about two years old I lived with my mother at
Mendota, where I was born. Then my grandmother took me
to live with her at Traverse des Sioux, and cared for me two
years. Then, as mother was married again, and wished it so
much, I went to live with her and my stepfather at Lac qui
Parle, and my home was with them for ten years, or until my
mother's death.

I had a pretty good start in the world for a poor little half-
blood "chincha," if all the good intentions toward me had been
carried out. By a treaty made with the Indians in 1837 the
mixed-blood children were each to receive a considerable sum
of money — 1500, I think. My money, with that of some other
children, was put into the hands of a man named B. F. Baker, —
the Indians called him "Blue Beard," — a trader at Fort Snell-
ing, to be held by him in trust for us. But in 1841 he went
down the river and died at St. Louis, and that was the last of
the money. I never got a cent of it. There is a record of all
this matter, but there might as well not be. My father, when
he was in Florida, wrote to Gen. Sibley, who was then at Men-
dota— but he was not a general then, only the head trader —
and sent him money to provide for mother and me. Then,
when I was about eight years old, Mr. Martin McLeod — I think
all the old settlers of Minnesota know who he was — began to
give me clothing, one or two suits every year, out of his store.
He said my father had loaned him some money, and when he

442 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

was sent away, he (Mr. McLeod) could not pay him, and that
my father told him to pay when he could, but to see that my
mother and I were cared for, and if anything happened to my
father the money was to be mine. I have forgotten the
amount; I think it was |700, and yet that seems too large a
sum. I do not pretend to know how much I got of it. After
I was married Mr. McLeod came to see me and gave ine what
he said was the last of it, I think it was |15, but I am not cer-
tain. Of one thing I am certain — he gave me a good scolding
for getting married.

When I was a very little girl, perhaps about eight years old,
1 was put to school. My mother was very anxious that I
should be educated, and that I should become a good Christian.
It was lucky that those noble men and women, the mission-
aries, had established schools among us at that early day, and
were willing to make such sacrifices of their own comfort to
instruct the Indians in the true way of life. I try to be grate-
ful to those dear souls for what they did for me and others,
and yet I feel that I can never be sufiSciently so. The first
school I attended was the Rev. Dr. Thomas Williamson's at Lac
qui Parle. While here I was the only girl that boarded in the
Doctor's household, and was treated as one of the family.
Quite a number of the other Indian children attended the
school during the day, but they went home to their parents at
night. Some of them lived in lodges or "tepees." Dr. William-
son's sister taught us. I do not remember her full name; we
always called her "Aunt Jane." They were most excellent peo-
ple and true Christians. I attended this school for two years,
when Dr. Williamson removed to another Indian village at
Traverse des Sioux. Rev. Adams took Dr. Williamson's place
as missionary at Lac qui Parle. When the Doctor and his
family were about to leave Lac qui Parle they were very anx-
ious to have me go with them, and I was just as anxious to
go; but my mother was not willing I should leave her to go
so far away. I stayed with them to the last minute, and when
they were ready to start "Aunt Jane" said she would go part
of the way home with me, for I had two miles to walk to my
stepfather's house. She went about half the way, and then
came the time for us to part. I was only a little girl, but I
was in great distress and sorrow at losing my friend. She

THE STORY OF NANCY M'CLUEE. 443

took my hands in hers and talked to me a long time. Then
we kneeled down and she prayed long and earnestly; then we
parted, and I ran home crying, and was the most miserable
girl in the w^orld, and I never saw dear "Aunt Jane" any more.

While at Dr. Williamson's school I had my first "Indian
scare." How well I remember it! It was some time in the
summer. The Doctor had some pretty young calves in a little
yard near the house. He had three or four young children at this
time, and we used to water these calves and care for them in
other ways, and each of us claimed one. One day we heard
an Indian coming toward the house, singing in a wild s(*rt of
wsij, and when we looked out we saw that he was drunk.
He came up, jumped into the yard where the calves were,
sprang at them like a panther, and killed every one of the little
innocent creatures with his cruel knife. We were all terrified
at the sickening sight, and screamed at the top of our voices.
My stepfather's house was not very far away, and I ran to it
as fast as I could and told him. He came at once and stopped
the wicked wretch from doing any further damage and drove
him away. When the mother cows came home that evening
and smelled the blood of their murdered offspring they filled
the air with their wailings, and we children all had a good
cry. I felt very wretched that night, but little did I think
then that I was destined in after years to witness far more
dreadful scenes.

After Dr. Williamson moved away I was sent to Jonas Pet-
tijohn's school at Lac qui Parle. Here four of us mixed-blood
girls boarded in the house. Rose Renville was one of them,
and she was my roommate. The other two were named Caro-
line and Julia. I do not remember their family names; in-
deed I do not think they had any, except, perhaps, their Indian
names. I attended this school for two years. Mrs. Riggs was
our teacher. At these mission schools we girls were given re-
ligious instruction and taught reading, writing and something
of the other lower branches, and to sew, knit, and, as we grew
older, to spin, weave, cook and do all kinds of housework. We
were taught first in Indian, then in English. I was not much
of a little numskull, and I learned pretty fast and without
much difficulty. My teachers were very kind to me — praised
me and encouraged me, and I hope I did not give them very
much trouble.

444 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

I remember another trouble we had while I was at Petti-
john's school. About this time the work of the missionaries
among the Indians was beginning to show. A great many
were joining the church and becoming good Christians. The
Indians, who were still in heathenism — or belonged to the
"medicine dance," as we called them — did not like this. One
Sunday when we went to church, twenty or thirty "medicine"
Indians, all armed, were at the building and calling out that
they would take away the blankets from all who entered and
destroy them. In those days every Indian who could get one
wore a blanket. We girls had one apiece, and on Sundays,
when we went to church, we took care to have a nice clean
one to wrap our little brown forms in, and we were as proud
of it as the grandest lady in the land can be to-day of her seal-
skin. I can tell you, too, that it was not an easy matter for
an Indian to get a blanket, either. A good one cost |5, and
that was a big sum then. But the threats of the "medicine
men'' did not stop the Christian Indians from entering the
church. They very readily gave up their blankets and went
in to worship God, and to pray to him that he would soften the
hearts of their wicked brethren outside and make them his
servants, too. After we all got in and the services began, the
men outside began to shoot at the church bell as at a target.
They shot it several times, and actually cracked it so that it
would not ring. Kev. S. R. Riggs was the preacher that day,
and he was so affected that he cried before us all.

Mr. Riggs suffered many other insults from those Tudians.
He lived in the next house to Mr. Petti John's, only a few steps
away. One day in winter he was hauling wood with an ox
team, and some Indians came and shot the oxen while they
were hitched to the load. I think this was all the team Mr.
Riggs had at the time. The Indians acted very badly, and I
thought they would kill the people next, but after they had
cut up the meat so that they could carry it they took it and
went away. It was in the winter, as I have said, and meat was
scarce and could not well be had without going out on the
plains where the buffalo were, and it was easier to kill the
missionary's oxen than to do that.

When I left Mr. Petti John's school I went home to take care
of my mother, who was sick. As she was confined to her bed
so long, I did not get to return to school for some time. Her

THE STORY OF NANCY M'CLUEE. 445

death was a great blow to me, for we were much attached to
each other, and now I was left alone in the world, an orphan
girl of fourteen, with no one to care for me but my Indian rela-
tives, and though they were kind enough, I did not wish to
live with them. How much I longed to be with some of my
father's people then, I cannot tell you. I was always more
white than Indian in my tastes and sympathies, though I never
had cause to blush for my Indian blood on account of the char-
acter of my family. My mother knew my disposition and
hopes and ambitions, and, on her death bed, she told me to
either stay with my grandmother, who had raised her, or go
to Rev. Mr. Hopkins, one of the missionaries, and not to
stav with the Indians. During mother's illness Rev. Adams
and his good wife, the missionaries at Lac qui Parle, came
often to see her, and were most kind to her. When she died
the body was dressed and prepared for burial by Mrs. Riggs,
my former teacher, who was the wife of Rev. S. R. Riggs. Mr.
and Mrs. Adams were here in 1891, and I had a good long talk
with them over the old times. They live in St. Paul now.

So, after mother's death, I went to Mr. Hopkins and was
taken into his school at Traverse des Sioux. I attended his
school for about six months. His wife was my teacher. While
here my intimate schoolmates were Victoria Auge and her sis-
ter, Julia La Framboise, three mixed-blood girls, and Martha
Riggs, a daughter of Rev. S. R. Riggs, the missionary. I
learned very fast at this school, for I was now almost a woman.
I was large for my age and strong and active. I could do all
kinds of housework, and was a pretty good seamstress. My
home was with my Indian grandmother, and I was the maid
of all work. I was often flattered, and I am afraid I became a
little vain. I know that I used to try to dress myself well and
to appear well. I was fond of reading, and read what I could,
but reading matter was scarce. One thing we had in plenty
that I liked — flowers. The prairies were full of them, and I
delighted to gather them.

In the summer of 1851 a great event happened at the
Traverse des Sioux. This was the celebrated treaty between
the government and the Indians, when the Sioux sold all their
land in Minnesota to the whites. It was a grand affair. All
the bands of Indians were there in great numbers. The com-
missioners came up, and with them a number of other white

446 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

men, traders, attorneys, speculators, soldiers, etc. They had
great times, to be sure, and I have always wondered how so
much champagne got so far out on the frontier ! Gov. Ramsey
was there, the governor of the new territory, a handsome man
with a kindly face; he was a commissioner. Mr. Luke Lea, a
one-legged man, was another commissioner. Another man
with the commissioners was Mr. Hugh Tyler. He was a young
man, very smart, with attractive manners, and a fine talker;
he was there as an attorney for the traders, who were to get
something by the treaty on old debts that the Indians ow^ed
them. Mr. Tyler came often to my grandmother's "tepee" to
see me, and when he left he gave me a little Bible with his
name in it.

Gov. Ramsey, too, came two or three times to see me. I re-
member well that he came once with Mr. Luke Lea. My
grandmother and I had two tents, or ''tepees." One we used
to cook and eat in, and the other was what might be called
our parlor. The Governor and Mr. Lea came into the parlor
tent, and, after a few minutes, they said : "Well, you are very
nicely fixed here, but we don't see anything to eat." Then I
laughed, because I saw that thej thought we had but one tent
and did not know of our kitchen ; but I said nothing, though it
was true that we did not have a very great supply. When
they left. Gov. Ramsey told me to send my grandmother over
to headquarters and he would give her some provisions. So
she went over, and they gave her more good things than she
could carry. I suppose that was what might be called an
Indian trick played off on Gov. Ramsey.

Soon after this I was married. I was only about sixteen,
and too young to marry, but nothing w^ould do my lover but
I must marry him, and I suppose many another woman, from
her own experience, knows how it was. My husband was David
Faribault, a son of John Baptiste Faribault, one of the first
Frenchmen in Minnesota. He was a mixed-blood, a tall, fine
looking man, and had a good reputation. He was a trader and
very well-to-do for those days. I went to Gen. Sibley for ad-
vice on this subject, for we all looked up to him in those days
and thought whatever he said was right. He advised me to
marry Mr. Faribault, said he was a good man, a fine money-
maker and would always treat me well. So at last I consented
and the wedding day was set.

THE STORY OF NANCY M^CLUBE. 447

The wedding came off at the time of the treaty, and it was
quite an occasion. There was a great crowd present, Indians
and whites. ' I wore a pretty white bridal dress, white slippers
and all the rest of the toilet, and I had taken pains to look
so as to please my husband, and all those grand gentlemen
crowded about me and made so many pretty speeches and paid
me so many nice compliments that they quite turned my young
and foolish head. Gov. Ramsey, Gen. Sibley, Mr. Lea, Mr.
Tyler and all the rest were there, and some army officers, too,
and so were the head chiefs and principal men of the great
Sioux nation, and the affair even got into the papers. There
was a wedding dinner, too, and somebody furnished wines and
champagne for it, and I was toasted and drunk to, over and
over again. I could do nothing in return for these compli-
ments but bow my thanks, for I was a stout Presbyterian then
and a teetotaler, and I would not take even the smallest sip
of the lightest wine on any account.

About a month after my marriage a man came out from the
East searching for me. He told me he had been sent by my
father's people to take me back to them. I was much dis-
tressed. But I was a wife now, and my duty was with my
husband, and I could not go. The man seemed disappointed
when he found I was married, and would not ta^k to me or
give me any information. I do not know who he was, but I
heard that he died on his way back to Pennsylvania, or
wherever he came from.

Two years after I was married I went down to St. Louis with
my husband. He was going down to purchase a stock of goods
and some horses. We went to St. Paul, and there took a
steamboat, which was owned and commanded by Louis Robert.
Mrs. Robert went with us, and we had such a delightful time
throughout the trip. I saw so many things I had long wanted
to see, the great city — though it really wasn't very great then
— and the thousand other sights. On the boat, both going
down and coming back, were a great many fine ladies and gen-
tlemen, and they were all very kind to me. Indeed, the young
Indian wife (I was only eighteen then) had far more attention
than she deserved. In one thing I was disappointed. I had
hoped that among so many people I would find someone that
knew my father, but I did not. Mrs. Robert was my guide
and kept me from becoming embarrassed, and I enjoyed myself

448 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SO much. She and her husband have been dead some years,
but I think all the people in St. Paul must know who they
were, for they lived there so long, and there is a street in St.
Paul named for Capt. Robert.

Some time after my marriage my husband and I removed to
Shakopee, where my husband continued in trade with the In-
dians for, I think, two years. He trusted the Indians to a
large amount and they never paid him. Then we moved to Le
Sueur and lived one year; then to Faribault, where we lived
four years, and then to Redwood agency, where we were living
at the time of the great Indian outbreak of August, 1862.
Then it was that sad and hard times fell upon us and nearly
crushed us.

At the time of the outbreak we were living two miles from
the Redwood agency, on the road to Fort Ridgely. We had a
log house, but it was large and roomy and very well furnished.
When we first came my husband intended engaging in farm-
ing and stock raising, but he soon got back to his former busi- '
ness, trading with the Indians, and when they rose against
the whites he had trusted them for very nearly everything he
had, for they were very hard up, and the other stores would
not trust them for anything. Besides the goods he sold them
on credit, he let them have fourteen head of cattle for food.
The winter and spring before had been very enjoyable to me.
There were a good many settlers in the country, some few
French families among them, and the most of them were young
married people of pleasant dispositions. We used frequently
to meet at one another's houses in social gatherings, dancing
parties and the like, and the time passed very pleasantly. I
was twenty-five years of age then, had but one child and could
go about when I wanted to, and I went frequently to these
gatherings and came to know a good many people. Then
came the summer, and the Indians came down to the agency
to receive their annual payments under the treaty of 1851;
but the paymaster with the money was delayed on the road
untU the time for the payment had passed. He was at Fort
Ridgely with the money, all in gold, when the Indians rose.
There were mutterings of trouble for some time, but at last it
seemed the danger had passed away.

On the very morning of the outbreak my husband and I
heard shooting in the direction of the agency, but supposed

THE STORY OF NANCY M^CLURE. 449

that the Indians were out shooting wild pigeons. As the
shooting increased I went to the door once or twice and loolx:ed
toward the agency, for there was something unusual about
it. My husband was out attending to the milking. All at
once a Frenchman named Martelle came galloping down the
road from the agency, and, seeing me in the door, he called
out : "Oh, Mrs. Faribault, the Indians are killing all the white
people at the agency! Kun away, run away quick!" He did
not stop or slacken his speed, but waved his hand and called
out as he passed. There was blood on his shirt, and I presume
he was wounded.

My husband and I were not prepared for trouble of this kind.
Our best horses and wagons were not at home. We had two
horses in the stable and harness for them, but no wagon. My
husband told me to get my saddle ready and we would go
away on horseback, both of us being good riders. We were
getting ready to do this when we saw a wagon, drawn by two
yoke of oxen and loaded with people, coming down the road
at a good trot. My husband said we would wait and see what
these people would say. When they came up to us we saw
there were five or six men, three or four women and some
children, and they were all in great fright. They asked us to
put our horses to their wagon — as they could travel faster than
oxen — and to get in with them. This we agreed to do, and
soon had the change made. When they were harnessing the
horses I ran to the house to try to secure some articles of
value, for as yet we had taken nothing but what we had on
our backs, and I had many things I did not want to lose.
Woman-like, I tried first to save my jewelry, which I kept in
a strong drawer. This drawer was swelled and I could not
open it, and I was running for an ax to burst it, when my hus-
band said, "Let it go — they are ready to start." So I took my
dear little daughter, who was eight years old and my only child,
and we started for the wagon. Just as I was about to get in —
everybody else was in — I looked up the road toward the
agency and saw the Indians coming. I was afraid they would
overtake the wagon; so I declined to get in, and my husband
got out with me, and we took our child and ran for the woods,
while the wagon started off, the men lashing the horses every
jump.

—27

550 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

Just as we started for the woods, Louis Brisbois and his wife
and two children, mixed-blood people, came up and went with
us. We all hid in the wood. In a few minutes the Indians
came up, and somehow they knew we were hidden, and they
called out very loudly: "Oh, Faribault, if you are here, come
out; we won't hurt you." My husband was armed and- had
determined to sell his life for all it would bring, and I had en-
couraged him; but now it seemed best that we should come
out and surrender, and so we did. The Indians at once dis-
armed my husband. They seemed a little surprised to see the
Brisbois family, and declared they would kill them, as they
had not agreed to spare their lives. Poor Mrs. Brisbois ran
to me and asked me to save her, and she and her husband got
behind me, and I began to beg the Indians not to kiU them.
My husband asked the Indians what all this meant — what they
were doing anyhow. They replied, "We have killed all the
white people at the agency; all the Indians are on the war-
path; we are going to kill all the white people in Minnesota;
we are not going to hurt you, for you have trusted us with
goods, but we are going to kill these Brisbois." And then one
ran up and struck over my shoulder and hit Mrs. Brisbois a
cruel blow^ in the face, saying she had treated them badly at
one time. Then I asked them to wait until I got away, as I
did not want to see them killed. This stopped them for half
a minute, when one said: "Come to the house." So we
started for the house, and just then two more wagons drawn
by oxen and loaded with white people came along the road.
All the Indians left us and ran yelling and whooping to kill
them.

We went into the house. At the back part of the house was
a window, and a little beyond was a corn field. I opened the
window and put the Brisbois family out of it, and they ran into
the corn field and escaped. They are living somewhere in Min-
nesota to-day. The. white people were nearly all murdered.
I could not bear to see the sickening sight, and so did not look
out, but while the bloody work was being done an Irish woman,
named Hayden came running up to the house crying out for
me to save her. I saw that she was being chased by a young
Indian that had once worked for us, and I called to him to
spare her, and he let her go. I heard that she escaped all

THE STORY OF NANCY M'CLURE. 451

right. Now, all this took place in less time than one can write
about it.

When the killing was over the Indians came to the house
and ordered us to get into one of the wagons and go with them
back to the agency. This we did, my husband driving the
team. The Indians drove the other team. Soon after we
started an Indian gave me a colt to lead behind the wagon.
About half way to the agency we saw the dead body of a man
l}^ing near the road. Just before we reached the ferry over
the Minnesota river we saw a boy on the prairie to the right.
There w ere but three Indians with us now. One of them ran
to kill the boy. At this moment a German rode up to us. I
have forgotten his name, but the Indians called him "Big
Nose." I think he is living at Sleepy Eye, Minn., now. One
of the Indians said to the other Indian, "Shoot him and take
his horse." The other said, "Wait till my son comes back and
then we will kill him." (His son was the one that had gone
to kill the boy.) All this time I was begging them not to kill
the man. I asked my husband to plead with them, but he
seemed to be unable to speak a w^ord. At last I told the Ger-
man to give them his horse and run into the brush. . This he
did and escaped.

When we got to the ferry the boat was in the middle of the
stream, and standing upon it was a young white girl of about
sixteen or seventeen years of age. The Indians called to her
to bring the boat ashore, but she did not obey them. They
were about to shoot her, when my husband told her they would
kill her if she did not do as they ordered, and she brought the
boat ashore. When it touched the bank a young Indian made
this girl get on a horse behind him and he rode away with her,
and I never heard what became of the poor creature. When
I saw^ her being taken away I felt as badly as if she was being
murdered before my eyes, for I imagined she would suffer a
most horrible fate.

When we reached the agency there was a dreadful scene.
Everj^thing was in ruins, and dead bodies lay all about. The
first body we saw was that of one of La Bathe's clerks. It lay
by the road some distance from the buildings. The rest were
nearer the buildings, Mr. Myrick's among them. W"e did not
stay long here, but pushed on to Little Crow's camp. We

452 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

Stayed that night with the Indians that brought us. Soon
other prisoners, many of them half-bloods like ourselves, were
brought in.

While we were in this camp we saw-^Capt. Marsh and his
men coming from Fort -Kidgely along the road towards the
ferry. They could not see us, but we saw them, though at
some distance. You know they were going to the agency,
having heard that the Indians were rising. They stopped at
our house and seemed to be getting water from the well. Poor
fellows! Little did some of them think they were taking their
last drink. They went on, and soon came to the ferry and fell
into that bloody ambush where Capt. Marsh, Mr. Quinn and so
many others were killed.

The next day the Indians under Little Crow went to attack
Port Ridgely. When they came back they reported that there
were many half-breeds in the fort that fought against them,
and shouted to them: "We will fix you, you devils; you wiU
eat your children before winter." This made them very bitter
against us, for they said we were worse than the whites, and
that they were going to kill all of us. Most of them had
whisky, and it was a dreadful time. Towards evening a heavy
storm came up, and a thunderbolt struck and killed an Indian.
Some one raised a cry, "They are killing the half-breeds now !"
I caught up my child and ran. I saw my husband, with Alex
Oraham, running into Little Crow's corn field, and I saw him
no more that night. An Indian woman went with me, and we
did not stop until we got to Shakopee's camp, seven miles away.
It was Indians, any way, the best I could do, and I had some
distant relatives in that camp, and I would rather trust myself
there than with Little Crow's drunken and infuriated warriors.
M.y friends treated me very kindly — gave me a dry blanket and
some dry clothes for my little girl, who was quite sick by this
time. It was an awful night. Towards midnight the Indians
brought in a lot of captive white women and children, who
•cried and prayed the rest of the night. How I felt for them,
but of course I could not help them.

The next morning I left my child with my Indian friends and
I and the woman who had come with me went back to Little
•Crow's camp to see what had become of my husband and how
things were. No one had been kiUed except the Indian who
was struck by lightning. To our surprise we found my hus-

THE STORY OF NANCY M'CLURE. 453

band in the camp, and my companion's husband sitting over
him very drunk, and with a butcher knife in his hand! The
woman took the knife from her husband, and all was quiet for
a time. My husband said he came back soon after we left, and
that the Indian had been following him and threatening to kill
him all night.

The team of horses we let the white people have at our house
took them safely to Fort Ridgely. Just outside the fort one of
the horses dropped dead. The other was left on the prairie,
and the Indians that attacked the fort, caught it. I think it
was the fourth day of the outbreak that I was strolling through
Little Crow's camp, when I saw^ my horse "Jerry." I untied
him and was leading him away when an Indian ran up and
said: "Here, I captured that horse at the fort, and he is
mine." I told him I did not care how he got him; he was mine,
and I was going to take him. At last he allowed me to have
him. I had that horse at Camp Release, and took him with
me to Faribault, Minn. The funny part of this stor}^ is that
this same Indian is living here, near Flandrau, now. About
two 3^ears ago he wanted to borrow some money from one of the
banks here and wanted me to go with him and recommend
him to the bank. He said he thought I ought to go, as he let
me take that horse !

Another day the cry was raised that the half-breeds were all
to be killed. Little Crow held a council and would allow no
Indians to attend it that had half-breed relatives. We thought
this looked bad for us, and there were all sorts of alarming re-
ports. Three young Indians came and sat by our camp and
talked, and were heard to say that when the half-blood men
were killed one of them should have me for his wife; I presume
they meant the one that should murder my husband. A few
minutes afterward my uncle, with three of his cousins, rode
into the camp. My uncle's name was Rday-a-mannee (the
Rattling Walker). He was a very brave, good man, and had
taken no part in the outbreak. To. my great joy, he said he had
come to take us away. When Little Crow heard this he came
out and told my uncle that he would not allow any one to take
away half-bloods from the camp, and if any one tried to he
would order his warriors to kill him. How proud I was of my
brave uncle when he made this reply: "Little Crow, I only

454 MINNESOTA HISTOEICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

want the people who belong to me, and I will take them. You
think you are brave because you have killed so many white
people. You have surprised them; they were not prepared for.
you, and you know it. When we used to fight the Chippewas
you were all women ; you would not fight. If I leave these peo-
ple here you will worry them to death. Now, I am going to
take my people, and I would like to see the man that will try
to stop me!" With this we started, and some of the Indians
raised the war-whoop. But we kept on, my uncle and his
cousins riding in the rear, their guns in their hands, and Little
Crow and his warriors looking sullenly but silently at us.

The first day out we got as far as Yellow Medicine. From
here we went to the mouth of the Chippewa river, where my
uncle lived. Here I found my old grandmother, too, for she
was the mother of Eday-a-mannee, and he and my own mother
were full brother and sister. I now felt much better, and my
appetite came back. Since the outbreak I had scarcely eaten
anything. Grandmother died only a few years ago in Mani-
toba; she was very old. My uncle is still living in Manitoba.
He was accused of taking part in the outbreak, I suppose, and
that is why he left the United States. But I know he was in-
nocent; if I knew he was not, I would be very sorry, but I
would say so. Some of the Indians have been accused of
taking part in that dreadful thing who are innocent; but a
great many more are said to be innocent who are really guilty.
Some days after we got to the mouth of the Chippewa, Little
Crow's and Shakopee's bands and all the other Indians came
up. We aU stayed here until Gen. Sibley and his troops came
into the country, and then the Indians went out to meet them.
In a few days we heard the booming of the cannon in the battle
of Wood lake. Commonly the roar of cannon is a dreadful
sound in the ears of women, but to us captives in the Indian
camp the sound of Gen. Sibley's guns was as sweet as the
chimes of wedding bells to the bride. Very soon stragglers
came in bearing wounded, singing the death song and telling
the tale of defeat. They were cursing the half-breeds, saying
that Gen. Sibley had numbers of them with him in the battle,
and that every shot that one of them fired had hit an Indian.
It did me real good to learn that so many of my race had stood
loval and true and had done such good service. You know

THE STORY OF NANCY M'OLURE. 455

that only a very few half-breeds took part in the outbreak.
The Indians have always bitterly hated the half-breeds for
their conduct in favor of the whites in that and other wars,
and they hate them still. It seems they can forgive everybody
but us.

But then came the word that the defeated Indians would
take vengeance on the half-breed captives and the whites, too,
as soon as they got back. It was another exciting time. ' Some
of us dug holes in the ground and hid ourselves. I dug a hole
large enough to hide myself and child in a few minutes, and
I had only a little fire sjiovel to dig with, but I made the dirt
fly. When the excitement was over — for the alarm was false
— I tried again to dig with that same shovel, and somehow it
wouldn't dig a little bit! I kept that shovel for years, but
finally lost it.

When the warriors came back they had numbers of wounded,
and the death song was going all night. I began to be very
brave. The soldiers were near, the half-bloods were in the
saddle and I felt that I would soon be safe. An Indian woman
near me began abusing us. She said : "When we talk of kill-
ing these half-breeds they drop their heads and sneak around
like a bird-dog." Her taunting speech stung me to the heart,
and I flew at that woman and routed her so completely that
she bore the marks for some time, and I am sure she remem-
bered the lesson a great deal longer! Perhaps it was not a
very ladylike thing to do, but I was dreadfully provoked. Most
of my companions were greatly pleased, and the Indians did
not offer to interfere.

I heard the Indians plan their part of the battle of Wood
lake. About twenty of the chiefs and head warriors sat down
near our tent one evening and talked it all over in my hearing.
I do not now remember who all of them were. Little Crow
was there, and with him were Pa-ji-ro-ta (Grray Grass), Hu-sap-
sa-pa (Black Leg) and his brother, Ta-taka-wa-nagi (Buffalo
Ghost), Shakopee (Six) and others. I did not understand the
plan very well, but it was agreed that Gen. Sibley's forces
were to be cut into two or three parts by the Indian move-
ments. A strong party was to go into a large ravine. An-
other party was to show itself at another point and attract the
attention of the soldiers; then the ravine party was to come
up and cut the white forces in two, and so on. When I heard

465 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

all this it did not alarm me the least bit. I knew that Gen.
Sibley and Col. Marshall and Col. McPhail and the other officers
would have something to say and do about that fight. But the
Indians were confident, and, as they were leaving the camp,
many of them said: "We will have plenty of pork and hard-
tack to-night!"

At last Gen. Sibley came and surrounded our camp. A
great many officers came with him, and I remember that Col.
Marshall was one of them. They came into the camp and took
away the white captives first. Gen. Sibley knew me, and told
me to take my child and go with them. I asked him if all the
half-bloods were going and he said they were not. I did not
understand it all then, and I said I would stay awhile. Maj.
Fowler, who was^ married to ray husband's sister, then came
and told me I had better go, as the soldiers were greatly en-
raged at some of the half-bloods, and their officers were afraid
they could not "hold them." I told him I had a half-brother
and a half-sister there, and I would stay to protect them. So
I stayed that night there, and went over into Camp Kelease in
the morning. I was a witness before the military commission
that tried the Indians, and called several times, but I could
not recognize any of the prisoners as those I saw taking part
in the murders of the whites. I was sorry that the guilty
wretches I had seen were not brought up. I think I was at
Camp Release about two weeks.

I cannot tell all of the scenes I saw while I was a captive.
Some were very painful. I knew a great many of the white
prisoners I was with, but now I only remember the names of
Mrs. Crothers, Mrs. White and her daughter and Miss Will-
iams. Some of the women came to me at times and asked me
to let them stay with me. It was hard to refuse them, but I
thought it best. I saw many women, some of them French
women, that I had met the winter before at the country dances
and other parties I have spoken of. I saw George H. Spencer
quite often ; he was still suffering from his wounds.

The night before the troops came to Camp Release, twenty
or thirty Indians came in with a young white girl of sixteen
or seventeen. She was nearly heartbroken, and quite in

THE STORY OF NANCY M'CLUEE. 457

despair. When the half-breed men saw her they determined to
rescue her, and we women encouraged them. Joe Laframboise
and nine other mixed bloods went boldly up and took the girl
from her brutal captors. The Indians threatened to shoot her
if she was taken from them; but Joe was very brave, and said:
"We are going to have her if we have to fight for her; and if
you harm her it will be the worse for you. Remember, we are
not your prisoners any more." So they took her, and she was
rescued at Camp Release. Two other half-breed boys acted
very brav^ely on this occasion — the Robertson boys; each was
named Thomas, but they were not related. One of them is
living at Sisseton; the other died five years ago, but his family
lives near Flandrau.

One day Shakopee came to our camj) and talked with me.
He said he would not have taken part in the outbreak but for
the fact that his son had gone off hunting and the whites had
killed him. "And now," said he, "my arm is lame from killing
white people." A few days afterward his son returned all
safe. The only time I spoke to Little Crow was the day my
uncle came for us. He ordered my husband to hitch up a team
for him that he had taken. The horses were not well broken
and were quite wild, and he could not hitch them up himself.

When we were at Camp Release a Mrs. Huggins, who had
been the wife of Amos Huggins, who had been killed, lived
near us. He and T were children together at Lac qui Parle.
One day her little girl, three years of age, a bright child, came
to our tent when my husband and T were eating dinner, and
we gave her a seat with us. The little thing said: "This is
not like the dinner mamma made the day papa was killed.
The Indians killed my papa on his very birthday. We were
going to have a good dinner. Mamma made a cake and every-
thing nice, and papa came home with a load of hay, and the
Indians shot him. But my papa isn't dead for sure. He is in
heaven with Ood. You know, Mrs. Faribault, God is every-
where." We could not eat another bite after that.

I think the only time I laughed while I was a captive was at
an Irish woman, another captive. She was about forty-five
years of age and not very shapely of form. Just before Camp

458 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

Release we made many moves of a mile or two. The In-
dians had taken her ox team, and had often let her
ride on the marches; but on the last march they made her
walk. She came to our camp and inquired of my husband for
John Mooer. She had on squaw clothes, had a baby in her
arms, her face was very dirty, her hair towzled, and she was
sputtering away in her Irish brogue and was a comical sight.
She knew my husband, and she said: "Mr. Faribault, where
are we goin' anyways?" My husband said : "We are going to
the whites pretty soon." Then she said: "Well, I wish they
would do something; I am sick of this campin' and trampin'
all the time. That's my team they have, and the blackguards
do be makin' me walk, and, be gosh, I am goin' to see John
Mooer about it," and off she went to find Mr. Mooer.

While the Indians were away fighting at Wood lake, I and
others of the mixed-bloods could have gone away from the
camp; but Little Crow said if any of us did so those who re-
mained should be killed; and so I thought it better to stay.
Some women went away all the same, and escaped, too — Mrs.
Quinn, Mrs. Prescott, with their children, and others. They
seemed to know that Little Crow's threat was only a bluff, but
he might have carried it out had he won that battle.

At last a lot of us released captives were started off for the
settlements below. There were seven wagon loads of us in the
party, whites and mixed-bloods, all women. At St. Peter's a
store building was cleared out, cooking stoves put up, and bed-
ding given us. An officer, whose name I am sorry I cannot re-
member, was in charge of us. Joe Coursalle, a noted half-blood
scout, was with us. In the evening the German, whose life 1
saved the first day of the outbreak, came into the room. He
w^as intoxicated, had a knife in his hand, and said he was look-
ing for an Indian to kill. The officer had gone out, but Cour-
salle was in and said to the reckless fellow, pointing to me,
"Here is the woman that saved your life." This seemed to
quiet him, and he thanked me very kindly. Then the officer
came in and said to him: "Gret out, you rascal. If you want
to kill an Indian so bad, go ATest, to the front. There are lots
of them out there, and they want to fight," and be put him out.

THE STORY OF NANCY M'CLTJEE. 459

I went to Faribault and stayed at the home of my brother-in-
law, Maj. Fowler, for some time. My husband remained with
the troops under Gen. Sibley. All we had left was my horse,
"Jerry." Our property had all been taken or destroyed by the
Indians, but our log house was not burned. Our loss, besides
what the Indians owed my husband, was fully |3,000. Our
home was at Faribault for two years. We then moved back to
Redwood, and then to Big Stone lake. Here, through Mr. L.
Quinn, the scout, who has always been my staunch friend, my
husband got employment as interpreter under Maj. Grossman,
who, with a pai'ty of soldiers, was on the way to build Fort
Ransom, 150 miles northwest of Big Stone lake. We reached
the site of the new fort in June, 18G7. My husband was placed
in charge of the scouts at this fort.

In the fall of 1867 we went out about thirty miles from the
fort on the Cheyenne river and kept a mail station, where the
horses of the mail coaches were changed. We also kept a
house of entertainment for travelers. While here we had
much trouble from the Indians. We were beginning to "pick
up" a little after losing everything in the outbreak of 1862,
when another loss came. In June, 1868, my husband went to
Winnipeg — or Fort Garry — to put our daughter in school.
While he was away the scouts rode up one day and told me
that a strong Indian war party was not far off, and that we
had better run away. I and others connected with the station
got ready at once. Our wagon was not at home, and my hus-
band had the buggy. We put some things into two carts and
hid some other goods and went as fast as we could to Fort
Abercrombie, forty miles away. We stayed at Abercrombie
two weeks, until my husband came; and when we went back
home we found that everything had been taken by the Indians,
even the things we had hidden in the woods. So we were
empty-handed again. Twice, while we lived here, the Indians
stole horses from us, and at other times they tried to, but our
men drove them off. One time our men had a fight with them
in the night. My present husband was with us then, and
came near being killed. When we left Cheyenne we went to
Sisseton agency, but only remained a few weeks. My life since
then is hardlj^ worth writing about.

460 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

My first husband died about eight years ago. Since then I
haA^e remarried to Mr. Charles Huggan. We live on a farm,
near Flandrau. My only child, who was a captive with me,
is the wife of Eev. John Eastman, a Presbyterian minister and
a mixed-blood. They have six children, all bright, interesting
and promising. When I was first married I was a Presby-
terian, but Mr. Faribault and all his family were Catholics, and
I became a Catholic, and am a member of that church still. I
think Christian churches are like so many roads, all leading
to the heavenly land. If we follow them carefully and walk
uprightly in them, the All-Father will bring us to him at last.

NANCY HUGGAN.

Flandrau, S. D., May, 1894.

Mary Schwandt-Schmidt,

One of the Captives in the Sioux Outbreak of 1862.

THE STORY OF MARY SCHWANDT. 461

THE STORY OF MARY SCHWANDT.

HER CAPTIVITY DURING THE SIOUX '' OUTBREAK" — 1862.

I was born in the district of Brandenburg, near Berlin, Ger-
many, in March, 1848. My parents were John and Christina
Schwandt. In 1858, when I was ten years of age, our family
came to America and settled near Ripon, Wis. Here we lived
about four years. In the early spring of 1862 we came to Min-
nesota and journeyed up the beautiful valley of the Minnesota
river to above the mouth of Beaver creek and above where the
town of Beaver Falls now stands, and somewhere near a small
stream, which I think was called Honey creek, — though it may
have been known as Sacred Heart, — my father took up a claim,
built a house and settled. His land was, I think, all in the
Minnesota bottom or valley, extending from the bluff on the
north side to the river. Our family at this time consisted of
my father and mother; my sister Caroline, aged nineteen, and
her husband, J ohn Waltz ; myself, aged fourteen ; my brothers,
August, Frederick and Christian, aged respectively ten, six and
four years, and a hired man named John Fross. We all lived
together. My brother-in-law, Mr. Waltz, had taken up a claim
and expected to remove to it as soon as he had made certain
necessary improvements. The greater part of the spring and
summer was spent by the men in breaking the raw prairie
and bottom lands so that the sod would be sufficiently rotted for
the next season's planting. My father brought with him from
Wisconsin some good horses and wagons and several head of
cattle and other stock. He also brought a sum of money, the
most of which was in gold. I remember that I have seen him

I remember Mary Schwandt at Camp Release, Sept. 26, 1862, when she, with
other captives, was surrendered after the battle of Wood lake. I was a member
of the military commission before whom were tried the 306 Sioux, convicted of
taking part in the outbreak (thirty-eight of whom were executed at Mankato,
the others kept prisoners at Rock Island until after the close of the civil war).
Mary Schwandt, then a girl of sixteen, testified against the prisoners, relating
the same facts substantially given in this narrative. W. R. M.

462 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

counting the gold, and I once testified that I thought he had at
least |400, but some of my relatives say that he had over |2,000
when he came to Minnesota. He had brought some money
from Germany, and he added to it when in Wisconsin.

Our situation in our new home was comfortable, and my
father seemed well satisfied. It was a little lonely, for our
nearest white neighbors were some distance away. These
were some German families, who lived to the northward of us,
T believe, along the small stream which I remember was called
Honey creek. One of these families was named Lentz or
Lantz, and at this time I cannot remember the names of the
others. The country was wild, though it was very beautiful.
We had no schools or churches, and did not see many white
people, and we children were often lonesome and longed for
companions.

Just across the river, to the south of us, a few miles away,
was the Indian village of the chief of Shakopee. The Indians
visited us almost every day, but they were not company for us.
Their ways were so strange that they were disagreeable to me.
They were always begging, but otherwise were well behaved.
We treated them kindly, and tried the best we knew to keep
their good will. I remember well the first Indians we saw in
Minnesota. It was near Fort Ridgely, when we were on our
way into the country in our wagons. My sister, Mrs. Waltz,
was much frightened at them. She cried and sobbed in her
terror, and even hid herself in the wagon and would not look
at them, so distressed was she. I have often wondered
whether she did not then have a premonition of the dreadful
fate she was destined to suffer at their cruel and brutal hands.
In time I became accustomed to the Indians, and had no real
fear of them.

About the 1st of August a Mr. Le Grand Davis came to our
house in search of a girl to go to the house of ]Mr. J. B. Rey-
nolds, who lived on the south side of the river on the bluff, just
above the mouth of the Redwood, and assist Mrs. Reynolds in
the housework. Mr. Reynolds lived on the main road, between
the lower and Yellow Medicine agencies, and kept a sort of
stopping place for travelers. I was young, but rather well de-

THE STORY OF MARY SCHWANDT. 463

veloped for a girl of fourteen and a half years, and I could do
most kinds of housework as well as many a young woman older
than I, and I was so lonesome that I begged my mother to let
me go and take the place. She and all the rest of the family
were opposed to my going, but I insisted, and at last they let
me have my way. I do not think the wages I was to receive
were any consideration ; indeed, I do not know what they were.
Mr. Davis said there were two other girls at the Reynolds
house, and that the family was very nice, and these induce-
ments influenced me. So I packed a few of my things together
and was soon ready. My mother and sister seemed to feel
badly about my going, but I was light-hearted, and said to
them: "Why is it as if I were going back to the old country,
or somewhere else a long way off, that you act so, when it is not
very far and I shall come back soon, and it is best for me,
since I am of little help to you ,here." So, at last we bade one
another good-bye, and I went away down the beautiful valley,
never to see my good father nor my precious mother nor my
lovely sister nor my two dear little brothers any more — any
more in this life. How little did I think, as I rode away from
home, that I should not see it again, and that in less than a
month of all that peaceful and happy household but one of its
members — my dear, brave brother August — should be left to
me. Many years afterward my husband and 1 visited the re-
gion of my former home, and I tried hard to locate its site.
But the times had changed, and the country had changed.
• There w^ere new faces, new scenes and new features, and so
many of them, and such a flood of sorrowful recollections came
over me, that I was bewildered, and could recognize but few
of the old landmarks, and I came away unable to determine
where our house stood, or even which had been my father's
land.

When I came to Mr. Reynolds' house I was welcomed and
made at home. The inmates of the house at the time, besides
Mr. Reynolds, were his wife, Mrs. Valencia Reynolds, and their
two children; Mr. Davis, who was staying here temporarily;
William Landmeier, a hired man; MiSs Mattie Williams of
Painesville, Ohio, a niece of Mr. and Mrs. Reynolds; Mary An-

464 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

derson, a Swedish girl, whose father had been a blacksmith in
the employ of the government at one of the agencies, and my-
self. In a narrative, published by Mrs. Reynolds (now dead),
which I have seen, she mentions a boy that lived with them,
but somehow I cannot remember him. I do not now recall any-
thing of special importance that occurred during my stay
here until the dreadful morning of the outbreak. Mr. and Mrs.
Reynolds had been in charge of the government school for the
Indians which had been established at Shakopee's village, only
a mile away. Travelers frequently stopped at the house, Mat-
tie and Mary were very companionable, and I was not lone-
some, and the time passed pleasantly. I was so young and
girlish then that I took little notice of anything that did not
concern me, but I know that there was no thought of the ter-
rible things about to happen nor of any sort of danger.

The morning of Aug. 18 came. It was just such a morning
as is often seen here in that month. The great red sun came
up in the eastern sky, tinging all the clouds with crimson,
and sending long, scarlet shafts of light up the green river val-
ley and upon the golden bluffs on either side. It was a "red
morning," and, as I think of it now, the words of an old Ger-
man soldier's song that I had learned in my girlhood come to
my mind and fitly describe it:

*'0, Morgen-roth! O, Morgen-roth!
Leuchtet mir zum fruehen tortt," etc.

(O, morning red ! O, morning red!

You shine upon my early death!)

It was Monday, and I think Mary Anderson and I were pre-
paring for the week's washing. A wagon drove up from the
west, in which were a Mr. Patoile, a trader, and another
Frenchman from the Yellow Medicine agency, where Mr.
Patoile's store was. They stopped for breakfast. While they
were eating, a half-breed, named Antoine La Blaugh, who was
living with John Mooer, another half-breed, not far away, came
to the house and told Mr. Reynolds that Mr. Mooer had sent
him to tell us that the Indians had broken out and had gone
down to the lower agency, ten miles below, and across the river
to the Beaver creek settlements to murder all the whites! A
lot of squaws and an Indian man were already at the house.

THE STOEY OF MARY SCHWANDT. 465

The dreadful intelligence soon reached us girls, and we at once
made preparations to %. Mr. PatoUe agreed to help us. Mr.
Reynolds had a horse and buggy, and he began to harness his
horse, having sent La Blaugh to tell Mr. Mooer to come over.
Mr. Mooer came and told Mr. Reynolds to hasten his flight, and
directed him what course to take. I was much excited, and
it has been so long ago that I cannot remember the incidents
of this time very clearly. I remember that Mr. and Mrs. Rey-
nolds and the two children got into the buggy, and that we
three girls got into Mr. Patoile's wagon with him and Mr.
Davis and followed. We did not talie many things with us.
In our wagon was a feather bed and at least one trunk, be-
longing to Miss Williams. Mrs. Reynolds' statement says that
the boy started with an ox team and was killed near Little
Crow's village, but I cannot now remember about this. It is
singular that I cannot well remember the Frenchman who was
with Mr. Patoile, when, in my statement before the commission
the following year, I gave full particulars regarding him,
stating that he was on horseback, and how he was killed, etc.
I cannot account for this discrepancy, except that I have often
honestly and earnestly tried hard to forget all about that
dreadful time, and only those recollections that I cannot put
away, or that are not painful in their nature, remain in my
memory. The hired man, Landmeier, would not leave with us.
He went down the river by himself and reached Fort Ridgely
in safety that night. Mr. and Mrs. Reynolds also reached Fort
Ridgely, taking with them two children of a Mr. Nairn that
they picked up on the road.

Mr. Patoile was advised by Mr. Mooer to follow close after
Mr. Reynolds in the buggy and not follow the road. But Mr.
Patoile thought best to keep the road until we crossed the
Redwood river. He then left the road and turned up Red-
wood some distance, and then struck out southeast across the
great wide prairie. It seems to me now that we followed some
sort of road across this prairie. When we had got about eight
miles from the Redwood a mounted Indian overtook us and
told us to turn back and go up to Big Stone lake, and that he
would come up the next day and tell us what to do. I do not

—28

466 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

know his name, but he seemed very friendly and to mean well ;
yet I do not think it would have been better had we done as he
directed. At any rate, Mr. Patoile refused to return, and con-
tinued on, keeping to the right or south of the lower agency.
At one time we were within two miles of the, agency and could
see the buildings very plainly. We now hoped that it was all a
false alarm. It seemed that the agency had not been at-
tacked, at least the buildings had not been burned, and our
spirits returned somewhat. But soon after we saw a smoke
in the direction of the agency, and then we were fearful and
depressed again. And yet we thought we could escape if the
horses could hold out, for they were getting tired, as Mr.
Patoile had driven them pretty hard. We were trying to
reach New Ulm, where we thought we would be entirely safe.

About the middle of the afternoon some Indians appeared
to the left or north of us. They were mounted and at once
began shooting arrows at us. Some of the arrows came into
the wagon. We succeeded in dodging them, and we girls picked
them up. Miss Williams secured some and asked Mary and
me for ours, saying she meant to take them back to Ohio and
show them to her friends as mementoes of her perilous ex-
perience. (In the record of my testimony before the claims
commission of 1863 I am made to say that only one Indian
shot these arrows, and that he took the Frenchman's horse,
but it is impossible for me now to remember the incident in
this way.) When we arrived opposite Fort Ridgely — which
stood about half a mile from the north bank of the Minnesota
— Mr. Patoile supposed we could not cross the river, as there
was no ferry there, and we continued down on the road to
New Ulm. The horses were now very tired, and we frequently
got out and walked.

When we were within about eight miles of New Ulm and
thought all serious danger was over, we met about fifty In-
dians coming from the direction of the town. They were
mounted, and had wagons loaded with flour and all sorts of
provisions and goods taken from the houses of the settlers.
They were nearly naked, painted all over their bodies, and all
of them seemed to be drunk, shouting and yelling and acting
very riotously in every way. Two of them dashed forward to

THE STORY OF MARY SCHWANDT. 467

lis, one on each side of the wagon, and ordered us to halt. Mr.
Patoile turned the wagon to one side of the road, and all of
us jumped out except him. As we. leaped out Mr. Davis said,
"'We are lost!" The rest of the Indians came up and shot Mr.
Patoile, four balls entering his body, and he fell dead from the
wagon. I have a faint recollection of seeing him fall. He
was a large man, as I remember him, and he fell heavily. Mr.
Davis and we girls ran toward a slough where there was some
high grass. The Indians began firing at us. Mr. Davis was
killed. The Frenchman ran in another direction, but '.*^as
shot and killed. Mary Anderson was shot in the back, the
ball lodging near the surface of the groin or abdomen. Some
shots passed through my dress, but I was not hit. Miss Will-
iams, too, was unhurt. I was running as fast as I could
towards the slough, when two Indians caught me, one by each
of my arms, and stopped me. An Indian caught Mattie Will-
iams and tore off part of her "shaker" bonnet. Then another
came, and the two led her back to the wagon. I was led back
also. Mary Anderson w^as probably carried back. Mattie
was put in a wagon with Mary, and I was placed in one driven
by the negro Godfrey. It was nearly 4 o'clock, as I remember
from a certain circumstance. The black wretch Godfrey had
been with the Indians murdering and plundering, and about
his waist were strung quite a number of watches. I learn
that this old villain is now at Santee Agency, Neb. He
gave evidence against the Indians who were hanged at Man-
kato, and so escaped their deserved fate. The Indians shouted
:and were very joj^ful over the great victory, and soon we were
started off. The wagon with Mattie and Mary went toward
the lower agency, and the one I was in went off into the
prairie. I asked Godfrey what they were going to do with
me, and he said he did not know. He said they had chased
Mr. and Mrs. Reynolds, and he believed had killed them. He
said : "W^e are going out this way to look for our women, who
are here somewhere." About three miles out we came to these
squaws, who were sitting behind a little mound or hill on the
prairie. They set up a joyful and noisy chattering as we ap-
proached, and when we stopped they ran to the wagons and
took out bread and other articles. Here we remained about

468 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

an hour, and the Indians dressed their hair, fixing it up with
ribbons. When we came up to these Indians I asked Godfrey
the time, and, looliing at one of the watches, he replied, "It is
4 o'clock."

About 5 o'clock we started in the direction of the lower
agency. Three hours later we arrived at the house of the
chief, Wacouta, in his village, half a mile or so below the
agency. Here I found Mrs. De Camp (now Mrs. Sweet), whose
story was published in the Pioneer Press of July 15. As she
has so well described the incidents of that dreadful night and
the four following dreadful days, it seems unnecessary that
I should repeat them; and, indeed, it is a relief to avoid the
subject. Since it pleased God that we should all suffer as we
did at this time, I pray him of his mercy to grant that all my
memories of this period of my captivity may soon and forever
pass away. At about 11 o'clock in the night I arrived at
Wacouta's house. Mattie and Mary were brought in. The
ball was yet in Mary's body, and Wacouta tried to take it out,
but I am sure that Mrs. Sweet is mistaken when she says he
succeeded. He tried to, in all kindness, but it seemed to me
that he was unwilling to cause her any more pain. At any
rate, he gave up the attempt, and I remember well that the
brave girl then took his knife from his hand, made an incision
over the lump where the ball lay, took out first the wadding,
which was of a green color and looked like grass, and then re-
moved the ball. I think after this Wacouta dressed the
wound she had made by applying to it some wet cloths.

On the fourth day we were taken from Wacouta's, up to Lit-
tle Crow's village, two miles above the agency. Mary Ander-
son died at 4 o'clock the following morning. I can never forget
the incidents of her death. When we came we were given some
cooked chicken. Mary ate of the meat and drank of the broth.
Mattie and J were both with her, and watched her by turns.
It rained hard that night, and the water ran under the tepee
where we were, and Mary was wet and had no bedclothing or
anything else to keep her dry and warm. When at Wacouta's
she asked for a change of clothing, as her own were very
bloody from her wounds. Wacouta gave her a black silk dress
and a shawl, which some of his men had taken from some

THE STORY OF MARY SCHWANDT. 469

Other white woman. Mary was a rather large girl, and I re-
member that the waist of this dress was too small for her and
would not meet or fasten. It was in this dress she died. She
was very thirsty, and called often for water, but otherwise
made no complaint and said but little. Before she died she
prayed in Swedish. She had a plain gold ring on one of her
fingers, and she asked us to give it to her mother, but after
her death her finger was so swollen we could not remove the
ring, and it was buried with her. I was awake when she died,
and she passed away so gently that T did not know she was
dead until Mattie began to prepare the face cloths. She was
the first person whose death I had ever witnessed. The next
morning she was buried. Joseph Campbell, a half-breed pris-
oner, assisted us in the burial. Her poor body was wrapped
in a piece of tablecloth, and the Indians carried it to the
grave, which was dug near Little Crow's house. The body
was afterward disinterred and reburied at the lower agency.
A likeness of a young man to whom she was to have been mar-
ried we kept, and it was returned to him. Her own we gave
to Mrs. Reynolds.

While in Little Crow's village I saw some of my father's cat-
tle and many of our household goods in the hands of the In-
dians. I now knew that my family had been plundered, and I
believed murdered. I was very, very wretched, and cared not
how soon I too was killed. Mrs. Huggan, the half-breed woman
whose experience as a prisoner has been printed in thirf paper,
says she remembers me at this time, and that my eyes were
always red and swollen from constant weeping. I presume
this is true. But soon there came a time when I did not weep.
I could not. The dreadful scenes I had witnessed, the suffer-
ings that I had undergone, the almost certainty that my family
had all been killed, and that I was alone in the w^orld, and the
belief that I was destined to witness other things as horrible
as those I had seen, and that my career of suffering and misery
had only begun, all came to my comprehension, and when I
realized my utterly wretched, helpless and hopeless situation,
for I did not think I would ever be released, I became as one
paralyzed, and could hardly speak. Others of my fellow cap-
tives say they often spoke to me, but that I said but little, and
went about like a sleep-walker.

470 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

•I shall always remember Little Crow from an incident that
happened while I was in his village. One day I was sitting-
quietly and shrinkingly by a tepee when he came along dressed
in full chief's costume and looking v^ery grand. Suddenly he-
jerked his tomahawk from his belt and sprang toward me
with the weapon uplifted as if he meant to cleave my head in
two. I remember, as well as if it were only an hour ago that
he glared down upon me so savagely, that I thought he really
would kill me; but I looked up at him, without any fear or
care about my fate, and gazed quietly into his face without
so much as winking my tear-swollen eyes. He brandished his^
tomahawk over me a few times, then laughed, put it back in
his belt and walked away, still laughing and saying something
in Indian, which, of course, I could not understand. Of course
he only meant to frighten me, but I do not think he was at all
excusable for his conduct. He was a great chief, and some-
people say he had many noble traits of character, but I have
another opinion of any man, savage or civilized, who will take
for a subject of sport a poor, weak, defenseless, broken-hearted
girl, a prisoner in his hands, who feels as if she could never
smile again. A few days since I saw Little Crow's scalp
among the relics of the Historical society, and may I be for-
given for the sin of feeling a satisfaction at the sight.

But now it pleased Providence to consider that my measure
of suffering was nearly full. An old Indian woman called
Wam-nu-ka-win (meaning a peculiarly shaped bead called bar-
ley corn, sometimes used to produce the sound in Indian
rattles) took compassion on me and bought me of the Indian
who claimed me, giving a pony for me. She gave me to her
daughter, whose Indian name was Snana (ringing sound), but
the whites called her Maggie, and who was the wife of Wa-
kin-yan Weste, or Good Thunder. Maggie was one of the
handsomest Indian women I ever saw, and one of the best.
She had been educated and was a Christian. She could speak
English fluently (but never liked to), and she could read and
write. She had an Episcopal prayer book, and often read it,
so that Mrs. Sweet is mistaken in her belief that Mrs. Hunter
had the only prayer book in the camp. Maggie and her mother
were both very kind to me, and Maggie could not have treated
me more tenderly if I had been her daughter. Often and ofteni

THE STORY OF MARY SCHWANDT. 471

she preserved me from danger, and sometimes, I think, she
saved my life. Many a time, when the savage and brutal In-
dians were threatening to kill all the prisoners, and it was
feared they would, she and her mother hid me, piling blankets
and buffalo robes upon me until I would be nearly smothered,
and then they would tell everybody that I had left them. Late
one night, when we were all asleep, Maggie in one corner of
the tent, her mother in another, and I in another, some
drunken young hoodlums came in. Maggie sprang up as
swiftly as a tigress defending her young, and almost as fierce,
and ordered them out. A hot quarrel resulted. They seemed
determined to take me away or kill me, but Maggie was just
as determined to protect me. I lay in my little couch, tremb-
ling in fear and praying for help, and at last good, brave
Maggie drove the villains away. Mr. Good Thunder was not
there that night, but I do not know where he was. I have
not much to say about him. He often took his gun, mounted
his horse, and rode away, and would be absent for some time,
but I never saw him with his face painted or with a war party.
He is living at Birch Coulie agency now, but Maggie is not
his present wife. I learn that she is somewhere in Nebraska,
but wherever you are, Maggie, I want you to know that the
lit lie captive German girl you so often befriended and shielded
from harm loves you still for your kindness and care, and she
prays God to bless you and reward you in this life and that to
come. I was told to call Mr. Good Thunder and Maggie
"father" and "mother," and I did so. It was best, for then
some of the Indians seemed to think I had been adopted into
the tribe. But Maggie never relaxed her watchful care over
me, and forbade my going about .the camp alone or hardly
anywhere out of her sight. I was with her nearly all the time
after I went to live with her. She gave me a clean white
blanket, but it was not white very long, and made me squaw
clothes and embroidered for me a most beautiful pair of white
moccasins, and I put them on in place of the clothing I wore
when I was captured. Old Wam-nu-ka was always very good
to me, too. The kind old creature has been dead many years,
and Heaven grant that she is in peace. For several days after
I first came to live with them they were very attentive, w^aking
me for breakfast, and bringing me soap, water and a towel,
and showing me many other considerations.

472 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

I think we remained at Little Crow's village about a week,
when we moved in haste up toward Yellow Medicine about
fifteen miles and encamped. The next morning there was an
alarm that the white soldiers were coming. Maggie woke me,
took off my squaw clothes and dressed me in my own. But
the soldiers did not come, and we went on to Yellow Medicine,
where we arrived about noon. On the way there was another
alarm that the soldiers were coming, and there was great con-
fusion. Some ran off into the prairie and scattered in all
directions, while others pushed the teams as fast as they could
be driven. Four miles from Yellow Medicine I was made to
get out of the wagon and walk. From this time every day
there was an alarm of some kind. One day the soldiers were
said to be coming; the next day all the prisoners were to be
killed, etc. On one occasion a woman was killed while trying
to escape. I was again dressed in Indian garments. I was
told that the Sissetons were coming down from Big Stone lake,
and there was danger of my being killed if I looked like a
white girl. Maggie and her mother wanted to paint my face
and put rings in my ears so that I would look more like a
squaw, but I refused the proposition. I assisted my Indian
"mother" with her work, carried water, baked bread— when
we had any — and tried to make myself useful to her. We
lived chiefly on beef and potatoes ; often we had> no bread.

We were encamped at Yellow Medicine at least two weeks.
Then we left and went on west, making so many removals
that I cannot remember them. I did not go about the camps
alone, and I knew nothing of what was going on outside. I
saw the warriors constantly going and coming, but I knew
nothing of their military movements and projects. A simple
little German "maedchen" of fourteen cannot be expected to
understand such things. I did not hear the cannon at Wood
lake, and did not know the battle was in progress till it was
all over. During my captivity I saw very many dreadful
scenes and sickening sights, but I need not describe them.
Once I saw a little white girl of not more than five years,
whose head had been cut and gashed with knives until it was
a mass of wounds. I think this child was saved, but I do not
know who she was. I do not remember that I talked with my
fellow prisoners. I remember Mrs. Dr. Wakefield and Mrs.

THE STORY OF MARY SCHWANDT. 473

Adams. They were painted and decorated and dressed in full
Indian costume, and seemed proud of it. They were usually
in good spirits, laughing and joking, and appeared to enjoy
their new life. The rest of us disliked their conduct, and
would have but little to do with them. Mrs. Adams was a
handsome young woman, talented and educated, but she told
me she saw her husband murdered, and that the Indian she
was then living with had dashed out her baby's brains before
her ej es. And yet she seemed perfectly happy and contented
with him !

At last came Camp Kelease and our deliverance by the
soldiers under Gen. Sibley. That story is well known. I re-
member how angry the soldiers were at the Indians who sur-
rendered there, and how eager they were to be turned loose
upon the vile and bloody wretches. I testified before the mili-
tary commission that tried the Indians. Soon after I was taken
below to St. Peter, where I learned the particulars of the sad
fate of my family. I must be excused from giving the particu-
lars of their atrocious murders. All were murdered at our
home but my brother August. His head was split with a tom-
ahawk, and he was left senseless for dead, but he recovered
consciousness, and finally, though he was but ten years of age,
succeeded in escaping to Fort Kidgely. On the way he found
a child, five j^ears old, and carried it several miles, when, by
the direction of a German woman he had fallen in with, he left
it in a house eighteen miles from the fort. The child was re-
covered at Camp Release, but it was so much injured by
wounds and exposure that it died soon after reaching Fort
Ridgely. August is now^ a hardware merchant in Portland,
Oregon.

Soon after arriving at St. Peter I was sent to my friends and
relatives in Wisconsin, and here I met my brother August. It
was a sad meeting for the two little orphans, though we were
most happy in seeing each other. The next year I returned to
Minnesota and testified before what was called the claims
commission. The government had suspended the annuities
usually paid the Sioux, and directed that the money should
be paid to the people whose property had been destroyed by
the Indians during the outbreak, or to their heirs. An admin-

474 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

istmtor was appointed for my father's estate, and a guardian
for me and my brother. I testified to the property my father
had, all of which had been taken or destroyed by the Indians ;
but I do not remember that my brother and I ever received
but an insignificant sum, and yet I do not know why we did
not. It seems that everybody else, traders and all, w^ere paid
in full. Some gold was taken from the dead body of an Indian
during the war, and, from the circumstances, Gen. Sibley
thought the money had been taken from my father. The
amount was |90, but there was a premium on gold at the time.
Gen. Sibley purchased two |50 government bonds with the
money and held them for my brother and me some years. In
1866 Gen. Sibley gave me one of the bonds and |20 in interest
on it, and my receipts to him for this money are among the
Sibley papers in the Historical society. A part of the year 1863
I was with the family of my old employer, Mr. Reynolds, who
then kept a hotel at St. Peter. In the fall I went to Fair-
water, Wis., and remained with an uncle for two years. In 1866
I married Mr. William Schmidt, then and for many years after-
ward one of the business men of St. Paul. We lived in St.
Paul until 1889, when we removed to Portland, Ore. Two
months since we returned to St. Paul. We have three living
children, a daughter and two sons; four children are dead.
Life is made up of shadow and shine. I sometimes think I
have had more than my share of sorrow^ and suffering, but I
bear in mind that I have seen much of the agreeable side of
life, too. A third of a century almost has passed since the
period of my great bereavement and of my captivity. The
memory of that period, with all its hideous features, often rises
before me, but I put it down. I- have called it up at this time
because kind friends have assured me that my experience is a
part of a leading incident in the history of Minnesota that
ought to be given to the world. In the hope that what I have
written may serve to inform the present and future genera-
tions what some of the pioneers of Minnesota underwent in
their efforts to settle and civilize our great state, I submit my
plain and imperfect story.

MARY SCHWANDT-SCHMIDT.
St. Paul, July 26, 1894.

EEMINISCENCES OF PHILANDEB PRESCOTT. 475

AUTOBIOGRAPHY AND REMINISCENCES OF f
PHILANDER PRESCOTT.

I was born on Sept. 17, 1801, in Phelpstown, Ontario county.
New York. My father was a physician and a pioneer in the
first settlement of the more central part of the state. He mar-
ried a Miss Lucy Reed, and settled in Phelpstown, and lived for
several years by his profession, but was attacked with dropsy
in the abdomen, and after a lingering illness, he died, and left a
family, rather poor. Soon after his death, I went to live with an
uncle by the name of Reed. He worked me nearly to death,
and I left him in the fall of 1818, and went to live with my
eldest brother. My mother had married a second time, and died
of consumption that f^U. I was then an orphan, and what to
do for a living was a serious question. There were two sisters
younger than myself, and two brothers older. One of these was
at Detroit, a clerk in a sutler's store, for the troops stationed at
the above-named post. He wrote to me in the winter of 1819
to come out to see him, and he would try to give me some kind
of employment, that I might in time make a living. So in the
spring, in April, I got ready, and started, but it was muck
against the wishes of my relatives, for they said they never ex-
pected to see me again, and one of my uncles was so much op-
posed to my coming West that he would not loan me money
enough to pay my expenses to Detroit. But this did not deter
me from my object, and I started with only a few dollars —
enough to take me to Buffalo by my walking the whole distance.
I got to Buffalo the fourth day, and found that the lake was
not clear of ice, and that the great steamboat "Walk-in-the-
Water" w ould not sail for a week. I went to the landlord of the
Black Rock house, and told him my circumstances, and asked
him to board me for a week for my work, until the boat should
leave for Detroit. Buffalo still showed the devastations of the
war, and but a small portion of the city had been rebuilt.

On the 1st day of May the steamer Walk-in-the-Water was
ready and I went on board. Four yoke of oxen and the
strength of the engine took us over the rapids at the foot of
the lake. We had not been long out before we came to ice, and
found that it was very strong and dangerous to run against

476 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

with a full head of steam, and we worked along slowly. By
morning we had got past all the ice, and went on well. The
second night out one passenger fell overboard, owing to the
carelessness of the sailors in not fastening one piece of the rail-
ing that was used for a gangway.

We reached Detroit without any further accident, and I
found my brother making preparations to go still farther west.
The troops had been ordered to the Mississippi to build forts
and occupy that country, and my brother was to go along as
clerk for the troops. He told me that I would have to wait
until Mr. Devotion, the owner, went to New ^ork and got a
supply of goods, and came back, before I could go, and I must
try and accompany him through the journey. I passed the sum-
mer with my books, and kept the store in order, until Mr.
Devotion returned, when we started for the Mississippi.

Mr. Devotion chartered an old sloof), and we sailed in Oc-
tober, and reached Green Bay in the same month. In passing
Mackinac we went ashore and took a look at the old fortifica-
tions that had once been surrendered to the British. In sailing
along one day by Washington's Harbor, we srruck some rocks,
but went over them without injuring the sloop. There was a
fort at the mouth of Fox river, which commanded the entrance.
The town of Green Bay comprised three houses and an Indian
agency. We had to wait two weeks here for a boat, as all the
boats had been taken off by the traders, and it was late in the
fall when we embarked from this point. Mr. Devotion started
me ahead with an old boat, and only four men to ascend the
Fox river, which was nothing but rapids for about twenty miles,
and we made slow progress, and were finally frozen up at a lake
called Rush lake. Here we built a house to store our goods in
and waited for sleighs to come for us from Prairie du Chien.
During the time we wei'e waiting for the sledges, or "trains," as
they were called, I went to the portage of the Wisconsin, two
long days' walk from where we were frozen up. The first night I
stopped on Fox river at an old trader's by the name of Grignow.
I found him living in one of the Indian lodges. He said he had
arrived late in the fall, and had no time for building, except a
storehouse and a house for his men, and he was living in a
lodge with his family, with a young Menomonee woman for a
wife. I found his tribe had furnished about all the women for
the traders' wives, for they are generally good-looking, and their

EEMINISCENCES OF PHILANDER PBESCOTT. 477

first children were as white as many of the white children. The
old man said he had been a long time in the trade, and probably
would stay there as long as he lived, as it suited him, and he did
not care about seeking any other liveliliood. My guide and I
started the next morning and went to the portage that day, but
it was a very hard day's work. My object in going to that place
was to examine some goods that had been left there in the fall
and reported to be wet. I found another class of people here^
the Winnebagoes, an ugly race of people. They had always
been abusive to the white people, but there were but
a few of them about, and they did not molest me. I opened the
goods and found all in good order, and returned back to our
camp and waited for the trains. In about two weeks more
they came, and we made preparations for our departure. I
had to go alone again, for there were not trains enough to take
all, so Mr. Devotion remained, and I went ahead and remained
a few days at Prairie du Chien, to get more transportation to
take a supply up to Fort Snelling.

After getting our complement of teams and Frenchmen to
drive them, we started from the town that was older than Phil-
adelphia, and there were only about 250 inhabitants in the
place — that is of the French, who were the first settlers. The
government had what they called a factory to furnish goods to
Indians at cost, for the traders sold their goods so high that the
Indians suffered a great deal from want, and the government
proposed this plan for their relief. This made the traders
angry, and they retaliated by underselling the government, and
made them lose money, and the government abandoned the
traffic.

It has never been determined whether Prairie du Chien
was named after "dog" or "oak.", Both are so much alike in
French that no one knows which It took its origin from.

I arrived at a place called Mud Hen pond, between "the head
of Lake Pepin and Rt. Croix. It was very cold weather, and
we concluded to lay over one day and let the horses rest, as we
had ^ood comfortable rooms at Mr. Faribault's, the trader for
the American Fur company. The second day, in the afternoon,
a large band of Sioux Indians arrived at the trader's, and we
were obliged to leave for fear of our goods being stolen from the
sleighs. We had not gone far before one of the teams broke
through the ice, and some of the goods had to lay in the water

478 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

-all niglit,and it was with much difficulty that we saved the horse.
It was so very cold that we could with difficulty do anything.
We got a rope about the neck of the horse, and all hands took
hold and choked him out. This was easily done, for the
moment we commenced pulling, the horse commenced strug-
gling, and floated on the water, after which it was but little
work to haul him up on the solid ice, and by whipping and
running him around we got him limbered up, and kept him from
freezing until we got a fire built, when we camped
ior the night. Our next place or point for stopping was
Oliver's Grove, a place where a keel boat was frozen in, loaded
with provisions for the troops. Lieut. Oliver was here with a
few soldiers guarding the provisions, while other parties were
hauling them away. Oliver's Grove is now called Hastings.

We arrived safe at the cantonment at the mouth of the
-St. Peter's river. I found my brother well, and full of work,
as he was alone and had four companies to wait upon; but the
troops were in a very unhealthy state, with the scurvy. Some
fifty or sixty had died, and some ten men died after I arrived,
but the groceries that I took up and a quantity of spruce that
Dr. Purcell had sent to the St. Croix for, gave them relief. Col.
Leavenworth, commanding officer, Maj. Hamilton, Maj.
Larrabee, Maj. Vose, Capt. Gwinn, Capt. Perry, Capt. Gooding,
Capt. Pelham, Lieut. McCabal, engineer of building; Lieut.
Camp, quartermaster; Lieut. Green, Adjut. Lieut. Oliver, Lieut.
McCartney, Lieut. Wilkins, Capt or Maj. Foster, are all that I
can recollect of the officers who first came to build the fort at
the mouth of the St. Peter's river.

In the summer of 1820 there was not much done towards
the building of the fort. The physician and commanding officer
thought the location an unhealthful one, and moved all the
troops over to some springs called "Camp Coldwater," nearly
a mile above the present fort, on the Mississippi river. I think
the name Mississippi was taken from the Menomonee dialect,
and should be spelled Miscessepe, ^the big river." A few sol-
diers were employed hewing timber for the fort, and a site was
selected by the commanding officer on the first rise, about 300'
jards west of the present fort, and some timber was hauled to
the spot. As the fort was to be built of hewed logs, it required
a large quantity of timber, and a saw mill was wanted, as it
would require a large amount of boards for so large a fort. An

REMINISCENCES OF PHILANDER PRESCOTT. 479

examination of tlie Little Falls (Minnehaha) was made, and it
was thought there was not water enough for a mill, as the
water was very low in the summer of 1820, and St. Anthony was
selected. An oflQcer and some men had been sent up Kum river
to examine the pine and see if it could be got to the river by
hand. The party returned and made a favorable report, and
in the winter a party was sent out to cut pine logs, and to raft
them down in the spring, and they brought down about 2,000
logs by hand. Some ten or fifteen men would haul on a sled
one log from one-fourth to one-half a mile, and lay it upon the
bank of Rum river, and in the spring they were rolled into the
river and floated down to the mouth and then made into small
rafts and floated to the present landing above the bridge.

In the summer or fall, I think, Col. Leavenworth was ordered
to the Missouri. The plans for the fort had been prepared by
the above-named ofiicer, but were somewhat altered by Col.
Snelling, the officer succeeding, and the location was moved from
the point that Col. Leavenworth selected to the present loca-
tion, and the saw mill was commenced in the fall and winter of
1820-21 and finished in 1822, and a large quantity of lumber was
made for the whole fort, and all the furniture and outbuildings,
and all the logs were brought to the mill or the landing by hand,
and hauled from the landing to the mill, and from the mill to
the fort by teams. An officer by the name of Lieut. Croozer
lived and had charge of the mill party. Supplies for the fort
w^ere all brought up in keel boats from St. Louis. It generally
took from fifty to sixty days to come from St. Louis to Fort
Snelling. The first steamboat that came to the Fort was a
stern-wheeled boat from Cincinnati with the contract for sup-
plies for the troops in June, 1823, — the name of the boat I have
forgotten. There were no settlements on the Mississippi except
Prairie du Chien and Rock Island, and the troops passed the
summer at Camp Coldwater, and in the fall moved back again
to the old cantonment and passed the winter, and got out tim-
ber for the soldiers' barracks, and before the autumn of 1823
nearly all the soldiers had been got into quarters, and consider-
able work had been done on the officers' quarters. The Indians
were all peaceable,and all things progressed peaceably,and with
all the speed that was possible for soldiers (for there is no hur-
rying of soldiers — they go just so fast, and out of that pace you
cannot drive them).

480 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

In the fall of 1823 Mr. Devotion gave up the sutlership, owing
to the small percentage that the government allowed the sutlers
to trade upon. Twenty-five per cent was all that the govern-
ment allowed them to charge, including the transportation and
wastage, so Mr. Devotion would not furnish goods at those
rates, and abandoned the business.

The paymaster had taken government drafts and sold
them to the Missouri and Illinois banks, and brought their pa-
per and paid the troops off with paper, there then being no law
to the contrary. The sutler, Mr. Devotion, had to take such
money as the soldiers had to give him, and he collected about
seventy or eighty thousand dollars, and we went to St. Louis
and found the banks all broken and closed. Mr. Devotion could
do nothing to help himself, and it is supposed that the pay-
master made a handsome profit out of the operation.

On our way down the river we found no settlements until we
got to Hannibal, where there were two or three log houses, and
below that place we would see now and then a house along the
river. At Galena there were only two or three little log cabins^
whose occupants were Engaged in trading lead to the Indians.
St. Louis was but a small town, and I do not recollect seeing
more than one church, and that was Roman Catholic. There
was a small market, two or three mills, one bakery, and about
half a dozen steamboats, which supplied the place with all the
goods that were wanted for the trade. Alton and Quincy had
then only four or five houses each. I stayed through the winter,
and in the spring Mr. Devotion obtained for me a lot of Indian
goods on credit, and I took the little boat and started back to
Fort Snelling to trade with the Sioux Indians^ When I re-
turned to Fort Snelling the officers had all got into quarters-
I was fifty-five days going from St. Louis to the Fort.

I passed the winter trading with the Indians. In the fall
my brother came up to pass the winter with me. A Mr. Baker
came up with me to teach school at the Fort, and a Mr. Whitney
came from Green Bay with some goods.

The Indians had been very quiet all this time, except on the
Missouri, where they had killed a white man, and Col. Snelling
had been ordered to demand the murderer. The Sioux brought
in two Indians to leave as hostages until they could get the
murderer. They were put in prison, and when they wanted to
go out the sentinel would accompany them, and bring them

REMINISCENCES OF PHILANDER PRESCOTT. 481

back again. After the lapse of a month, one morning early
they wanted to go out, and the sentinel took his musket and
went with them. When they had gone a short distance from
the fort they started to run away from the sentinel. The man
tired at them, but missed. The whole garrison was soon outy
but the Indians were too swift for them and got clear. The
Colonel then sent the Indians word that if they did not bring in
the murderer, he would take some of their principal men and
hang them; this set them to' work, and they brought in the
offender. Quite a number of Indians came in with the pris-
oner. They had a British flag and a large medal. Col. Snelling
had a fire built and burned the flag before the Indians and cut
the medal off the neck of the Indian murderer, who wore it,
and locked him up, and sent the Indians off home again. At
the first opportunity the prisoner was sent below for trial, and
that was the last which was ever heard of him; for, although
he was cleared by the court for want of evidence, he never
reached home again.

After my winter trade was over, my brother went to St.
Louis and paid up our debt with the furs I had received in
trading, and tried to get more goods, but the companies had all
joined together, and made a monopoly of the whole trade, and
would not furnish any goods to any person to trade with on his
individual account. This caused an opposition company to
organize, called the Columbia Fur Company, which my brother
and I joined. During the previous autumn, while I was living
at Lands End, I was married to my present wife. The custom
of getting wives amongst the Sioux is by purchase, and it
frequently happens that there is not much love in the case, and
sometimes the woman never expects to marry the man that she
is sometimes compelled to marry. Therefore, suicide is not an
uncommon thing among the women, as was the case on Lake
Pepin at Maiden Kock. I also know of several cases of suicide
"by hanging. Two young girls hung themselves within one
week, in Little Crow's band, because they did not love the men
that their parents had selected as husft)ands for them. Another
went over the falls because her husband had slighted her and
married another, and in his presence, with her boy in the bow of
the canoe, and painted and decorated in the finest of the Indian
style, she paddled over the Falls of St. Anthony. During that

—29

4:82 MINNESOTA HISTOKICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

year (1824) many of the Indians died of starvation and cold.
They had been out west of Lake Traverse on the Cheyenne
river in search of buffalo, but were not successful, and the snow
fell very deep and they could not follow the game, and they
turned back, hoping to reach their old villages, where they had
some corn cached in holes in the ground. They had eaten all
of their dogs and horses, and had become so weak they could
with difficulty walk. Another blinding storm of wind came on,
and they could not see where to go, and there was no timber or
wood with which to make a fire, and none but the strongest
survived the storm.

The lands around the Fort, except the military reservation,
belonged to the Indians, and the country could not be settled,
and here a few of us lived about thirty years, seeing very little
change in the position of affairs from Galena to this place.
Galena sprung up as soon as the lead trade was opened up.

The following spring the Indian agent, Major H. Taliaferro
tried to induce the Indians to engage in farming at Lake Cal-
houn, and wanted me to go out with my old father-in-law and
another chief, Mock-pu-we-chas-tah. My father-in-law was the
first one that would venture out. His name was Kee-e-he-ie,
*lie that flies." The agent sent a soldier and a team of two
yokes of cattle, and we two plowed about a month, but there
were but few Indians that would venture out the first year, as
they w^ere afraid of the Chippewas. The next year quite a num-
ber came out, and w^e had more applicants than we could sup-
ply places for, and some went to work with their hoes and dug
small patches of ground to commence with. The first year we
cut a large quantity of tamarack logs, with which to rebuild the
<30uncil house that had been burnt at Fort Snelling.

THE INDIANS.

Wabasha * is at the present time (1861) the first and oldest
chief of the Sioux nation. Many years ago he went to Montreal
(the French word for the name of the Great Mountain or the
Real or Royal Mountain which is in the vicinity of the city of
that name). Some five or six Sioux accompanied Wabasha on

* Wa-pa-ha-sa, according to the Dakota lexicon; but spelled as above for
the English pronunciation, Waubasjiaw.

REMINISCENCES OF PHILANDER PRESCOTT. 483

his visit to see the English, and from what I can learn from the
Sioux it was about 1780, — some twenty-five years before Lieut.
Zebulon M. Pike explored the Mississippi river. The Sioux
say that up to this period they had no chiefs among them.
Wabasha said the English received him very coolly at first. He
said that he filled his pipe for all the assemblage to smoke — a.
pipe prepared for that purpose, with a large flat stem painted
blue, an emblem of peace with them. This he presented to the
governor. The governor said he could not smoke out of a bloody
pipe, and took the pipe and handed it to another man standing
by, supposed to be an ofiicer, and told him to strike Wabasha
three blows with the flat side of the pipe. Wabasha did not
know how to interpret this treatment, and stood waiting a
moment, when the governor said: "I do not suppose you under-
stand the meaning of this, but I will explain it to you, — ^you
have killed three of my people, traders, up in your country, and
this is to show you that I am not pleased at your murdering
the white people ; and those blows are to remain there until you
do something to wipe them off, and when that is done I will
smoke with you." Wabasha promised fidelity to the English,
and said he would try to give up the murderers, and the gov-
ernor gave him some flags and medals, and asked how many
fires, or tribes, they had in the whole nation. Wabasha said
there were seven, and accordingly he received seven large
medals and flags, viz.: Medawakantons, Wahpetons, Wahpa-
cootas, Sissetons, Yanktons, Tetons, and the seventh we have
never been able to ascertain. Some say that the Yanktons
were called two fires or two tribes, and some say the Sissetons
had a division or two tribes, but we have no authority for any
of these surmises, and I think it was some other tribe living
near the Sioux, who may have been at peace with the Sioux,
probably the Menomonees or Winnebaj?oes which Wabasha
took into his count of seven fires, for in all of their councils they
speak of seven fires or seven tribes, confederated in one nation,
to occupy and protect from invasion a certain district of coun-
try for hunting purposes. Wabasha came back and distrib-
uted his flags and medals, and from that day their chiefs were
recognized by all the governments.

Nothing has ever been found that gives any knowledge of
the Indian race, from whence they came, or how they became
ppssessed of the country they now occcupy. Tradition does not

484 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

take us far back, and figures they have none, but their customs
and habits are more to be relied upon than anything else we
have. To give some idea of the character they sustain to other
nations is the nearest that we can come to establishing a rela-
tionship. Their manners and customs are very similar to those
of the old world, and by wars they have been forced from one
country to another, until they have populated the whole of ,
America. Their manners and customs are very similar to
those of the peoples we read of in sacred history. Their feasts,
for instance, of the first fruits of the farm, or of game killed,
show this. The first must be cooked and many persons in-
vited to partake of the food, and their gods invoked to continue
to give them success in war, and the departed spirits are to
have a share in the ceremony — they must be appealed to, and
their guidance invoked, because the Indians think their de-
parted relatives have much to do with the welfare of the living
on earth. The following is a common form used by the In-
dians as a petition to the spirits of the departed :

*'My father (or mother, uncle, cousin), you have gone to the
spirit land — ^you can look on us but we cannot see you, only in
Our dreams. You have power over the minds of men, and you
have power over the hunts and the farm, and even our lives de-
pend much upon the pleasure of thy will to either give bless-
ings or to withhold them, and I have prepared the feast for you,
hoping that you will be pleased with it, as our first fruits of the
field (or the hunt), which we offer in accordance with the custom
and usages of old."

In this feast God is not named, nor even thought of, but the
Indians are more punctual in their idolatrous worship than the
Christian people in their worship, for there is hardly anything
the Indians do without some kind of worship, either in
feasts or sacrifice. In traveling, hunting, war, and in what-
ever they do, when they have time, they commence with an
offering of some kind.

The following are the principal gods that the Sioux Indians
worship :

The first or most prominent is Tokenshe, the large granite
boulder, and Wakaukah, the -earth; Tokonshe, grandfather;
Wakankah, old woman, are names of gods they worship, nnd
who are often appealed to for relief and success. All kinds of
animals and fish are supposed to be possessed of power to mi-

REMINISCENCES OF PHILANDER PRESCOTT. 485

grate from their own bodies to those of human beings, and cause
disease, and the conjurors use all the powers of jugglery to
cast out the intruder. The shape of the supposed destroyer of
the peace and health of the person suffering is cut out of a
jjiece of birch bark and put into a litle dish of painted water
outside the door of his lodge, and the doctor, who is inside,
singing and gesticulating and malting hideous noises, finally
emerges from the lodge where the patient is, and there are two
or three men standing ready, who, at a certain signal, shoot
into the dish with powder and wad only, and blow the image,
or piece of bark, into small pieces, and the dish containing the
image is frequently shattered. This is supposed either to kill
the intruder or frighten him from the body of the patient, and
his recovery is looked for immediately after the operation.
After the guns are discharged the doctor falls upon what is
left of the fragments with violent contortions and all imaginable
noises, and a woman sometimes stands on the doctor's back dur-
ing this operation, after which she takes him by the Jiair of the
head and leads him back, he on all fours, to the place where
the patient is, where he sings for a brief time and rattles his
gourd, sucks the parts where the most pain is, and the cere-
mony is ended. All kinds of animals are brought into this
kind of jugglery, and are shot by the doctors as a cure for dis-
ease.

Their preparations for war are very carefully planned. The
war party is gotten up by one who thinks himself capable of
leading a party successfully to get scalps and not lose any. If
a Sioux loses a child, by what means it makes no difference,
the father must appease the departed spirit, for if any of the
rest of the family, or a relative, should be taken sick after the
death of the child, the parents are accused of negligence and de-
lay in fulfilling the law of offerings and sacrifices, which is as
follows: After a death the nearest relatives must either go to
war or get up a great medicine dance; and as the latter is very
expensive, many of the young men prefer going to w^ar, but
either is considered sufficient to keep the spirit of the departed
at rest and satisfied with the living relatives. Every night
for about a week before starting the head of the war party be-
gins to sing and to commune with the war gods, and dream,
and his imagination is so worked up by constant jugglery that
he dreams many things about their war excursions, which he

486 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

relates to the party that are to go with him. The earth, and
the rocks or boulders are gods that are most generally appealed
to for guidance and success in their excursion for scalps, and
these gods are prayed to constantly on their route to direct
them where the enemy are few in number and most easily ap-
proached. They also ask their gods to turn the minds of their
adversaries from thoughts of an enemy approaching them.
After the war party giets into the country where the Chippe-
was hunt, the head man orders all shooting to stop, and if one
of the party should shoot any game, or fire his gun, the rest of
the party would take him and cut his blanket in pieces, and de-
stroy his gun as a punishment for breaking the rules of war
parties. These marauding parties are too successful, for gen-
erally they get a scalp and return home satisfied. The head
man pretends that he can call to himself the sun spirit, who
will tell him where and how many there are to be killed on
that trip, and if any are to be injured of his party he will be in-
formed of it by the devoted spirit that he appeals to. In order
to bring the spirit to him, he makes a little lodge near their
camp at night, and digs a shallow hole in the ground, and puts
in it a small quantity of water, reddened with paint, and sits
down by it and commences singing, and at the same time
places in the hole a little of his food, thus inviting the spirit to
his war feast. Then he sings and rattles his gourd and makes
all kinds of hideous noises (it is astonishing how they make
them). After awhile the war man becomes silent, and he is
then supposed to be in communication with the gods. After a
while he gives one rap with his gourd, which counts one scalp
for his war party. As many blows as^he strikes, so many
scalps they are to get, as his god has brought them to his sight.
In the spirit he sees his enemies, and gives them a blow with
his gourd, in the water, where he pretends to see them, and
says that the blow will give them success, and kill the ene-
mies' spirits, and they will all disappear. But if he gives a
blow with a groan, it implies that some one will be wounded or
killed, which sets the whole party to wailing for a few mo-
ments. When all is hushed and they start off, one man goes
ahead as a spy with the war pipe, and returns to the party
every half-day, or sooner if he discerns anything, and gives a
minute account of all that he has seen or heard while he has
been absent, and so they prowl about until they find an enemy,
or their provisions give out, and they return home.

REMINISCENCES OF PHILANDER PRESCOTT. 487

The scalp dance is performed by the women mostly dancing,
and the men sing and drum for the women and young girls to
dance.

Death is looked upon with a singular or fanciful idea. The
Sioux say that death comes in the shape of a curious looking
being, something in the shape of a human being, with
a curious head, and very corpulent, and comes from
the east, although they say they do not see the visitor, death,
with the naked eye — ^they see him in their dreams.

Snakes are held in reverence by the Indians, and they rarely
kill any, no matter how venomous. They light a pipe and
smoke, and tell the snake to go in peace and not bite the In-
dians, as the Indians would not hurt him, but smoke the pipe
of peace with him.

Wabasha, first chief of the Indians, was looked upon as a
good man, and was chief of a large band until smallpox got
amongst them and killed nearly one-half. Then the cholera
wrought great destruction of life in the band, and remittent
fever killed quite a number one year when we had a very dry
summer, and the rivers, lakes and pools of water became very
stagnant. Their remedy was to plunge -into the water in the
height of the fever, which either killed or cured very soon, for a
good many recovered. I know that of those who plunged in
the water some died. The band is now much reduced, and is
about the smallest of all the bands of the Sioux. The Sioux
are confederated because they can all speak one language, but
each village lives and acts independent of any other party, and
every man is his own master, and a king at home in his own
lodge. He has no taxes to pay, no public buildings or high-
ways to make, no schools to support, and nothing before him
but the chase and the protection of his family from enemies.
One would suppose them to be happy under such conditions,
and no doubt they are at times, for they are greatly amused
over the most trifling jokes, and go to great excess in sports.
In like manner they are terribly depressed when anything of a
serious nature happens to them, either in private or community
affairs, and the greatest lamentation is made.

It would appear that the Indians do not retain great events
in their memories for a great length of time, therefore they
have no tradition of their origin, nor how they became pos-
sessed of this country, nor have they any knowledge of past

488 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

wars with other tribes. The oldest battle that they have any
knowledge of took place when the Chippewas came down in
force and attacked a camp of Sioux where the city of Prescott
now stands. There were some fourteen or eighteen lodges of
Sioux camped there, and there were about a thousand Chippe-
was. They attacked the Sioux in the night, and soon the men
were nearly all killed. The women ran to their canoes, that
were a few steps off, and pushed out into the stream, but in
their fright forgot their paddles. At that point there is a
large eddy, and the women in the canoes were carried round
and round by the current. The Chippewas came to the beach
and took hold of the canoes and pulled them ashore, and butch-
ered the women and children at their leisure. A few men had
fled up along the lake shore, and got into a little cove in the
rocks. The Chippewas discovered them and attacked them,
but here the Chippewas lost several of their men, for they could
not get at the Sioux, only as they faced them right in front of
the little cove, and the Sioux had the advantage of the shelter
afforded by the rocks. When the Chippewas made an assault
they would leave one or two of their number for one Sioux, but
as they greatly outnumbered the Sioux they at length
overcame them, and there was only one Sioux left. He made
a dash for the water, and dived beneath the surface and stayed
under as long as he could. At first the Chippewas did not see
him, supposing he must have come to the shore, and they were
engaged in taking care of the dead and wounded, but the sec-
ond time he came to the surface of the water the Chippewas
discovered him, and the Sioux saw the balls fly about his head
like hail, but none touched him. He then took courage and
dived again, and called upon the otter, and prayed to it as a
god to give him power to dive and swim like an otter, that he
might live to tell the tale of the fate of his comrades, as he was
the only one left; and the prayer was heard, and he dived to
the bottom of the lake, and found it very deep and cold. When
he rose to the top of the water the Chippewas would fire their
guns and the balls would make the water fly so as to dazzle his
sight for some time, and he said that in eight times diving he
got across the lake, but how he escaped is a wonder to relate.
When he reached the opposite side of the lake, which is about
one mile wide, he was so much exhausted that he could not get

REMINISCENCES OF PHILANDER PRESCOTT. 489

out of the water, and lay for some time in the water with his
head on a rock to rest a little time, after which he crawled out
and sat upon a rock on the shore, and gave a whoop of joy at
his marvelous escape. The Chippewas, when they saw what a
wonderful feat he had performed, returned the compliment
with another loud whoop. This battle took place about 150
years ago, and is the oldest that they have any tradition of.
They speak of having occupied the country as far west as Leach
lake, and of going to war over to Lake Superior, Green Bay,
and even to St. Louis, and a little above the mouth of the Mis-
souri is a place called "Portage de Sioux," where they used to
take their canoes across by land from one river to another, but
w^hen or about what time they have no tradition.

The Catfish bar in Lake St. Croix furnishes another tra-
ditional story, but we have nothing that will give us any idea
of the time when it occurred. A war party of Sioux went to
war upon the St. Croix river, and were gone a long time, but
had no success, and one of their number became sick when
they reached the St. Croix on their return journey, and the
others went on and left the sick man to perish, but there hap-
pened to be one of the party who was one of the sick man's
comrades or companions. When he saw that the whole party
were on their journey he said: "I am not going to leave my
friend here to perish alone;" and he remained with the sick
man while the rest of the party went on. Becoming almost
starved, they found it necessary to get to the village where
they could obtain provisions. The well man walked up and
down the lake shore hoping to find a dead fish or to shoot a live
one with an arrow. At last he came across a pike or pickerel,
and killed it with his bow and arrow and roasted it, and asked
his comrade to eat a piece of the fish, but the sick man refused,
saying that when he joined the Big Medicine, that kind of fish
was to be eaten upon no occasion whatever, for if he did eat
anything that was forbidden by the Big Medicine, some great
calamity would befall him. The^e marks, or reserves, or pro-
hibitions, of eating certain parts or pieces of fowls or animals
is a totum or mark of the order of that clan or family, and all
Indians of that mark work together in all their jugglery and
medicine operations, and I suppose an Indian would starve to
death before he would break the rule or law. His comrade

490 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

urged him to eat, but lie would not. This made his friend feel
very bad — to sit and see his friend starving to death. Finally
the sick man said he would eat to ease the mind of his friend,
and run the risk of what might be the result of breaking over
their medicine rule, and asked his comrade if he could carry
water all night in a litle dish that held only, three or four
spoonfuls. "Yes, I can do anything for you," his comrade said,
and so the sick man took some of the fish and ate (this was in
the evening), and after a short time began to get thirsty, and
asked his comrade to bring water, so the young man took the
little dish and brought some water, and in a little while he
wanted more, and the young man went again, and the sick man
kept asking for water, and his friend kept going with his little
dish, and worked nearly all night in that way, but finally be-
came exhausted and laid down and went to sleep. The sick
man kept calling for water for some time, but no one came,
and with much exertion he crawled down to the lake and com-
menced drinking, and after a while he found that he was turn-
ing into a fish, and the more he drank the faster he became a
fish, and at last he became wholly a fish, and rolled into the
lake. When the other Indian awoke he found that his com-
rade had become a large fish, and was lying across the lake on
what is now called Catfish bar, and he felt very much grieved
to think that his sick friend should become a fish because
of his failure to watch him and carry water for him. He fol-
lowed in the tracks of the war party, crying, and finally reached
his village and told his comrade's wife what had happened,
and she took a canoe and some friends and went to the place
and found the great fish as stated, and they made great lamen-
tation, and scattered red feathers upon the water, and prayed
the gods of the water to let the big fish sink so that the canoes
could pass; and so the big fish sank, but left a portion of the
bar there. The bar extends almost across the lake yet, and
this is all that was done in favor of the Indians, merely to let
them have room enough to pass in the lake. This was all done
for revenge upon the man for breaking the laws and rules of
the Medicine party.

We can obtain nothing from the Indians concerning ancient
history, and nothing reliable about the creation or the fiood.
The Indians are entirely ignorant, and all their ideas are of a

REMINISCENCES OF PHILANDER PRESCOTT. 491

fanciful character. They believe in a great spirit of some kind,
but have no idea of his power, nor his will and disposition
toward the human race, and all their prayers, which are many,
are made to the land, stone animals, and fowls of the air and
water, and many creeping things; and like all native tribes
each thinks itself wiser and better than the others, and in their
great councils I have heard them acknowledge before a white
and Indian assembly that they thought the whites excelled
them in a few things, but the moment they assembled by them-
selves they would say the whites were the greatest fools they
ever saw, and particularly w^hen standing straight up in battle
to be shot at.

PHILANDER PRESCOTT.
Minnehaha, Minnesota, Feb. 18, 1861.

Note.— Mr. Prescott was killed Aug. 18, 1862, in Sioux outbreak.

492 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

KECOLLECTIONS OF JAMES M. GOODHUE.

By Col. John H. Stevens, of Minneapolis.

(Read before the Minnesota Editorial Association, at its An-
nual Meeting, February, 1894.)

In October, 1841, I was a resident of White Oak Springs,
then a little mining town in the extreme southern portion of
Iowa county, Wisconsin Territory. At that period 1 was en-
gaged in mining. Wishing to prospect for a "stake," before
winter set in, my partner and myself determined to visit the
mines in the neighborhood of Platteville, in Orant county, some
twenty miles distant from our humble cabin. With picks,
shovels and spades on our backs, the "miner's kit," we started
out bright and early on an October morning for the mines in
that vicinity. Just as the sun was sinking behind those pic-
turesque mounds near Platteville, we reached a hotel in the vil-
lage, known as the Peavins House. With tired limbs and blis-
tered feet, the fruits of our long journey over the prairies, we
determined upon an early bed; but, returning from the supper
table to the office, we found a large gathering of miners excited
over the result of a lawsuit of little more than a trivial char-
acter, which had been decided a few minutes before in a justice
court. As miners we became interested in the controversy,
which banished all our tired condition.

Then and there I met, for the first time, James M. Goodhue,
a lawyer in the territory, and one of the attorneys in the
miner's suit so recently disposed of in the court. Then and
there, too, I became a friend in my humble way of Col. Goodhue,
who was destined eight years subsequently to become the pio-
neer editor of Minnesota. From that period until his death
we were friends. The editors in Minnesota at this time know
but little of the life of their great predecessor, hence I will
now briefly address you in regard to that wonderful man,more
particularly in regard to his early life.

EECOLLECTIONS OF JAMES M. GOODHUE. 493

James Madison Goodhue was born in Hebron, N. H., a small
town situated in a niche of the White Mountain range. His
father was conspicuous as the principal merchant of this and
several adjacent towns, during the period of his residence
there, which was from about the year 1790 to 1828. His chil-
dren surviving to maturity were eight in number. James M.
Goodhue was the sixth child, born March 31, 1810. Hebron
was settled, probably, about the year 1725, and by immigrants
mostly from the lower settlements in New Hampshire and from
Massachusetts. They were strict religionists, generally of the
sect of the Puritans. The most feasible approach for the im-
migrants to Hebron was by the southeast, over the left shoul-
der of a dome-shaped mountain, called Sugar Loaf. This moun-
tain arose at a point some three miles short of the plain which
was the central point of the settlement. On this shoulder the
migratory procession probably halted, having their attention
suddenly arrested by the beauty and grandeur of the scene that
lay beneath their view. On their left, in near proximity, arose
a huge palisade of rock some thousand feet high and thousands
in length, and on the right a lake. A prospector upon the
dome of Sugar Loaf would have stood some two thousand feet
above the lake, which is seven miles in length by two miles in
width. Probably the lake took its name Newfound at this
time. At the base of the mountain on the lake side is a pali-
sade that descends to the surface, and thence graduates to a
depth 350 feet below. Looking northeast, the vision extends
over our town, and over a mountain range that walls it in ; and
thence to the Francoijia stacks of mountains some fifteen miles
further on. Further on in the same direction, the vision would
rest upon the white dome of Mount Washington, some thirty
miles away, and upon numberless domes of mountains that
huddle around.

Had our prospector looked westward, he would have viewed
Mount Cardigan, some eight miles away. A little way south-
east of Cardigan is the birthplace of our Pillsbury family.
One of the early settlers in Hebron was Rev. David Page, a
Congregationalist minister from Hanover, which is in the same
county with Hebron, and the seat of Dartmouth college. Dur-
ing his early ministrations in Hebron, a meeting house of gen-
erous size was built from the tall tufted pines that graced its

494 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

plain. It mounted a grand steeple based upon the ground, and
sustained a belfry. It was about the year 1790 when Stephen
Goodhue, the father of James, came to Hebron to reside. Having
previously made the acquaintance of the daughter of Kev. David
Page, a Congregational minister, he married her and took her to
his inheritance of wild land in Sanbornton, some twenty miles
away. The father's name is preserved in the annals of Sanborn-
ton as that of a person of handsome address, who began his pub-
lic life as a schoolmaster. Col. Goodhue's grandfather on the
paternal side was descended from one of three brothers who
came over from England, known as Puritans, and of the po-
litical party of Oliver Cromwell, no doubt. The grandmother
on the paternal side was Miss Barker of Stratchano, N. H.
The grandfather on the maternal side, Rev. David Page, served
as chaplain in the Revolutionary war, leaving his wife with
several small children to manage affairs at home. While he
was in the war, his wife yoked the oxen and held the plow
while one of the sons held the goad. Meanwhile, the youngest
child, who may have been the mother of our subject, sat upon
the ground at the end of the furrow. As a result, a harvest
was in waiting for the return of the husband in the fall.

That this grandmother was a notable woman, there is no
doubt; and there are indications that Col. Goodhue inherited
her peculiar qualities, physically and mentally.

It is said that an ancestor of this grandfather is portrayed
in an historical painting in Connecticut as holding with his
left hand a bear at arm's length, while, with his right hand at
liberty, he stoops to the ground to seize a* club. It may as well
be noted at this point in our narrative that Col. Goodhue was
known to be as remarkable for his physical strength as for the
force of his intellect. While at school no man could, from a
dead stand, leap so high over a pole as he. He never was
worsted in an encounter with fists. One morning while at
school, seeing from his chamber that his roommate, on the
street, was being worsted in a setto with one of his irate coun-
trymen, he rushed below, and, quick as thought, planted in the
breast of the countryman both feet and fists in one point of
time, left the man upon his back, and without a word spoken,
retired to his room.

He, who in his native place was called Madison, except in
time of war, when he was called Mad, was at an early age

RECOLLECTIONS OF JAMES M. GOODHUE. 495

placed in the academy at Andover, Mass., the place of the theo-
logical school.

He finished his preparatory studies for college at Meriden,
N. H., afterward entering Amherst college. A graphic history
of his life in college was no doubt impressed upon the mind of
every student there. While it was full of adventure, he was
singularly happy in having almost every member of every class
his admirer for his talents and also his friend. It was said
that his retainers in any unauthorized enterprise were as likely
to be from the older classes as from his own. While he was
freshman he often set the seniors to do his playful work. Mr.
Henry Ward Beecher was in the class next below him. In
after years Mr. Beecher showed his admiration of Col. Goodhue
by making diligent inquiries for him whenever he met mutual
friends.

On commencement day, at Woburn, many clerical and other
dignitaries were in attendance.

He took a part in the exercises by representing John Ran-
dolph, in a speech composed by himself, in which the eccentric
orator of Roanoke was represented in his long surtout with rid-
ing whip and spurs. In varied mood he discoursed upon mat-
ters of national concern; then turning back pathetically upon
his dear old Virginia, dropping tears of fondness, when he
would suddenly turn in modulated pathos to the faithfulness of
his servant, Juba. The rhetorical effect of this monologue was
electric. Dignified listeners became lost in a sense of reality,
and women wiped their eyes, not in sympathy with the actor,
but in sympathy with the real Randolph.

On the same occasion, he composed and spoke a speech for
Old Hickory, with staff in hand and gray hair erect. This was
soon after the time of the memorable commotion of the Kitchen
Cabinet, in the White House, when President Jackson defended
the honor of Mrs. Eaton by significant words. This represen-
tation of Old Hickory was heard of by a Lowell paper fifteen
miles away, and was branded as an outrage committed upon
the Democratic idol.

I mention these exercises as showing his theatrical talent.
It is evident that as an actor he would have achieved a world-
wide reputation. This composition representing Randolph he
spoke upon some exhibition day after his return to coUege.

496 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

He produced stillness, mirth and tears in quick succession, as
if with a magician's wand.

In due time, he achieved, at Amherst, his diploma.

There were unsettled opinions respecting the place which he
would hold in after life. But his professor of rhetoric and ora-
tory. Dr. Samuel Worcester, said: "That young man will be
heard from one of these days." This professor had observed in
liis literary compositions the nobility of his conceptions and the
elegance of his diction. During his last sickness, the late Mr.
J. W. Bass, of St. Paul, while in Boston, had occasion to call at
the office of the Evening Journal. The editor of the Journal
overheard the name St. Paul mentioned. Whereupon he in-
stantly started toward Mr. Bass and earnestly inquired after
the condition of Mr. Goodhue, for he had read of his sickness.
He then went on to remark that Mr. Goodhue's descriptive ar-
ticles were equal to the best writings of Cooper.

He had noble imitative faculties. For instance, he would,
behind the closed door of a college lecture room, deliver for the
hearing of curious students casually in the hallway, a homily in
the familiar words and voice of President Humphrey, a man of
marked individuality. The listeners unhesitatingly took the
discourse to be by the president.

After graduation he went to Elmira, N. Y., from which place,
the year before, had arrived his earlier college mate, who in
our day is a distinguished citizen of that place. Judge Thurston.

He wrote back to a brother that he had boated down the
stream in a skiff from Olean and had one cent left in his pocket
and so he was glad to say he was not without money. At El-
mira he taught the winter's school and at the same time began
the study of law. Next season he resumed the study in New
York city, where by clerical work he paid his way, also writ-
ing for the press some ephemeral compositions. He was admit-
ted to the bar in New York. Next he passed some three years
in Plainfield, near Joliet. There, to supply his want of means,
he cultivated the black soil. Agricultural products were high
in those days. He earned a two-horse team with which to
plow; carried his potatoes one fall to the workmen upon the
Illinois canal; and next he appears in Platteville, Wis. There
he staid for a season, probably with a view to the practice of
the law.

RECOLLECTIONS OF JAMES M. GOODHUE. 497

In that place was a young lady from Central New York, who
in this Wisconsin town was supplementing a visit to a relative
by teaching the village school. She was prostrated there by
the smallpox, while suitable attendants stood aloof in fear of
taking the disease. Thereupon Col. Goodhue,, who had prob-
ably caught a glimpse of the maiden, volunteered his services
at her bedside. His proffer was * accepted. The result was
marriage. Her name was Henrietta Kneeland. No better op-
portunity for a tribute to her virtues is offered in this narrative
than at this point. Miss Kneeland was stately in person, high-
ly intellectual, and possessed the kindest of hearts. The twain
settled in Lancaster, which is near the place of their marriage,
where he became attorney. But his literary taste led him to
the purchase of the Lancaster Herald. This he conducted in
a graphic manner, surprising to his readers, and awaking among
them an unprecedented interest in newspaper literature. His
occupation with the Herald held him until the opening, by
proclamation, of Minnesota Territory. He had built an ambi-
tious two-story house in Lancaster and was living in it, when,
without much preliminary, he packed his press and type, and
took wit'i him his family, and, with the wand of a talisman,
set up at once the Minnesota Pioneer.

A clerical gentleman visited the Pioneer about the time of
the first issues and found the editor bareheaded, sitting upon
the floor, and cutting from other papers clippings, while a
prairie hog was seen through the cracks rooting beneath the
floor.

The first number of the Pioneer will, to the curious, probably
show at once the peculiar qualities of the editor. It may be ob-
served that the most of the issues of that paper are on file in
the capitol — some of the latest numbers are lost.

I am aware that these incidents, illustrating the character-
istics of our subject, are trivial in themselves, not even equiva-
lent to the toe of Hercules, that survived his statue. That toe
was a measure of the statue: for the toe was material; while
the incidents in our subject's life can be taken with propriety
only as indices directing the curious to the qualities that may
be found in the files of the Pioneer.

I have in my breast one serious subject of regret, which is,
that in my companionship with him, I had not noted in a book

—30

498 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

the witticisms that came out spontaneously on the way. His
brother and associate's (Isaac N. Goodhue) approval was always
evident, but the colonel took to himself no pride in his own ut-
terances, but ascribed their pleasing properties to the good na-
ture of his laughing brother. It may in this connection be
noted that while boys in Hebron, in their trouting pastime, the
younger brother was always desirous that James should throw
the line while the younger carried the bait and fish. He never
retailed other men's wit. Whatever he said was his own ; and
its aptness was to his readers the occasion of surprise.

His method of composition for the Pioneer was peculiar.
It was his habit on the day of issuing his shc^et to take his pa-
pers upon his arm, and distribute them among his subscribers
all over town. While so engaged he noted in his mind every
change in the features of the town; and all the entertaining
events of the week that he had learned by the way. Thus he
formed in his mind a picture of the place and its various inter-
ests; so that when the time came of preparation for the press,
he had but to state what was already in his mind.

It was his wont on Sunday, after breakfast, to repair to his
desk, and, sitting with his hat on, compose his editorials.

On one occasion his brother, unobserved, stood in the door-
way of the sanctum and saw him, whose back was toward the
door, raising and lowering his shoulders rapidly in mirth. The
action foretold the coming-out in the next paper of some special
wit or humor that was sure to convulse his readers. The town
still remembers the advertisement in the Pioneer of the race
which was to come off at a certain hour between a little wheez-
ing steamboat that was always struggling against the current
and a saw mill standing below town. The anticipation may
have directed some eyes to the place of the trial.

One intensely cold morning the mail brought from below the
weekly news. The Pioneer gave as an interesting item of
news the invention of a mercurial thermometer that in in-
tensely cold weather served the purpose of a spirit thermome-
ter. The invention was in the appliance of a small oil lamp
beneath the mercury; so that it did not freeze. On the next
day drowsy readers awoke to a sense of the joke.

On another cold morning a cluster of droppers-in were stand-
ing about the stove in the Pioneer office; among them being a

RECOLLECTIONS OF JAMES M. GOODHUE. 499

demure little old man who was content to serve his day and
generation by selling ging-er pop. While the man was warm-
ing his hands at the stove, James, in solemn mood, said to him,
"Mr. Spicket, haven't you been taking a little something this
morning — just a drop too much?" Mr. Spicket said he had
not, when the crowd directed their gaze toward the man and
saw the evidence against him in a jewel of a huge tear-drop
pendulous at the end of his nose. This is a trivial matter, but
it is as passable as many of the small anecdotes coming from
the Sangamon.

His main object in his editorials was the advertising of the
territory, that people who were looking westward might be in-
duced to locate here.

While intensely loyal to St. Baul, during all of his editorial
career in Minnesota he never lost an opportunity to speak a
good word for the whole territory. St. Anthony was a lively
rival of St. Paul during those early days. Col. Goodhue would
occasionally indulge in a joke or two at the former's expense,
but it was in such a good-natured manner no one could take of-
fense.

An apology is needed for the Pioneer's change from a Whig
to a Democratic paper; the editor was by birth of the Demo-
cratic party. Before coming West he had become a Whig and
a protectionist. The brother came to St. Paul as still a Demo-
crat, and exercised his personal persuasiveness to bring James
back to the true faith. It so happened at the same time that
the Southern sentiment dominated the United States S(mate,
and that sentiment was needed to sustain our scheme for the
admission of the territory as a state, and also to promote an
Indian treaty, in order to clear the way. So he, in his overpow-
ering zeal for the prosperity of the territory, in a single issue
of his paper declared for the Democratic faith. He carried
through the change with a single issue of his paper. If the act
was a sin, was it not a sin to be winked at?

During the residence in Lancaster there were born to them
three children. Their_ names were James Kneeland and May,
twins, and Edward. May and Edward are deceased. May mar-
ried Charles A. Moore. James K. resides in St. Paul. In St.
Paul was born Eve, who became the wife of Morris Lamprey, now
deceased. She is now married to Jasper B. Tarbox. James

500 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

said that in searching the catalogue of names for this daughter
he looked from the beginning to the end. Finding none suit-
able, he resorted to the name of the first woman, Eve. Either
the name adorns the lady, or the lady adorns the name, so that
no one who knows her would have the name and the woman
separated.

The most evident characteristic of the pioneer editor of Min-
nesota was his love of nature. He was born within the order
of nature's priesthood; within her temples he was a Druid in
the intensity of his devotion. His ideal of scenery which he
brought away from his native hills was never again realized.

While sojourning upon the prairies of Illinois he felt the sub-
limity of the silent scene bounded by the far distant horizon
and fancifully vested it again with the heads of buffalo and the
skirmishing Indian, a^d yet he once said: "While I am a citi-
zen of the West, and love the West, I would give one-half of all
the prairie I have seen for one good mountain."

But he went up to live in Wisconsin. There he found a di-
versified surface: lakes, rapid streams, forests, mounds, and
more than all else, the atmosphere of the White mountains.
He was now essentially in a mood for Western life.

When Minnesota opened for settlement, he knew its land-
scape before he went upon it; as if beneath the flash of a me-
teor, he saw the Mississippi and its tributaries, also lakes, for-
ests, groves of pine and the shore of our inland sea; especially
was pictured before his imagination the historic falls of St.
Anthony.

When Col. Groodhue had actually arrived in St. Paul and
climbed its bluff, and surveyed the river and the heights that
wall its channel, he was overcome, as was the queen of Sheba,
who had seen the surroundings about King Solomon — "so there
was no more spirit in her."

In part he comprehended the resources of the territory for
becoming this magnificent state. He felt himself for the first
time in his life to have reached the goal of his ambition for a
livelihood and a home. He was here as if by birthright; and as
editor assumed at once a supervising care of the then public
interests; also upon the coming of any immigrant as his acces-
sories; he was constantly upon the alert to find whatever might
contribute to the general prosperity of Minnesota.

EECOLLECTIONS OF JAMES M. GOODHUE. 501

Soon after my acquaintance with him in the lead mines, he
wrote a novel, portraying the life of a miner, under the title of
"Striking a Lead," which was published by H. H. Houghton,
of the Galena Gazette. It was one of the most popular stories
of the day, clearly indicating, if he had deA^oted his time exclu-
sively to literary pursuits, that he would have excelled as an
author.

Mr. Goodhue, at the time of his last sickness, spoke of his
purpose to take up this work and carry it on to completion.

His memory should always be cherished as the pioneer edi-
tor of Minnesota His name is perpetuated in that given to
one of the best counties in the State of Minnesota.

502 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

An Interesting Historical Document.

The Minnesota Historical Society is indebted to William H.
Grant, of St. Paul, and to Gol. Harry 0. Kessler, of Butte, Mon-
tana, for the opportunity of reproducing the following historical
document, communicating a transcript of the pension list of the
United States, showing the number of revolutionary pensioners,
on the first day of June, 1813. It is believed that this copy of
the document, from which the republication is made, is the only
copy in existence. It has been preserved in the family of Cap-
tain John Kessler, one of the revolutionary pensioners, named
in the Pennsylvania list, and has been kindly loaned to this
society by the grandson, Col. Harry C. Kessler, above named.

The authority for the original publication appears in part 1,
of the Annals of the Twelfth Congress, page 1042.

On February 12, 1812, the House of Representatives of the
United States adopted the following resolution :

On motion of Mr. Burwell, [of Va.]

^^ Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to lay
before this House a list of persons on the pension list, the State
or Territory in which they live, and the amount annually
allowed each person by law.'^

In the burning of the capitol and other public buildings in
1814, nearly all the government records were destroyed, and it is
supposed that the original and all the copies of this document,
were aniong those lost at that time.

FROM

THE SECRETARY OF WAR,

COMMUNICATING

A tjkas^sckiipt of the mek^^

SlOSr ILIST

OF
SHEWING THE

NUMBER OF PENSIONERS IN THE SEVERAL

DISTRICTS,

ALSO,
THE :aMOUJVT ALLOWED TO E^aCH PEJVSIOJ^ER

JUNE I, 1813.
Referred to the Committee of Claims.

WASHINGTON:
A. AND G. WAY, PRINTERS.

1813.

504 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

WASHINGTON CITY,
May Slst, 1813.,
SIE,

I HAVE the honor to transmit you herewith, to be laid
before the House, a report relative to the pension list of the
United States.

I have the honor to be,
Sir,
Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

JOHN AEMSTEONG.
To the Hon. the speaker
of the House of Representatives
of the United States.

WAE DEPAETMENT,

May 28th, 1813.

IN obedience to a resolution of the House of Eepresentatives
of the United States, bearing date the 12th of February, 1812,
the Secretary of War has the honor to present a transcript of the
pension list of the said states, (contained on four sheets in folio,
paged from one to sixteen) exhibiting the number of each pen-
sioner as he stands on the roll of the respective districts or
agencies, his rank or quality, and the amount of the annual
stipend at present allowed each person by law.

All which is respectfully submitted.

JOHN AEMSTEONG.

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

505

SCHEDULE of the Names, Rank and Annual Stipends of
the Invalids, Pensioners of the United States.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

No.

on the

Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Quality.

Annual
Stipend.

1

Peter Akerman,

private.

$ 40

2

Andrew Aikin,

sergt. major,

45

3

Caleb Aldrish,

sergeant,

60

4

Caleb Austin,

private.

20

5

Daniel Buzzle,

do.

60

6

Arehelaus Batchelor,

sergeant,

30

7

Ebenezer Bean,

private,

20

8

Francis Blood,

do.

60

9

James Cobby,

do.

(dead)

10

James Campbell,

do.

48

n

Nathaniel Church,

do.

60

12

Ebenezer Carlton,

do.

60

13

Levi Chubbuck,

fifer.

45

14

Morrel Coburn,

private,

15

15

William Curtiss,

do.

60

16

James Crummitt,

do.

60

17

Jabez Church,

do.

30

• 18

Benjamin Cotton,

do.

30

19

David Duncan,

do.

40

20

Henry Danforth,

do.

30

21

James Dean,

do.

15

22

Lemuel Dean,

do.

60

23

Francis Davidson,

do.

48

24

Edward Evans,

do.

60

25

Thomas Eastman,

d«.

45

26

Ebenezer Fletcher,

fifer,

15

27

Stephen Fuller,

private,

20

28

James Gould,

lieutenant,

160

29

Abner Gage,

private,

60

30

Moses S. George,

do.

30

31

Joshua Gilman,

do.

40

32

Windsor Gleason,

do.

15

33

Joseph Greely,

do.

15

34

Joseph Green,

do.

30

35

Jonas Green,

do.

60

36

William Hastings,

do.

60

37

Thomas Haynes,

do.

60

38

Joshua Haynes,

do.

48

39

Nathan Holt,

do.

15

40

Charles Huntoon, junior,

do.

20

41

Zadock Hurd,

do.

20

42

Joseph Hilton.

lieutenant.

80

43

Jonathan Holton,

do.

120

44

James Hawkley,

private.

60

45

Ebenezer Jennings,

sergeant.

15

46

Peter Johnson,

private.

15

47

Benjamin Jenkins,

sergeant,

30

48

Abraham Kimball,

private.

30

49

Benjamin Knight,

sergeant,

20

50

John Knight,

private,

30

506

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.
NEW HAMPSHIRE.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual

[ Roll.

Quality.

Stipend.

51

Samuel Lacount,

private,

$ 40

52

Samuel Lathrop,

do.

60

53

John La pish,

do.

15

54

Nathaniel Leavitt,

corporal.

60

55

John Lincoln,

private,

36

56

Joshua Lovejoy,

sergeant,

60

67

Randall M'Allastar,

private.

60

58

Andrew M'Ga£fy,

lieutenant.

106 68

59

John M'Coy,

private,

60

60

Noah Marsh,

do.

20

61

Joseph Morrell,

do.

60

62

Jonathan Margery,

do.

40

63

James Moore,

do.

60

64

Samuel Morrell,

do.

24

65

Joseph Moss,

do.

40

66

Seymoure Marsh,

do.

30

67

Elijah Morse,

do.

48

68

Jotham Nute,

sergeant.

60

69

John Orr,

lieutenant,

120

70

Phineas Parkhurst,

fifer.

60

71

Joel Porter,

private,

15

72

Samuel Potter,

sergeant,

40

73

Asa Putney,

do.

30

74

Jeremiah Pritchard,

lieutenant,

160

75

Joseph Patterson,

private,

30

76

Jonathan Perkins,

ensign,

60

77

John Reed,

private.

60

78

Stephen Richardson,

do.

24

79

Daniel Russell,

do.

60

80

Charles Rice,

do.

30

81

Noah Robinson,

lieutenant.

120

82

Joseph Richardson,

private,

30

83

Joseph Slack,

do.

40

84

John Samuel Sherburne,

major.

300

85

Nathan Sanborn,

(;aptain.

40

86

Thomas Simpson,

lieutenant.

160

• 87

Aaron Smith,

ensign.

120

88

Noah Sinclair,

private.

45

89

John Simpson, ^

do.

40

90

Reuben Spencer,

do.

40

91

John Smith,

sergeant,

30

92

Samuel Stocker,

private.

30

93

Amos Spafford,

do.

40

94

Hezekiah Sawtell,

do.

30

95

Samuel Sterns,

do.

30

96

Jeremiah Towle,

corporal.

32

97

Moses Trussell,

private,

40

98

Ebenezer Tinkham,

do.

30

99

William Taggart,

ensign.

60

100

Nathan Taylor,

lieutenant,

120

101

William Smart,

private.

60

102

Jonathan Wilkins,

marine,

30

103

William Wallace,

private,

60

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

507

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual
Stipend.

Roll.

Quality.

104

William Wood,

private,

40

105

Weymouth Wallace,

do.

30

106

Josiah Walton,

do.

20

107

Jacob Wilman, junior,

do.

15

108

Francis Whitcomb,

do.

20

109

Robert B. Wilkins,

do.

60

110

Seth Wyman,

do.

48

111

Edward Waldo,

lieutenant.

106 66f

112

Jonathan Willard,

ensign.

60

113

Samuel Wells,

sergeant,

45

114

James Trowbridge,

do.

39 96

115

Samuel Allen,

private,

24

116

Nehemiah Leavitt,

corporal,

30

117

William Powers,

private,

30

118

Lemuel Trafton, transferred from

Massachusetts,

do.

60

Total of annual stipends,

5.730 30§

MASSACHUSETTS.

1

George Airs,

matross.

60

2

Caleb Atherton,

private.

40

3

John Adams,

do.

40

4

Aaron Abbott,

do.

26 66

5

Malachi Allen,

do.

20

6

Luke Aldrich,

do.

30

7

Gustavus Aldrich,

sergeant.

60

8

Spafford Ames,

private,

60

9

Robert Ames,

do.

60

10

Isaac Abbot,

lieutenant.

96

11

Ebenezer Bancroft,

captain.

72

12

John Bryant,

lieutenant.

200

13

Elias Barron,

dragoon,

60

14

Joseph Brown,

sergeant,

60

15

Jonathan Ball,

do.

48

16

Perez Bradford,

do.

24

17

Nathaniel Bowen.

do.

60

18

John Barberie,

corporal,

60

19

John Bean,

do.

40

20

Benjamin Berry,

private.

60

21

Abner Briggs,

do.

60

22

Phineas Butler,

do.

60

23

Peter Barrows,

do.

28

24

Jonas Blodget,

do.

40

25

Nathaniel Baker,

do.

40

26

Squire Bishop, junior.

do.

40

27

Josiah Ball,

do.

26 66

28

George Bacon,

do.

48

29

Ephraim Bailey,

do.

60

30

Robert Bancroft,

do.

10

31

James Bacheldore,

do.

15

508

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

MASSACHUSETTS.

No.
on the
Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Quality.

Annual
Stipend.

32

John Berry,

private,

$ 60

3i

Elijah Brainard,

do.

60

34

Ebenezer Brown,

sergeant.

60

35

Joshua Clapp,

lieutenant,

(dead)

36

Josiah Chute,

sergeant,

40

37

Abel Carpenter,

do.

26 66

38

Jonas Chi Ids,

private.

60

39

Job Carwell,

do.

60

40

Timothy Chase,

do.

40

41

William Conant,

do.

40

42

Moses Cass,

do.

40

43

Levi Chadbourne,

do.

60

44

Solomon Cole,

do.

26 66

45

Noah Clough,

do.

15

46

Nathan Cook,

do.

14

47

Richard Crouch,

do.

60

48

James Campbel,

do.

15

49

Caleb Chadwick,

do.

15

50

Barnabas Chapman,

do.

20

51

Richard Chase,

do.

30

52

Joseph Coxe,

sergeant,

40

53

Thomas Crowell,

private.

60

54

George Cammell,

do.

30

55

John Careton,

do.

30

56

Henry Carver,

do.

60

57

William Clark,

do.

30

58

Seth Delana,

sergeant,

32

59

Thomas Doty,

private,

60

60

Jonathan Davis,

do.

30

61

John Duncan,

do.

26 66

62

Jonathan Doty,

marine,

33 32

63

Robert Elvell,

bombardier,

60

64

William Earle,

marine,

60

65

John Elgerly,

private.

60

66

Henry Farwell,

captain,

80

67

Jonas Farns worth,

do.

120

68

John Francis,

do.

60

f9

William Foster,

sergeant.

48

70

Samuel Fowle,

private.

40

71

Jedediah Fuller,

do.

40

72

Jacob Frost,

do.

30

73

Levi Farnsworth,

do.

30

74

Moses Fitch,

do.

12

75

Frederick Follet,

do.

30

76

Joseph Frost,

do.

7 50

77

Benjamin Farnham,

captain,

80

78

Thomas Foot,

private.

40

79

John Gould,

do.

60

80

Jonathan Gleason,

do.

60

81

Silas Gill,

do.

40

82

Samuel Green,

do.

20

83

Isaac Greer,

do.

10

84

Henry Gates,

do.

60

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

509

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONEKS, continued.

MASSACHUSETTS.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual
Stipend.

Roll.

Quality.

85'

Uriah Goodwin,

private,

$ 15

86

Deborah Gannett,

do.

4S

87

Charles Gowen,

do.

30

88

Edward Grant,

do.

44 40

89

Elijah Hudson,

sergeant,

48

90

Solomon Hayward,

do.

48

91

Daniel Horn,

do.

20

92

John Hicks,

private.

60

93

Daniel Hickey,

do.

60

94

Peter Hopkins,

do.

40

95

Joseph Handy,

do.

30

96

Josiah Howard,

do.

26 66

97

Daniel Hemmenway,

do.

20

98

William Hubbard,

marine,

60

99

Joseph Hale,

private.

(dead)

loo

Gamaliel Handy,

do.

40

101

Peter Hemmenway,

do.

60

102

Jesse Holt,

corporal,

7 50

103

Ambrose Homan,

private.

30

104

William Jacobs,

do.

60

105

Joseph Johnson,

do.

60

106

Josiah Jones,

do.

48

107

Moses Knowland,

do.

60

108

Abner Kent,

do.

60

109

John Knowles,

do.

20

110

Ephraim Lane,

Lt. colonel.

20

111

Thomas Linnen,

corporal.

20

112

William Lucas,

private.

60

113

Crosby Luce,

gunner.

30

114

Nathaniel Ladd,

private.

30

115

Reuben Mitchell,

do.

60

116

Neil M'Arthur,

do.

60

117

Isaac M' Kinney,

do.

40

118

Benjamin Moody,

do.

40

119

Benjamin Mastick,

do.

60

120

Alexander Murray,

do.

30

121

Benjamin Merrill,

do.

40

122

Filley Mead,

do.

15

123

Elisha Munsell,

do.

30

124

John Maynard,

lieutenant.

72

125

Samuel Mears, junior.

private,

30

126

Christopher, Newbitt,

do.

60

127

John Nickless,

do.

10

128

Daniel Nutting,

do.

24

129

Timothy Northam,

do.

20

130

Joseph Noyes,

lieutenant.

30

131

John Paul,

sergeant

48

132

Joseph Patterson,

do.

30

133

George Parker,

private.

48

134

Solomon Parsons,

do.

48

135

John Priest,

do.

40

136

Nathan Putnam,

do.

5

137

Ebenezer Perkins,

marine,

60

510

MIENESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIDTY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.
MASSACHUSETTS.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual
Stipend.

Roll.

Quality.

138

William Parker,

private.

$ 30

139

Joseph Peabody,

do.

20

140

Amos Peirson,

sergeant,

12

141

Job Preist,

ensign.

40

142

Thomas Pratt,

private.

40

143

Jonathan Patch,

do.

60

144

Shephard Packard,

do.

36

145

Joseph Roberts,

carpenter,

60

146

Elisha Rice,

corporal,

60

147

Abner Rose,

raatross.

33 32

148

Moses Ramsdale,

private,

60

149

Benjamin Rider,

do.

60

150

Eliphas Reed,

do.

60

151

Benjamin A. Richardson,

do.

40

152

William Rideout,

do.

60

153

Jeremiah Robbins,

do.

40

154

Joseph Rumrill,

do.

40

155

Ebenezer Rowe,

seaman.

60

156

John Slewman,

captain,

300

157

Eli Stearns,

sergeant,

60

158

Ezekiel Spalding,

do.

24

159

Joseph Saunders,

corporal.

60

160

Jonathan Stevens,

do.

30

161

John Stoak,

private.

60

162

Anthony Shoppe,

do.

60

163

Jonas Shattuck,

do.

60

164

Zen as Sturdivant,

do.

60

165

Moses Smith,

do.

60

166

Enoch Stocker,

do.

40

167

Anthony Starbard,

do.

40

168

William Symras,

do.

37 50

169

Daniel Stearns,

do.

36

170

Abraham Sawyer,

do.

30

171

William Spooner,

bombardier,

(dead)

172

Amasa Scott,

private.

15

173

Robert Smith,

do.

40

174

Sylvanus Snow,

do.

20

175

Abner Snow,

do.

45

176

Moses Sanderson,

do.

40

177

Peleg Smith,

do.

40

178

Jonathan Taft,

do.

60

179

Lemuel Trafton,

do.

transfer'd

180

Israel Thomas,

do.

60

181

Noah Taylor,

do.

60

182

Ephraim Taylor,

do.

60

183

Charles Thrasher,

do.

40

184

John Tolman,

do.

transfer 'd

185

Pel eg Tall man,

yeoman.

51

186

Philip Taber,

private.

60

187

Eliphalet Taylor,

do.

20

188

Josiah Temple,

do.

40

189

George Ulmer,

lieutenant,

160

190

John Union,

private.

30

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

511

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

MASSACHUSETTS.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual

EoU.

Quality.

Stipend.

191

Amariah Vose,

sergeant.

■
$ 60

192

David Vickery,

private,

20

193

Moses White,

captain.

240

194

James Warner,

lieutenant,

120

195

Joseph Whittemore,

do.

120

196

David Wood,

sergeant.

48

197

Elijah Williams,

corporal,

60

198

William Watts,

private,

60

199

Isaac Whitcomb,

do.

(dead)

200

Joshua Winn,

do.

48

201

Joseph Ware,

do.

60

202

Asa Ware,

do.

60

203

Josiah W^ right.

do.

4»

204

Elisha Ward,

do.

40

205

Samuel Woodbury,

marine.

40

206

Wareham Warner,

private,

36

207

Moses Wing,

drummer,

60

208

Samuel Warner,

' private.

30

209

Samuel Willington,

do.

30

210

Nahum Wright,

sergeant,

7 50

211

William Warren,

lieutenant,

90

212

James Wesson,

colonel.

300

213

William Gushing,

lieutenant.

120

214

Wm. Leaver, alias Lavar,

private.

30

215

Oliver Russell,

corporal.

30

216

James Walsh,

matross.

60

217

Jas. Gallute, transf. fr. N. Y.,

private.

39

10,602 33

VERMONT.

1

Jonas Adams,

private,

60

2

William Bed en.

corporal,

36

3

Samuel Bradish,

private.

60

4

Daniel Brown,

do.

60

5

Elijah Barnes,

do.

15

6

Elijah Bennett,

do.

30

7

Thomas Brush,

do.

15

8

David Brydia,

do.

30

9

Joseph Bird,

do.

48

10

Daniel Cushman, •

corporal,

(transf.)

11

Gershom Clark,

private,

60

12

James Campbell, '

do.

30

13

Edward Clark,

sergeant.

15

14

Elisha Capron,

private.

30

15

Oliver Darling,

do.

60

16

Samuel Eyers,

do.

60

17

Richard Fairbrother,

do.

36

18

Thomas Green,

do.

40

19

Asa Gould,

dto-.

60

512

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

VERMONT.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual
Stipend.

Roll.

Quality.

20

Benjamin Gould,

private.

$ 30

21

Amasa Grover,

do.

24

22

Ezra Gates,

do.

40

23

Gideon Griegs,

do.

30

24

William Hazletine,

do.

60

25

Jediah Hyde,

captain,

180

26

Jonathan Haynes,

private.

40

27

Zimri Hill,

do.

30

28

Lewis Hard,

sergeant.

60

29

Joseph Huntoon,

lieutenant,

160

30

Jared Hinckley, junior,

private,

30

31

Nathan Jaques,

do.

20

32

Elijah Knight,

do.

60

33

Jonathan Lake,

corporal.

30

34

Jonathan Lyon,

private,

60

35

Eleazer Martin,

do.

40

36

Ebenezer M'llvaine,

do.

60

37

William Martin,'

do.

40

38

Richard Millen,

do.

60

39

John Nixon,

colonel,

150

40

Nehemiah Peirce,

private.

60

41

Elisha Reynolds,

do.

30

42

Prince Robinson,

do.

60

43

Uriah Stone,

steward,

60

44

Daniel Stanton, junior.

private.

45

45

Ephraim Smith,

do.

60

46

Philo Stoddard,

do.

40

47

Thomas Torrance,

do.

30

48

Benjamin Tower,

do.

40

49

Joseph Tyler,

do.

60

50

Annanias Tubhs,

do.

30

51

Abel Woods,

do.

60

52

Aaron Wilder,

do.

60

53

Jonathan Woolley,

do.

60

54

Ziba Wood worth.

do.

60

55

William Waterman,

do.

20

56

John Wilson,

sergeant.

20

57

Isaac Webster,

do.

30

58

Daniel Evans,

private,

30

59

Nathan Ford,

do.

30

60

Jonas Hobart,

do.

24

61

Lemuel Rich, (from Con.)

do.

60

62

John Tolman, (from Mass.)

Total of annual stipends.

do.

20

2,938

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

513

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

RHODE ISLAND.

NAMES.

Thomas Arnold,
Abijah Adams,
John Armsbury,
William Barton,
Edward Bennett,
Comfort Bishop,
Jacob Briggs,
George Bradford,
Ezra Chase,
James Chappel,
Levi Csesar,
Rowland Chadsey,
Jonathan Davenport,
Comfort Eddy,
John Elliot,
Edward Gavett,
Job Greenman,
Prince Green,
Richard Hopkins,
Josiah Jones,
William Lunt,
John Mowry,
Edward Peirce,
Bristol Rhodes,
Joseph A. Richards,
John Slocum,
Richard Sephton,
Britain Saltonstall,
Charles Scott,
Benoni Simmons,
Noel Tabor.
Benjamin Tompkins,
George Townsend,
Prince Vaughan,
Edward Vose,
Guy Watson,

Total of annual stipends.

Rank
or

Quality.

captain,
private,

do.
sergeant,
private,

do.

do.

do.

do.

do.

do.

do.

do.

do.

do.

do.

do.

do.

do.

do,

do.

do.
sergeant,
private,
corporal,
private,

do.

do.

do.
gunner,
corporal,
marine,
private,

do.
sergeant,
private.

Annual
Stipend.

50

240
54
30
42
60
40
48
60
60
42
36
20
2
60
30
60
48
48
30
60
30
27
60
60
42
60
60
42
60
60
27
60
45
44
10
30

1,787 50

CONNECTICUT.

1

Thomas Avery,

lieutenant,

200

2

Park Avery, Junior,

do.

60

3

Ebenezer Avery,

corporal.

30

4

David Atkins,

private.

60

5

Gad Asher,

do.

60

6

Abner Andruss,

do.

60

7

Daniel Avery.

do.

36

8

Amos Avery, 2d,

do.

30

9

Theodore Andruss,

do.

60

10

Samuel Andruss,

corporal.

45

514

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.
CONNECTICUT.

No.

Rank

on the

NAMES.

or

Annual

Roll.

Quality.

Stipend.

11

Smith Ames,

private.

$ 60

12

Nathaniel Austin,

do.

45

13

Daniel Bouton,

captain.

180

14

Oliver Bostwick,

ensign,

120

15

Daniel Bushneil,

private,

60

16

Simeon Bishop,

do.

60

17

Salmon Buell,

do.

(dead)

18

William Burrows,

do.

60

19

Daniel Bill,

do.

60

20

Isaiah Bunee,

do.

45

21

Stephen Barnum,

do.

60

22

Samuel Burdwin,

do.

60

23

Benjamin Bennett,

do.

24

24

John Beardsley, junior,

do.

60

25

Jedediah Brown,

do.

20

26

Elisha Burrows,

do.

15

27

Isaiah Beaumont,

do.

15

28

Walter Burdick,

do.

30

29

Edward Bassett,

do.

30

30

William Bailey,

do.

30

31

Robert Bailey,

do.

15

32

Enos Blakesley,

do.

(dead)

* 33

David Blackman,

do.

40

34

Jonathan Bowers,

corporal.

60

35

Aner Bradley,

sergeant.

30

36

Oliver Burnham,

do.

15

37

Isaiah Buell,

private,

45

38

Joseph Button,

do.

60

■ 39

Seth Board man.

do.

40

40

William C. Bebee,

do.

60

41

Ebenezer Coe,

captain,

240

42

Richard Chamberlain,

private.

44

43

John Clark,

do.

60

44

Matthew Cadwell,

do.

60

45

Benoni Conneil,

do.

60

46

Jirah Carter,

do.

60

47

Timothy Ceasar,

do.

60

48

Benjamin Close,

do.

48

49

Araariah Chappell,

do.

24

50

Elisha Clark,

do.

30

51

Jonah Cook,

do.

60

52

Henry Cone,

do.

60

53

Simon Crosby,

do.

40

54

Nathaniel Church,

do.

30

55

Ebenezer Duran,

do.

60

56

George Dixon,

do.

60

57

Lemuel Denning, junior,

do.

20

58

Lothrop Davis,

sergeant,

60

59

Israel Dibble,

private,

36

60

Gershom Dormon,

do.

60

61

Joseph Dunbar,

corporal.

45

62

John Daboll,

private,

7 50

63

Stephen Everts,

do.

40

AN INTERESTING HISTOEICAL DOCUMENT.

515

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

CONNECTICUT.

No.
on the
Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Quality.

Annual
Stipend.

64

William Edmonds,

private,

$ 40

65

Eliphalet Easton,

do.

60

66

Gideon Edwards,

do.

60

67

Stephen Fellows,

sergeant.

60

68

Thomas Farnham,

do.

36

69

John Fountaine,

private,

60

70

Aaron Farmar,

do.

60

71

Isaac Frink,

do.

60

72

Ransfbrd A. Ferris,

do.

60

73

Zaccheus Fargo,

do.

30

74

Henry Filmore,

do.

30

75

Samuel French,

do.

60

76

Andrew Griswold,

lieutenant.

160

77

Sherman Gardner,

private,

60

78

Henry Gilner,

do.

60

79

Andrew Gallup,

do.

40

80

Robert Gallup,

do.

15

81

Richard P. Hallow,

do.

60

82

Jazaniah How,

do.

60

83

Stephen Hull,

corporal,

30

84

Joseph Harrup,

private,

60

85

Stephen Hempstead,

do.

45

86

Nero Hawley,

do.

40

87

Isee Hayt,

do.

30

88

John Herron,

do.

30

89

Eleazer Hudson,

do.

45

90

Ashbel Hosmer,

corporal,

(dead)

91

Nathan Hawley,

do.

48

92

D.iniel Hewitt,

sergeant.

20

93

Isaac Higgios,

private.

(dead)

94

Thurston Hilliard,

do.

20

95

John Horsford,

do.

(dead)

96

Benjamin Howd,

do.

45

-97

Elijah Hoyt,

do.

30

98

David Hubbell,

do.

60

99

Nathaniel Hewitt,

do.

45

loo

Joel Hinman,

do.

60

101

David Hurd,

do.

60

102

Charles Jones,

do.

60

103

Jtistus Johnson,

do.

40

104

Johuel Judd,

do.

48

105

Lent Ives,

do.

30

10«

Caleb Jewett,

do.

20

107

William Johnson,

do.

30

108

Jared Knapp,

sergeant,

60

109

Lemuel King,

private.

60

110

Elisha Lee,

captain.

240

111

Peter Lewis,

private,

60

112

Phineas Lake,

do.

60

113

William Leach,

do.

60

114

Christopher Latham, junior,

do.

45

115

John Ledyard,

do.

45

116

Naboth Lewis,

do.

40

516

MINNESOTA HISTOKICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

v/v/i-i x-* a:j\j X X v. u X .

No.
on the

1

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual

Roll.

Quality.

Stipend.

117

Nathaniel Lewis,

private,

$ 15

118

Samuel Loom is,

corporal,

45

119

Lee Lay,

captain,

80

120

Elijah Lincoln,

corporal,

60

121

Timothy Mix,

lieutenant.

60

122

Andrew Mead,

ensign.

80

123

Dan Mansfield,

private,

(dead)

124

Samuel Mitchell,

do.

60

125

Samuel Mills, junior,

do.

30

126

John Morgan, 3d,

do.

40

127

Jacob Meach,

do.

20

128

James Morgan, junior.

do.

30

129

Joseph Moxley,

do.

30

130

Jeremiah Markham,

sergeant,

60

131

Allyn Marsh,

corporal,

30

132

Stephen Miner,

qr. gunner.

30

133

Elnathan Norton,

private.

(dead)

134

Mark Noble,

do.

60

135

David Orcutt,

do.

60

136

Joseph Otis,

do.

30

137

Thomas Picket,

do.

60

138

Alexander Phelps,

do.

60

139

David Pool,

do.

60

140

Thomas Parmelie,

sergeant.

7 50

141

Chandler Pardie,

private,

52 50

142

Daniel Preston,

do.

20

143

Obadiah Perkins,

lieutenant.

96

144

Enos Petott,

private,

24

145

John Rood,

do.

48

146

Jeremiah Ryan,

do.

60

147

Lemuel Rich,

do.

(transfd)

148-

Moses Raymond,

do.

60

149

Oliver Rogers,

do.

24

150

David Ranney,

do.

60

151

Solomon Reynolds,

do.

60

152

Samuel Rossetter,

do.

60

153

Elijah Royce,

do.

45

154

Josiah Smith,

do.

60

155

Edward Stanton,

do.

60

156

Josiah Strong,

do.

40

157

John Starr,

do.

40

158

Selah Schoffield,

do.

30

159

William Seymour,

do.

240

160

B enjamin Seely,

do. .

15

161

William Starr,

qr. master,

45

162

Elihu Sabin,

private.

40

163

Samuel Sawyer,

do.

30

164

Thomas Shepherd,

do.

15

165

Amos Skeel,

do.

60

166

Heber Smith,

sergeant,

60

167

Aaron Smith.

private.

15

168

Edmund Smith,

do.

30

169

Samuel Stillman,

do.

30

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

517

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

CONNECTICUT.

NEW YORK.

No.

Rank

on the

NAMES.

or

Annual

Roll.

Quality.

Stipend.

170

Aaron Stephens,

captain,

$ 120

171

Peter Smith,

private,

48

172

Elijah Sheldon,

do.

(ded

173

John Smith,

do.

48

174

Moses Tracy,

sergeant,

60

175

William Taxball,

corporal,

36

176

Solomon Townsend,

private.

60

177

Aaron Tattle,

do.

40

178

Jabez Tomlinson,

do.

15

179

Enoch Turner, junior.

do.

60

180

Levi Tuttle,

do.

15

181

Samuel Woodcock,

sergeant,

60

182

Constant Webb,

do.

36

183

William Wilson,

private,

60

184

John Waklee,

do.

60

185

Joseph Waterman,

do.

40

186

Benjamin Weed, junior.

do.

30

187

Joseph Woodmansee,

do.

60

188

Thomas Williams,

do.

20

189

Jacob Williams,

do.

15

190

Richard Watrous,

do.

45

191

Jonathan Whaley,

do.

15

192

Ezra Wilcox,

do.

15

193

Azel Wood worth,

do.

60

194

Seth Weed,

lieutenant,

72

195

James Wayland,

private,

40

196

William Woodruff,

corporal.

60

197

Hezekiah Bailey,

ensign,

60

198

Isaac Durand,

private.

30

199

Joel Fox,

do.

30

200

Luke Guyant,

do.

60

201

Aaron Peck,

Total of annual stipends,

do.

40

9.778 50

1

James Adams,

sergeant,

$ 60

2

Matthew Adams,

private,

60

3

Gannett Abeel,

do.

48

4

Edward Armstrong,

do.

36

5

Jacob Acker,

do.

36

6

Richard Allison,

do.

24

7

Waterman Baldwin,

do.

60

8

Joshua Barnum,

captain,

240

9

Nathan Bradley,

private.

60

10

Henry Brewster,

lieutenant,

120

11

David Brown,

do.

96

12

Nicholas Barrett alias Barth,

do.

135

13

Thomas Buyce,

ensign.

96

14

James Burgess,

qr. mr. sergt.

24

518

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

NEW YORK.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual
Stipend.

Roll.

Quality.

15

Silas Barber,

sergeant.

$ 60

16

Jonas Belknap,

do.

20

17

Joshua Bishop,

matross,

36

18

John Bennett,

private,

60

19

John Butler,

do.

60 ,

20

Timothy Bo wen,

do.

60

21

Nicholas Bovie,

do.

60

22

Edward Benton,

do.

60

23

Henry Bouce,

do.

60

24

John Baxter,

do.

48

25

John Brooks,

do.

36

26

Obadiah Banks,

do.

36

27

George H. Bell,

do.

30

28

Michael Brooks,

do.

24

29

Nicholas Brown,

do.

24

30

Baltus Bradenburgh,

do.

24

31

Edward Bates,

do.

60

32

Thomas Baldwin,

sergeant.

30

33

Thomas Brooks,

private,

45

34

Jedediah Brown,

do.

30

35

William Burritt,

do.

60

36

Job Bartrara,

captain.

180

37

Caleb Brewster,

lieutenant,

200

38

Obadiah Brown,

private.

15

39

Benjamin Benjamin,

do.

60

40

James Beers,

do.

48

41

Benjamin Bartlett,

sergeant,

60

42

Daniel Baldwin,

captain.

240

43

Aaron Brink,

private.

60

44

Peter Covenhoven,

sergeant,

60

45

David Cook,

captain.

200

46

Thomas Carpenter,

lieutenant,

96

47

Joseph Cutler,

ensign,

60

48

Philo Garfield,

sergeant.

24

49

Thomas Crawford,

bombardier,

60

50

Edward Cailaghan,

private,

60

51

John Cooper,

do.

60

52

Gershom Curvin,

do.

60

53

Adam Coppernoll,

do.

60

54

David Cady,

do.

60

55

Daniel Culver,

do.

60

56

Amos Camp,

do.

40

57

Francis Courtney,

do.

40

58

Gilbert Carrigan,

do.

36

59

John Crum,

do.

36

60

Phineas Coxe,

do.

30

61

William Champernois,

do.

45

62

Russell Chappell,

do.

30

63

Henry Challer,

do.

60

64

Aaron Crane,

sergeant.

30

65

Albert Chapman,

captain.

120

66

John Cramer,

private,

30

67

Peter Conyne,

adjutant,

96

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

519

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

NEW YORK.

NAMES.

Hackaliab Doolittle,
Hans Mark Demoth,
Francis Belong,
Andrew Dunlop,
Thomas Duncan,
William Drew,
Nathan Davis,
James Dunlap,
Mathias Decamp,
George Dunkill,
Samuel Decker,
Marshal Dixon,
Thomas Done,
James Dole,
Peter Demarest,
John De Voe,
Benjamin Denslow,
Gerardus Dingman,
Jared Duncan,
Isaac El wood,
Nathan Ellis,
William Elberton,
Jeremiah Everitt,
Peter Eager,
Frederick Fisher,
John Frey,
Christian W. Fox,
William Faulkner,
Hackaliah Foster,
Robert Feeks,
Squire Fancher,
William Fagan,
Duncan Frazier,
John Foster,
Andrew Frank,
John Jost Foltz,
Jonathan Finch,
George Finchley,
Sylvanus Ferris,
Elisha Frizzle,
William Fancher,
John Ferris,
Elisha Farnham,
Elisha Forbes,
John Fleming,
William Foster,
Richard Garrison,
Jacob Gardiner,
Nathaniel Gove,
Samuel Gibbs,
Zachariah Green,
John Garnett,
Samuel Gardiner,

Rank

Annual

or
Quality.

Stipend.

private.

$ 30

captain.

240

lieutenant,

60

sergeant,

60

do.

60

corporal,

36

private.

60

do.

60

do.

60

do.

'60

do.

60

do.

24

matross.

60

lieutenant,

100

private,

60

do.

60

do.

60

do.

60

do.

60

corporal,

48

private,

60

do.

60

do.

30

do.

60

colonel,

300

brigade major,

300

captain,

240

do.

90

sergeant.

30

corporal.

48

private,

60

do.

60

do.

60

do.

60

do.

60

do.

60

do.

48

do.

48

do.

36

do.

60

do.

24

do.

24

do.

30

do.

36

do.

60

do.

60

qr. master.

78

captain.

120

lieutenant,

160

do.

160

corporal.

36

private,

60

do.

60

520

MINNETOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.
NEW YORK.

No.
on the
Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Quality.

Annual
Stipend.

121

Josiah Green,

private.

$ 48

122

James Gallute,

do.

(transf.)

123

Benajah Geer,

do.

24

124

Allen Gilbert,

do.

15

125

Isaac Genung,

do.

30

126

Francis Gallaher,

do.

60

127

Burr Gilbert,

do.

60

128

Simeon Gibbs,

corporal.

30

12Q

John Gilbert,

sergeant.

30

130

Thomas Hustler,

do.

60

131

David Hall, junior,

do.

60

132

George Helmer,

lieutenant,

156

133

Mordecai Hall,

surgeon's mate.

189

134

Staats Hammond,

sergeant,

60

135

John Hilton,

do.

24

136

Stephen PEurlbut,

drummer.

48

137

JohnHink,

private,

60

138

Joseph Harris,

do.

60

139

Thomas Hinds,

do.

60

140

Adam Hartman,

do.

52

141

George Hansel,

do.

48

142

Peter Hogaboom,

do.

40

143

Thomas Hill,

do.

30

144

Asa Hill,

do.

24

145

Ozias Handford,

do.

24

146

Joseph Hager,

do.

15

147

Henry Hopper,

do.

12

148

John Hess,

do.

12

149

Bartlett Hinds.

lieutenant,

80

150

John Hubbard,

private,

36

151

Humphrey Hunt,

do.

15

152

Charlotte Hazen,

200

153

Joseph Harker,

captain.

120

154

Peter Harford,

sergeant.

30

155

David Hamilton,

private.

60

156

Samuel Jones,

sergeant.

60

157

James Ivory,

private.

60

158

William Jump,

do.

24

159

William James,

do.

24

160

Elijah Janes,

do.

100

161

Leverinus Koch,

sergeant.

60

162

Johannes Koch,

do.

36

163

Reuben King,

private.

60

164

John Kalb,

do.

60

165

Joseph Knapp,

do.

48

166

George Knox,

do.

36

167

John Ketchum,

do.

36

168

Abiel Knapp,

do.

40

169

John King,

do.

45

170

Elijah Knapp,

sergeant,

30

171

Stephen Kellog,

private.

60

172

Thomas Lyon,

lieutenant,

120

173

Henry Lewis,

ensign,

30

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

521

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

NEW YORK.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual
Stipend.

Roll.

Quality.

174

Robert Lang,

sergeant.

$ 48

175

Moses Lockwood,

gunner.

36

176

William Lewis,

private.

36

177

Michael Lyons,

do.

48

178

Peter Lampman,

do.

48

179

William Laken,

do.

40

180

John Little,

captain.

240

181

Joseph M'Craken,

major.

300

182

John M'Kinstry,

captain,

240

183

Michael Myers,

sergeant.

60

184

Lilleus Mead,

do.

60

185

Alexander M'Nish,

do.

52

186

Amos Miner,

do.

30

187

Mead Marshall,

gunner,

60

188

John Millspaugh,

bombardier.

36

189

Alexander M'Coy,

do.

24

190

George Mour,

private,

60

191

Charles M' Kenny,

do.

60

192

Girardus Mook,

do.

60

193

John M'Intosh,

do.

60

194

Daniel M' Donald,

do.

48

195

Paul M'Fall,

do.

48

196

John Mo8h*»r,

do.

48

197

Samuel M'Kean,

do.

36

198

William Martine,

do.

36

199

Philip Martine,

do.

36

200

John Miller,

do.

30

201

Henry Murphey,

do.

24

202

Daniel Mowris.

do.

24

203

Hugh M' Master,

do.

12

204

Francis Monty,

lieutenant.

80

205

Samuel Miller,

private,

60

206

Michael Malony,

do.

60

207

Thomas Machin,

captain.

120

208

Joseph Mack,

private,

24

209

Thomas M'Grath,

do.

30

210

William M'Laland,

do.

60

211

Donald M' Donald,

hostler,

30

212

Abraham Nealy,

lieutenant.

120

213

Jacob Newkirk,

private.

36

214

David Nicholls,

corporal,

48

215

Garret Oblenis,

private.

30

216

James Philips,

do.

30

217

Joseph Prenhop,

lieutenant.

80

218

Solomon Purdy,

sergeant.

60

219

Joseph Passmore,

do.

60

220

Jonathan Purdy,

corporal.

60

221

Thomas Powell,

private,

60

222

Daniel Provost,

do.

60

223

Stephen Plumb,

do.

36

224

Silas Parish,

do.

36

225

Adolph Pi card.

do.

30

226

Garret Peck,

do.

24

522

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

NEW YORK.

No.

on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual
Stipend.

Roll.

Quality.

227

Jared Palmer,

sergeant.

$ 30

228

Stephen Powell,

private,

3 75

229

Joel Phelps,

do.

30

230

Abner Pier,

do.

30

231

Jonathan Pollard,

do.

60

232

William Patterson,

do.

60

2.S3

Elisha Prior,

do.

45

234

David Pendleton,

do.

60

235

John Quick,

do.

24

236

Philip Philips,

do.

30

237

Nicholas Ritcher,

captain,

240

238

John Requa,

private.

60

239

Israel Reeves,

do.

60

240

Robert Robertson,

do.

60

241

Jacob Rattenauer,

do.

60

242

Jonathan Reynolds,

do.

(dead)

243

John Rice,

do.

48

244

Joseph Rehern,

do.

42

245

Hendrick Ritchmeyer,

do.

42

246

Willidm Reynolds,

do.

40

247

Frederick Rasberg,

do.

24

248

John Renan,

do.

12

249

Isaac Richards,

do.

30

250

John Rogers,

do.

30

251

James Reeves,

do.

3S

252

Benjamin Reynolds,

do.

24

253

John St John,

do.

60

254

Samuel Shaw,

lieutenant,

96

255

William Scott,

major,

300

256

Philip Staats,

lieutenant.

96

257

Josiah Smith,

do.

120

258

James Stilwell,

sergeant.

60

259

William Sloan,

do.

40

260

John Stewart,

corporal.

48

261

James Sartine,

private.

60

262

Daniel Stevens,

do.

60

263

Pearl Sharks,

do.

60

264

Robert Saunders,

do.

60

265

John Shutliff,

do.

60

266

Sylvanus Seely,

do.

48

267

Cornelius Swart wont,

do.

48

268

James Scott,

do.

48

269

Henry Seeber,

do.

48

270

Abiel Sherman,

do.

36

271

Benjamin Smith,

do.

60

272

James Smith,

do.

36

273

George Stansel,

do.

36

274

Garret Sulback,

do.

36

275

Adam Stroback,

do.

36

276

Edward Scott,

do.

36

277

James Slater,

do.

30

278

Thaddeus Seeley,

do.

30

279

Hans Jost Snell,

do.

24

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

523

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

NEW YORK.

No.
on the
Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Quality.

Annual
St pend.

280

George Schell,

private,

$ 60

281

Finley Stewart,

batteau man,

45

282

Godfrey Sweet,

private,

60

283

John Shay,

do.

36

284

Eliphalet Sherwood,

do.

30

285

Benjamin Sturges,

do.

48

286

Silas Talbot,

It, colonel,

300

287

Jacob Traviss,

lieutenant,

160

288

John Thomas,

private,

60

289

Ezekiel Travis,

do.

48

290

Ebenezer Tyler,

do.

48

291

Daniel Townsend,

do.

40

292

William Tanner,

do.

32

293

Asa Taylor,

do.

30

294

John Taylor,

do.

36

295

Alexander Tilford,

do.

24

296

Henry Ten Eyck,

captain,

180

297

Abel Turney,

marine.

60

298

Daniel Treadwell,

private,

48

299

Henry C. Van Ransalaer,

lieut. colonel,

360

300

William Van Ward,

private,

H6

301

John Utters,

do.

60

302

John Vaughn,

sergeant,

15

303

Asa Virgil,

private,

15

304

John Venus,

do.

30

305

Isaac Vincent,

do.

60

306

William Wallace,

lieutenant,

96

307

James Wier,

corporal.

52

308

David Wendell,

private,

30

309

Thomas Ward,

do.

60

310

George Waggoner,

do.

60

311

Jacob Wright,

do.

60

312

Thomas Wilson,

do.

60

313

Abraham Wolhlever,

do.

60

314

David Wilson,

do.

48

315

John Winn,

do.

48

316

Lemuel Wood,

do.

36

317

Nicholas Walrath,

do.

36

318

William White,

do.

40

319

James Wills,

do.

30

320

Ichabod Williams,

do.

24

321

Isaiah Wright,

do.

24

322

David Weaver,

do.

60

323

Rozael Woodworth.

do.

60

324

Ezekiel Williams,

do.

15

325

George Walter,

do.

30

326

Thomas Ward,

corporal,

60

327

Matthew N. Whyte,

cadet,

60

328

John Walsh,

private,

30

329

Kerly Ward,

do.

40

330

John Younglove,

major,

72

331

Gotfield Young,

corporal,

60

332

John Yorden,

private,

30

524

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continue4.

NEW YORK.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual

Roll.

Quality.

Stipend.

333

Nicholas Yorden,

private,

$ 12

334

Edward Shell,

do.

60

335

Job Snell,

do.

15

336

John Bogge, alias Bogue,

do.

60

337

Dan Culver,

do.

60

338

Elisha Fanning,

sergt. major.

30

339

Silas Benton,

captain,

240

340

James Crosslay,

private^

30

341

James Gorman,

matross,

60

342

John Philips,

corporal.

48

343

Thomas P. Smith,

private,

60

344

Danl. Cushman, (from Ver.)

Total of annual stipends.

do.

48

21,112 75

NEW JERSEY.

1

Josiah Burnet,

ensign,

120

2

William Broderick,

sergeant,

40

3

Isaac Bennet,

do.

40

4

John Burton,

private,

60

5

Barnes Bunn,

do.

24

6

Benjamin Bishop,

do.

24

7

James Boden,

do.

30

8

Thomas Cathart,

corporal,

60.

9

Robert Coddington,

private.

60

10

Isaac Cotheal,

do.

60

11

John Campbell,

do.

20

12

William Crane,

lieutenant.

160

13

George Compton,

corporal.

30

14

Randolph Clarkson,

private.

30

15

Morris De Camp,

sergeant,

48

16

John Fergus,

private.

24

17

Mahlon Ford,

captain.

240

18

Daniel Guard,

private.

30

19

John Griggs,

sergeant,

30

20

John Hampton,

ensign.

72

21

Theophilus Hathaway,

private.

60

22

Jacob Hall,

do.

40

23

William Howell,

do.

32

24

Samuel Hull,

sergeant,

40

25

Benoni Hathaway,

captain,

120

26

Nicholas Hoflf,

private.

60

27

Patrick Hart,

do.

36

28

James Jerolman,

lieutenant.

24

29

William Jobbs,

sergeant,

60

30

Richard Jones,

private.

40

31

Francis Jeflfers,

do.

24

32

William Johnson,

do.

30

33

Samuel Kirkendahe,

captain,

120

34

Christian Kuhn,

private,

60

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

525

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

NEW JERSEY.

No.
on the
Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Quality.

Annual
Stipend.

35

John Ketchum,

private,

$ 60

36

Aaron King,

do.

40

37

Samnel Lindsley,

do.

45

•^ 38

Samuel Leonard,

do.

30

39

John M'Clure,

do.

60

40

Peter Nefies,

sergeant,

48

41

James Patton,

lieutenant,

159 96

42

Jabez Pembleton,

private,

30

43

Silas Parrot,

lieutenant,

72

44

John Quinby,

private.

32

45

Andrew Ross,

do.

16

46

Daniel SDalbaker,

do.

60

47

James Swift,

do.

60

4H

Michael Smith,

do.

60 '

49

Samuel Stout,

do.

20

50

Aaron Stiles,

do.

60

51

James Sweeney,

do.

45

52

John Scott,

do.

60

53

James Thompson,

do.

60

54

Josiah Tuttle,

do.

32

55

Samuel Taylor,

corporal,

40

56

Sylvester Tilton,

volunteer.

30

57

John Williams,

corporal.

60

Total of annual stipends,

3,127 96

PENNSYLVANIA.

1

Ludwig Arbigust,

matross.

60

2

William Atkinson, .

private,

45

3

Daniel Aleshouse,

do.

20

4

George Attender,

do.

60

.6

Luke Broadhead,

lieutenant,

108

6

Thomas Blair,

do.

108

7

Jacob Barnitz,

ensign.

120

8

Daniel Baker,

private.

60

9

Jacob Beatum,

do.

60

10

James Brannon,

do.

60

11

John Buxton,

do.

60

12

Daniel Buck,

do.

60

13

Philip Brenier,

do.

40

14

Jonathan Burwell,

do.

30

15

John Buskell,

do.

36

16

George Burton,

do.

24

17

William Boyd,

do.

60

18

John Berry,

do.

30

19

Michael Bowman,

do.

36

20

William Bush,

do.

6a

21

Jacob Baker,

matross,

30-

22

John Brown,

sergeant.

40

23

Jacob Baker,

artificer.

ea

526

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.
PENSYLVANIA.

No.
on the
Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Quality.

Annual
Stipend.

24

Walker Baylor,

captain,

1 240

25

George Benedict,

private.

40

26

Andrew Bartle,

do.

30

27

John Cambis,

do.

60^

28

John Clark,

lieutenant,

96

29

Thomas Campbell,

captain,

240

30

Thomas Carney,

private,

36

31

Charles Clark,

lieutenant,

160

32

William Campbell,

sergeant.

48

33

Adam Christ,

do.

21 32

34

Robert Chambers,

corporal,

28

35

Alexander Campbell,

mariner,

60

36

William Congleton,

private,

40

37

Alexander Canl,

do.

36

38

Alexander Christie,

do.

36

39

Daniel Callahan,

do.

30

40

William Campbell,

do.

30

41

John Cavanaugh,

do.

36

42

John Cardiffee,

do.

60

43

Josiah Conckling, ,

do

30

44

John Crawford,

captain,

240

45

John Collier,

sergeant,

60

46

Patrick Collins,

private.

60

47

James Cooney,

do. '

60

48

James Correar,

do.

30

49

Stephen Carter,

sergeant.

45

50

John Durnall,

private,

36

51

Patrick Dempsey,

do.

60

52

Michael Duffey,

do.

40

53

Henry Doyle,

do.

36

54

Henry Dougherty,

do.

16

55

Anthony Dawson,

do.

32

56

William Dewitt,

do.

30

57

John Day,

do.

36

58

William Deaver,

do.

40

59

James Dowling,

do.

40

60

James Dysart,

captain.

120

61

Charles Daniels,

private.

60

62

Samuel Doane,

do.

30

63

Michael Drury,

do.

40

64

Samuel Ewing,

ensign.

20

65

James English,

sergeant,

60

66

Joseph Elliot,

private.

40

67

Benjamin Freeman,

sergeant,

36

68

William Fegart,

private.

60

69

Frederick Fultz,

do.

60

70

John Francis,

do.

36

71

John Fogas,

matross.

48

72

Jacob Fox,

private,

20

73

Patrick Fowler,

matross.

30

74

Thomas Fream,

sergeant.

36

75

John L. Finney,

sergt. major.

45

76

Alexander Forsman,

captain.

120

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

527

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

PENNSYLVANIA.

No.

on the

Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Quality.

Annual
Stipend.

77

Thomas Gaskins,

lieutenant,

$ 160

78

Philip Gilman,

private,

48

79

George Gerlack,

do.

36

80

John Graaf,

do.

15

81

Philip Gibbons,

do.

45

82

Alexander Garret,

do.

45

83

Sam. Gilman, alias Gilmore,

do.

30

84

Jeremiah Gunn,

do.

36

85

James Glentworth,

lieutenant.

80

86

Alexander Gray,

private.

48

87

Benjamin Hillman,

lieutenant,

120

88

William Hebron.

sergeant,

60

89

Valentine Hertzhog,

private,

60

90

Philip Henry,

do.

60

91

Patrick Hartney,

do.

60

92

Jacob Hartman,

do.

60

93

John Haley,

corporal.

45

94

David Hickey,

private.

60

95

Lawrence Hippie,

do.

30

96

Peter Hartshill,

do.

30

97

William Higginson,

do.

36

98

David Haney,

do.

36

99

John Harbeson,

do.

40

100

James Irvine,

brig, general,

540

101

Matthew Jack,

lieutenant,

160

102

Thomas Johnson,

do.

60

103

David Jackson,

private,

48

104

Alexander Irwine,

do.

30

105

William Johnston,

do.

48

106

James Johnson,

do.

60

107

Andrew Johnson,

lieutenant,

60

108

John Kesler, (increased by act of
congress of 24 April, 1816, to $32

pr. ann'm.)

midshipman,

20

109

Thomas Kelly,

private,

60

110

George Kettle,

do.

60

111

Robert Kearn,

do.

60

112

Edward Kellen,

do.

36

113

John Kincaid,

do.

60

114

Benjamin Kendrick,

do.

40

115

John King,

do.

48

116

Philip Krngh,

dragoon.

30

117

Nicholas Lott,

sergeant,

30

118

Timothy Lemmonton,

do.

60

119

Patrick Lush,

do.

60

120

Samuel Lesley,

do.

48

121

John Lalor,

private,

60

122

Henry Love,

do.

60

123

Isaac Lewis,

do.

48

124

David Lyon,

do.

50

125

John Leiby,

do.

20

126

Miles Lewis,

do.

15

127

Samuel Lee,

do.

30

528

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

PENNSYLVANIA.

No.
on the
Roll.

128
129
130
131
132
133
131
135
136
137
138
139
140
141
142
143
144
115
146
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
177
178
179
180

NAMES.

James LeDuard,
Charles Lenox,
Judah Levy,
William M'ckay,
Kenneth M'Coy,
John Malony,
John M'Gaughey,
Barney M'Guire,
Michael M'Annalty,
John M'Pherson,
James M'Donald,
Hugh Moore,
John M'Gill,
Isaiah M'Carty,
Angus M'Ever,
Thomas Moore,
John Manerson,
John Modewell,
Ephraira M'Coy,
John Most,
Thomas Mayberry,
Samuel M'Clughan,
John M'Dermond,
Robert Montgomery,
James Mathers,
Jacob Miller,
Thomas M' Barney,
William Murphey,
Thomas M'Fall,
Thomas Monday,
Alexander Martin,
Joseph Moorhead,
John Muny,
John M'Conehy,
William M'Kennan,
James Moore,
Robert M'Clellan,
James M'Neal,
Matthew M'Connell,
John M'Farland,
Josiah Magoon,
Robert M' Kinney,
Dennis M' Knight,
Thomas Maze,
John Malony,
John Nealas,
Christian Nagle,
William Nelson,
John Norcross,
Samuel Nesbit,
John O' Brian,
Joshua Peeling,
Thomas Park,

Rank

Annual

or
Quality.

Stipend.

private.

$ 40

do.

60

do.

60

captain,

240

lieutenant.

66

sergeant.

48

corporal,

60

do.

36

gunner,

60

midshipman.

32

private.

60

do.

60

do.

60

do.

60

do-

60

do.

60

do.

60

do.

60

do.

60

do.

48

do.

48

do.

48

do.

48

do.

48

do.

48

do.

40

do.

36

do.

30

do.

30

do.

24

do.

50

ensign,

108

private,

60

do.

36

captain,

240

corporal,

30

lieutenant.

52

private.

60

captain,

180

private.

16

do.

60

lieutenant,

156

private.

40

do.

21 42

sergeant.

40

corporal,

60

private.

24

do.

60

do.

24

do.

60

do.

24

sergeant.

60

\ corporal.

30

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

529

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

PENNSYLVANIA.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual

Roll.

Quality.

Stipend.

181

Frederick Pawl,

private.

$ 36

182

Abraham Pyke,

do.

20

183

John Pierce,

do.

20

184

Peter Parchment,

do.

40

185

John Peoples,

do.

30

186

Thomas Pearson,

lieutenant,

160

187

Charles Plemline,

private,

36

188

Andrew Pinkerton,

do.

39 64

189

George Peirsou,

do.

24

190

Zachariah Reed,

do.

30

191

George Richardson,

do.

48

192

David Richey,

do.

30

193

Jacob Rogers,

do.

48

194

William Ritchell,

do.

48

195

Jacob Rasor,

do.

40

196

John Rybecker,

do. .

48

197

Griffith Rees,

do.

30

198

John Rielly,

do.

48

199

Nathan Rawlings,

captain,

120

200

William Rice,

lieutenant,

80

201

Christian Smith,

private,

60

202

Jacob Shartel,

captain,

120

203

Richard Scott,

private.

30

204

Archibald Steel,

lieut. & a t.

190

205

Daniel St. Clair,

drum ma

60

206

Bernard Slaugb,

private,

60

207

John Sating,

do.

45

208

Samuel Spicer,

do.

36

209

John Stiller,

do.

20

210

Henry Slotterback,

do.

60

211

Bryant Sloan,

do.

30

212

John Shultz,

do.

20

213

Joseph Sapp,

do.

60

214

John Stroop,

sergeant,

30

215

Jonas Steel,

private,

20

216

Abraham Storet,

lieutenant,

160

217

Lazarus Stow,

do.

120

218

Francis Smith,

private,

30

219

William Stocker,

do.

36

220

Peter Swartz,

do.

30

221

Francis L. Slaughter,

do.

36

222

Alexander Simonton,

sergeant.

36

223

John Smith,

private.

30

224

John Robert Shaw,

do.

60

225

Christian Shockley,

do.

40

226

William Stringfield,

do.

30

227

Patrick Taggart,

sergeant,

* 48

228

William Thomlinson,

private.

60

229

John Taylor,

do.

60

230

Francis Ticount,

do.

60

231

James Tannehill,

do.

36

232

Thomas Tweedy,

do.

60

233

John Thompson,

do.

60

530

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.
PENNSYLVANIA.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual

Roll.

Quality.

Stipend.

234

Richard Taylor, (per act Mar. 3,

.

1805,)

sergeant.

$ 240

235

Jonathan Tinsley,

private,

60

236

Elias Utt,

do.

20

237

Enoch Varnum,

do.

60

238

Thomas Vandexlip,

do.

45

239

Lewis Vaughan,

do.

40

240

Edward Warren,

do.

60

241

Jeremiah Wilson,

do.

30

242

Philip Warner,

do.

24

243

Charles Wallington,

do.

60

244

Edward Wade,

do.

30

245

John Wright,

sergeant,

30

246

Caleb Warley,

lieutenant.

132

247

George Wolfe,

private,

45

248

Robert Wilson,

ensign.

30

249

John Whittington,

private.

36

250

Joseph Waters,

do.

60

251

Francis White,

lieutenant.

80

252

John Wood,

private.

30

253

Andrew Wallace,

sergeant.

60

254

Thomas Scotland,

do.

60

Total of annual stipends,

14,709 38

DELAWARE.

1

Edward Armstrong,

lieutenant,

160

2

Paul Bough man,

sergeant.

36

3

Samuel Barchard,

corporal,

60

4

John Clifton,

private,

60

5

Isaac Carrell,

do.

60

6

Peter Cunningham,

do.

40

7

Patrick Colman,

do.

60

8

William Dolby,

sergeant.

60

9

Jenkins Evans.

do.

60

10

Joseph Ferguson,

private,

60

11

John C. Fabricius,

do.

48

12

George Griffin,

do.

32

13

Thomas Heldston,

do.

60

14

Nelce Jones,

do.

30

15

James Murphey,

sergeant,

60

16

Joseph M'Gibbon,

private,

60

17

Levin Pointer,

do.

60

18

John Skilton,

do.

36

19

Thomas Watson,

sergeant.

60

20

Hosea Wilson,

private,

24

Total of annual stipends,

1,126

AN INTEKESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

531

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

MARYLAND.

No.

on the

Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Quality.

Annual
Stipend.

1

Thomas Green Alvey,

corporal,

$ 22

2

John Anderson,

private.

40

3

Richard Anderson,

captain.

240

4

John Brown,

sergeant,

60

5

John Byrne,

private.

60

6

James Burk,

do.

40

7

James Blever,

do. '

60

8

Robert Barnet,

do.

40

9

John Bennett,

do.

40

10

Thomas Baker,

do.

40

11

Charles Bucklup,

do.

40

12

Thomas Bishop,

do.

40

13

John Boyle,

do.

30

14

John Bean,

do.

30

16

Loory Benson,

captain.

240

16

James Bruflf,

do.

240

17

Thomas Collember,

private,

40

18

Peter Casberry,

do.

40

19

James Current,

do.

40

20

Edward Cain,

do.

30

21

John Corbett,

do.

60

22

John Craig,

do.

60

23

Benjamin Coddington,

do.

30

24

Charles Dowd,

corporal.

60

25

Barnabas Doughty,

private.

40

26

John Davis,

do.

40

27

Lawrence Everhait,

sergeant.

60

28

William Evans,

private.

40

29

John Elliott,

waggoner.

30

30

George Finleyson,

private,

40

31

Dennis Flannaghan,

do.

40

32

Philip Fisher,

do.

40

33

Simon Fogler,

do.

20

34

John Ferguson,

do.

60

35

Benjamin Fickle,

lieutenant,

200

36

John French,

matross.

60

37

James Garsh,

private,

40

38

John Gambare,

do.

40

39

William Greene,

do.

40 52

40

Abraham Gamble,

do.

60

41

Richard Harden,

sergeant.

60

42

John Howard,

private,

40

43

Samuel Hnggins,

do.

40

44

William Hurley,

do.

40

45

Edward Hood,

do.

40

46

Samuel Hinnis,

do.

20

47

Samuel Harris,

do.

40

48

Alexander Jones,

do.

40

49

John Jonas,

do.

60

50

James Isaacs,

do.

40

51

Benedict Johnson,

do.

40

52

John Johnson,

do.

42

53

Robert Jenkins,

matross,

60 .

532

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.
MARYLAND.

No.
on the
Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Quality.

Annual
Stipend.

64

Richard Kisby,

private.

$ 48

55

Robert Kearns,

sergeant.

60

66

John Kirkpatrick,

private.

48

67

Thomas King,

do.

36

58

Edward Kean,

do.

60

59

William Keough,

do.

60

60

John Lynch,

do.

44

61

Christopher Lambert,

do.

40

62

John Lowry, 2d,

do.

•60

63

John Lowry,

do.

40

64

John Lynn,

lieutenant,

200

65

Edward Leary,

private.

60

66

Jeremiah Mudd,

sergeant.

60

67

John Matthews,

corporal,

44

68

John M'Coy,

private.

60

69

Michael M'Guire,

do.

40

70

Hugh M'Leod,

do.

40

71

John Mook,

do.

40

72

William Mooney,

do.

60

73

Cleon Moore,

captain.

180

74

Daniel M 'Carty,

matross,

60

75

William A. Needham,

sergeant,

60

76

Roger Nelson,

lieut. cavalry.

200

77

James O'Hara,

private.

40

78

Joseph O'Guin,

do.

40

79

John O'Hara,

do.

60

80

James Pope,

do.

40

81

Joseph Polhemus,

do.

40

82

Christopher Reind,

do.

40

83

William Rogers,

do.

40

84

Charles Robinson,

do.

40

85

Michael Roe,

do.

40

86

Joseph Richardson,

do.

30

87

Joseph Russell,

do.

24

88

Christopher Reed,

do.

40

89

Jacob Redenour,

do.

60

90

John Repp,

do.

30

91

John Symmonds,

corporal, •

60

92

Thomas Sherwood,

private.

36

93

James Scott,

sergeant.

24 48

94

John Snyder,

corporal.

44

95

Thomas Saunders,

private,

40 52

96

Williams lye,

do.

40

97

Jacob Shanley,

do.

40

98

Philip Sullivan,

do.

40

99

John Shovell,

do.

40

100

Philip Shoebrook,

do.

40

101

James Smith,

do.

40

102

Daniel Smith,

do.

40

103

James Smith,

do.

40

104

David Smith,

do.

40

105

Joseph Smith,

do.

40

106

Valentine Smith,

do.

40

AN INTERESTING HISTOEICAL DOCUMENT.

53a

SCHEDULE OP PENSIONERS, continued.

MARYLAND.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual
Stipend,

Roll.

Quality.

107

Valentine Smith,

private,

$ 20

108

James Smith,

do.

48

109

James Sewall,

do.

60

110

George Scoone,

corporal,

30

111

Clement Sewall,

ensign.

96

112

Richard Stedds,

private.

48

113

James Til lard,

do.

40 52

114

John Trisner,

do.

40

115

Henry Tomm,

do.

30

116

George Vaughan,

lieutenant.

160

117

Nathaniel Wheeler,

private.

60

118

John Wills,

do.

40

119

Richard Wilkerson,

do.

40

120

Mark Walsh,

do.

40

121

James White,

do.

40

122

Samuel White,

do.

60

123

Michael Waltman,

do.

40

124

James Watts,

corporal,

60

125

Stephen Yoe,

sergeant,

60

126

Thomas Yates,

private.

40

Total of annual stipends,

6,896 04

VIRGINIA.

1

James Askew,

private,

40

2

John Angill,

do.

40

3

William Adkinson,

do.

40

4

John Aikin,

do.

40

5

Matthew Amicks,

do.

30

6

Edward Absalom,

do.

60

7

William Bradley,

sergeant,

60

8

Robert Burchett,

private,

60

9

Robert Beckham,

do.

50

10

Lewis Belvin,

do.

50

11

Benjamin Barber,

do.

40

12

Alexander Bunton,

do.

40

13

Bazel Brown,

do.

40

14

Thomas Brown,

do.

40

15

Alexr. Bonny, alias Bonnal,

do.

33 33J

16

Francis Boyd,

do.

33 33i

17

George Black,

do.

33 33i

18

Thomas Booth,

do.

20

19

William Butler,

do.

48

20

John Bell,

lieutenant.

120

21

Joseph Biggs,

ensign,

108

22

James Braxton,

private,"

48

23

David Blew,

do.

40

24

William Barber,

do.

40

25

John Berry,

do.

60

26

John Burton,

sergeant,

60

534

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

VIRGINIA.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual

Roll.

Quality.

Stipend.

27

Daniel Ball,

ensign.

$120

28

William Burke,

private.

40

29

Samuel Burton,

do.

30

30

James Buxton,

lieutenant,

48

31

John Crookshanks,

private,

30

32

George Cress,

do.

30

33

James Campbell,

lieutenant,

100

34

Thomas Clark,

sergeant.

60

35

Bartlet Coxe,

private.

60

36

Miles Cardiff,

do.

60

37

Leonard Cooper,

captain.

166 66i

38

James Cambers,

private.

60

39

Francis Combs,

do.

50

40

John Caldwell,

do.

40

41

Archibald Compton,

do.

40

42

Lawrence Corner,

do.

40

43

James Cottman,

do.

. 33 33J

44

John Corbett,

do.

20

45

John Collings,

do.

15

46

Henry Crook,

do.

40

47

Thomas Coverly,

ensign.

120

48

Isaiah Corbin,

private.

30

49

John Crute,

lieutenant.

156

50

Ischarner Degraffenreidt,

private,

60

51

James Davenport,

do.

40

52

Abraham Davis,

do.

40

53

Patrick Dougherty,

do.

40

54

James Durham,

do.

26 66

55

Joshua Davidson,

dragoon.

45

56

Jonathan Dyer,

private,

60

57

John Davis,

sergeant.

37 50

58

Elijah Estis,

private.

40

59

Reuben Earthen,

do.

26 66

60

William Evans,

lieutenant,

96

61

Crosby Foster,

private.

50

62

William Francis,

do.

26 66

63

Frederick Finder,

do.

26 66

64

Thomas Fenn,

captain lieut.

200

65

Albion Gordon,

qr. mr. sergt.

60

66

Martin Griffin,

private,

50

67

Patrick Glasson,

do.

40

68

Joseph Gardner,

do.

33 33J

69

Griffin Griffiths,

do.

40

70

Paul Haggarty,

do.

40

71

Benjamin Hoomes,

captain.

240

72

John Hughes,

sergeant.

60

73

William Hubbard,

do.

60

74

Robert Hart,

drummer.

50

75

Samuel Hunt,

private.

60

76

Peter Howard,

do.

40

77

John Halfpenny,

do.

40

78

James Hamilton,

do.

33 33^

79

Bartlett Hawkins,

do.

60

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

535

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

VIRGINIA.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual

Roll.

Quality.

Stipend.

80

Henry Hurst,

private,

$ 30

81

Elijah Hedges,

do.

60

82

Fielding Harding,

sergeant.

30

83

Henry Hall,

private.

60

84

John Holcombe,

captain,

180

85

James Howard,

private.

30

86

Richard Joy,

do.

50

87

William Jones,

do.

40

88

Thomas Jordan,

do.

40

89

John Jeffries,

do.

36

90

William Jones,

do.

60

91

John Jordan,

lieutenant.

90

92

Samuel Kirkpatrick,

private.

40

93

Michael Kinson,

do.

40

94

Robert Leonard,

do.

45

95

Andrew Lewis,

do.

60

96

Joseph Ligon,

do.

36

97

Newman Landman,

dragoon,

40

98

John Long,

private.

30

99

Martin Mnrphey,

sergeant.

60

100

James Murphey,

private.

60

101

William Moore,

do.

60

102

John Morgan,

do.

60

103

John Morris,

do.

60

104

John M'Clennen,

do.

40

105

Richard Munay,

do.

40

106

Joseph Miles,

do.

40

107

Banks Moody,

do.

26 66f

108

Andrew M'Guire,

do.

60

109

Peter Mason,

do.

20

110

William Morgan,

seaman.

48

111

Simon Morgan,

captain,

240

112

William M'Clannahan,

private.

30

113

John Martin,

sergeant,

30

114

John M'Chesney,

private,

40

115

John Newman,

do.

60

116

Abraham Nettles,

do.

40

117

John Newman,

sergeant.

36

118

Timothy 0' Conner,

private.

40

119

Dennis O'Farrall,

do.

26 66f

120

William Overstreet,

do.

36

121

Henry Overly,

do.

60

122

William Peak,

sergeant,

60

123

George Pitman,

do.

60

124

William Parmar,

corporal,

50

125

Thomas Philips,

private.

60

126

George Pettit,

do.

50

127

John Proctor,

do.

40

128

Jacob Price,

do.

40

129

John Powell,

sergeant.

40

130

Robert Reading,

private.

60

131

John Ryan,

do.

40

132

James Rogers,

do.

40

536

MINNETOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

VIRGINIA.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual

Roll.

Quality.

Stipend.

133

Charles Robertson,

private,

$ 33 33J

134

James Robertson,

do.

26 66|

135

Nathan Rowland,

do.

20

136

William Reading,

do.

40

137

Peter Rust,

do.

33 33J

138

John Rearden,

do.

40

139

Daniel Rady,

do.

30

140

Evan Ragland,

do.

36

141

Thomas Rogers,

do.

30

142

David Scott,

captain.

100

143

John Seamster,

private,

60

144

David Steele,

do.

60

145

William Simmons,

do.

50

146

Joseph Sandridge,

do.

50

147

William Strieker,

do.

40

148

John Smith, 7th regt.

do.

40

149

John Smith, 8th regt.

do.

40

150

John Stadner,

do.

40

151

Smith Stephens,

do.

40

152

Joseph Sears,

do.

33 33J

153

Daniel Smith,

do.

48

154

Samuel Swearingen,

do.

30

155

Benjamin Sadler,

do.

36

156

Benjamin Strother,

dragoon.

40

157

Jacob Seay,

private.

60

158

Thomas Thweat,

captain,

240

159

Thomas Trent,

sergeant.

60

160

Thomas Thorns,

private,

60

161

James Taylor,

do.

40

162

Stephen Terry,

do.

40

163

John Thorp,

do.

40

164

William Tipton,

do.

60

165

Charles M. Thurston,

do.

240

166

Edward Tuck,

private,

36

J 67

Vincent Tapp,

sergeant,

30 '

168

Robert White,

lieutenant,

IHO

169

Willis Wilson,

do.

133 33 J

170

Hugh Wallace,

sergeant.

50

171

Jacob Wine,

private,

60

172

Robert Williams,

do.

50

173

Joseph Watkins,

do.

40

174

William Williburne,

do.

40

175

Jesse Witt,

do.

40 '

176

John Whitlock, ,

do.

40

177

Andrew Waggoner,

captain.

240

178

Joseph White,

private.

45

179

Henry Williams,

do.

60

180

John Yeager,

do.

50

181

Joshua Younger,

do.

20

182

John Yardley,

do.

40

183

John Carmichael,

do.

60

184

William Burke,

do.

30

185

James Batson,

do.

3S

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

537

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

VIRGINIA.

No.

on the
Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Quality.

Annual
Stipend.

186

187
188

James Bridget,
Daniel M'Carty,
Reuben Plunket,

Total of annual stipends,

private,
do.
sergeant,

$ 30
48
30

10.340 14

NORTH CAROLINA.

1

James Ames,

private,

60

2

John Alverson,

do.

40

3

George Bledsoe,

do.

60

4

Isaac Bates,

do.

42

5

John Baxter,

do.

36

6

Charles Butler,

do.

36

7

Thomas Belsiah,

do.

60

8

James Christian,

do.

60

9

James Christian,

do.

30

10

Thomas Chiles,

captain.

160

11

James Carrigan,

private.

36

12

Samuel Carter,

do.

24

13

Samuel Espey,

do.

30

14

Charles EUam,

do.

42

15

David Flannagan,

do.

30

16

Samuel Freeman,

do.

25

17

William Fireds,

do.

30

18

Herman Gaskins,

do.

40

19

Joshua Gordon,

do.

36

20

John Gillon,

do.

36

21

Richard Grissura,

do.

36

22

Thomas Goodrum,

do.

30

23

Thomas Harris,

major.

180

2t

Elisha Hunt,

private.

60

25

Wyat Hinckley,

do.

60

26

James Houston,

captain,

180

27

Daniel Houston,

private,

36

28

Howell Harton,

■ do.

36

29

Elias House,

do.

54

30

Alexander Haynes,

do.

42

31

William Hall, *

do.

60

32

John Huddleston,

do.

35

33

David Johnson,

do.

60

34

Francis Johnson,

do.

36

35

vSamuel Johnson,

do.

60

36

Joseph Kerr,

do.

60

37

Isaac Kennedy,

do.

36

38

Elijah Kidwell,

do.

30

39

James Larremore,

do.

30

40

Amos Lew^is

do.

30

41

Alexander Morrison,

sergeant,

60

42

Daniel M'Kissick,

captain.

120

43

Thomas M'Kissick,

private.

36

538

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.
NORTH CAROLINA.

No.
on the

NAMES.

Rank
or

Annual
Stipend.

Roll.

Quality.

44

Christopher Mourning,

private.

$ 40

45

David Miller,

do.

40

46

James Porter,

do.

24

47

James Potts,

do.

25

48

Mathew Pitman,

do.

36

49

James Parks,

do.

40

50

Jesse Rigsby,

do.

40

51

Humphrey Rogers,

do.

60

52

James Redfern,

do.

36

53

Michael Reep,

do.

30

54

John Sweeney,

do.

60

55

Thomas Smith,

do.

60

56

James Smith,

do.

60

57

Ithamar Singletary,

do.

15

58

William Simpson,

do.

30

59

William Smith,

sergeant.

60

60

Hugh Stanley,

private.

40

61

John Spears,

do.

36

62

Philip Thomas,

sergeant,

60

63

Matiah Turner,

private.

. 60

64

Stephen Thomas,

do.

45

65

Joseph Wasson,

do.

60

66

John Wilson,

do.

30

67

John Wilfong,

do.

20

68

John Wentz,

do.

36

69

Henry Williams,

do.

30

70

Benjamin Vickery,

do.

36

Total of annual stipends.

3.3B9

SOUTH CAROLINA.

1

•James Armstrong,

private,

16

2

John Calhoun,

do.

21 42

3

William Dunlap,

do.

21 42

4

Robert Elder,

do.

40

5

Joseph Gil more.

do.

21

6

Joshua Hawkins,

do.

36

7

Malcom Keys,

do.

48

8

John Looney,

do.

21 42

9

Joseph M'Junkin,

major,

144

10

Andrew M'Allister,

private.

21 42

11

Daniel M'Elduff,

lieutenant.

159 96

12

Samuel Otterson,

captain.

96

13

John Martin,

private,

30

14

Henry Weems,

do.

60

15

Jasper Tommiton,

Total of annual stipends,

do.

30

810 64

AN INTERESTING HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.

539

SCHEDULE OF PENSIONERS, continued.

GEORGIA.

No.
on the
Roll.

NAMES.

Rank

or

Qaality.

Annual
Stipend.

1

William Andrews,

sergeant,

$ 60

2

Herman Bird,

private,

30

3

Daniel Conner,

lieutenant.

160

4

Alexander Cameron,

private,

30

5

Austin Dabney,

do.

60

6

Charles Damron,

do.

60

7

Thomas L. Davis,

do.

30

8

James P. Edmondson,

do.

50

9

Benjamin Fry,

do.

60

10

Thomas Green,

do.

30

11

John Guthrie,

do.

30

12

John Garner,

do.

30

13

Thomas Henshaid,

do.

60

14

Harrison Jones,

do.

50

15

Henry Kerr,

captain,

120

16

Seybert Odam,

private.

60

17

Daniel Odam,

do.

55 68

18

William Pentecost,

lieutenant,

50

19

John Shackleford,

private,

40

20

James Shirley,

do.

60

21

Presley Thornton,

corporal,

30

22

Samuel Whately,

Total of annual stipends,

private,

60

1,215 68

GENERAL INDEX.

Accault and Auguelle, companions of
Hennepin, 65.

Ackley, Mrs. Anna B., 173.

Acton, starting point of Sioux outbreak
of 1862, 388.

Adams, A. B., and wife, missionaries at
Cass lake, 157; retire in 1852 and
settle at Belle Prairie, 158; take
charge of a churcli at Traverse des
Sioux, 171.

Adams, Mrs. Ann, reminiscences of early
days at Red river settlement and
Fort Snelling, 74-115.

Adams, Joseph, ordnance officer, 111
112, 115.

Adams, Rev. M. N., missionary sent to
Lac qui Parle, 154, 444; organizes
a church at Traverse des Sioux, 155;
educational agent, 185.

Agricultural fair by Indians at White
Earth reservation, 168.

Aitkin, Wm. A., Indian trader, 250, 264,
429.

Aitkin's trading post, 121.

Alton, Rev. John I., missionary, located
at Red Wing, 154.

Algonkin family of Indians, 119.

Allen, Lieut. James, associated with
Schoolcraft, 5, 9, 24, 136.

Allen, Miss, missionary teacher at Gull
lake, 162.

American Board of Missions, 119, 120,
125, 127, 129, 134, 143, 152, 156,
162, 165, 168, 169, 171, 176, 181,
187, 429.

American Canoeist, 12.

American Encyclopedia, 1855, 5.

American Fur Company, 119, 198, 201,
207, 210, 211, 218, 221, 226, 229, 239,
247, 262, 263, 282, 299, 417, 419.

American Geographical Society, 7.

American Meteorological Journal, 1884,
3, 7, 14, 20, 21.

American Missionary Association, 146,
147, 149, 156, 158; establishes mis-
sions among the Ojibways, 146, 156,
159, 166; abandonment at Leech lake,
160; at Red lake, 167; in the South,
436.

Anderson's, Captain, company of mount-
ed men at Birch Coulie, 394.

Anderson, Mary, one of the victims of
Sioux massacre, 468.

Andre, Rev. J. A., Inver Grove, Minn.,
37.

Andrews Hall, name of Breck's mission
school at Faribault, 164.

Annuities on account of treaties with
Indians, 172.

Assam lake, 17.

Astor, John Jacob, 202; president Ameri-
can Fur Company, 211; expedition to
Columbia river, 417.

Astoria expedition, 417, 420.

Astoria, on the Pacific, settlement of,
418, 419.

Avery, Benjamin P., account of the life
of Gabriel Franchere, 417.

Ayer, Frederick, Rev., 12; teacher and
missionary to the Ojibway Indians,
1829 to 1850, memoir of his life, 429;
first Protestant missionary at La
Pointe, 119; at Sandy lake, 121;
learning the Ojibway dialect, 121;
missionary labors, 122; at Fond du
Lac, 123; at Pokegama, 143, 144;
remains after breaking up of mission,
145; winter journey to Leech lake
and to Red lake, 145; organizes a
missionary station at Red lake, 146,
147, 156; released from the American
board, 149.

Ayer, Mrs. Elizabeth T., widow Freder-
ick Ayer, 421.

Bad Hail, Sioux chief, 226.

Bad river missionary station, 147, 177,
179, 335.

Bailly, Alexis, 200, 201, 203, 218, 219,
227, 235, 249, 264.

Baird, Rev. Isaac and wife, missionaries
at Odanah, 180.

Baker, Benj. F., a teacher at Fort Snell-
ing, 243, 249, 489.

Baker, Hon. James H., report on the
sources of the Mississippi, 3, 10, 11,
15, 2t;, 28.

Baker's trading post at Cold Spring, 216,
224.

Bangs, Wm., 12.

Barbour, James, secretary of war, 206.

Bardwell, Rev. J. P., at Sandy lake, 156;
at Lake Wiunebagooshish, 158; visits
mission at Cass lake, 159.

Barnard, Rev. Alonzo, and wife, mission-
aries at Red lake, 156; form a new
station at Cass lake, 157; retire in
1854, 158.

Barry, Col., of Washington, 37.

Battle lake, formerly Wood lake, 397.

Bayley, Lieut. Joseph M., 97.

Beaulieu, Sr., Indian trader, 402, 407.

Beaumette, William, 276.

Belle Prairie mission, 157, 158, 421.

Beltrami, Count C. G., 101, 240, 241, 242.

Benedict, Rev. Edwin, Indian preacher
from Canada, 167.

Benton, Thomas H., 419.

Berry, Hon. C. H., of Winona, 37.

642

INDEX.

Bible translation into Dakota, 184.

Bi-centenary celebration of discovery
of St. Anthony Falls, 29-74.

Big Eagle, Sioux chief, 381; his story of
the Sioux outbreak of 1862, 382, 383;
his part in the war, 390.

Big Medicine, 489.

Big Stone lake, 204, 206, 384, 441, 459,
472.

Big Sioux river, 185.

Biographies, of Rev. Stephen R. Riggs,
186; of Major Lawrence TaliafeiTO,
189; of H. H. Sibley, 257; of Ga-
briel Franchere, 417; of Frederick
Ayer, 429; of Philander Prescott,
475; of James M. Goodhue, 492.

Birch Coulie, Indian name Birch creek,
290, 370, 391.

Birch Coulie, 392, 393; description of the
fight by Big Eagle, 394, 397.

Birch Coulie, and the Sioux massacre of
1862, 290, 365, 370, 379, 394.

Bishop, Harriet E., teacher at St. Paul,
154.

Blakeley, Russell, 38.

Blatchford, Henry, an Indian catechist,
151, 176, 178, 180.

Bliss, John H., reminiscences of Fort
Snelling, 335.

Bliss, Major John, in command at Fort
Snelling in 1834, 128, 248.

Blue EaJ-th, Indian chief, same as Man-
kato, 383.

Blue Earth presbytery, 173.

Bois de Sioux river, 90.

Boilvin, Indian agent at Prairie du Chien,
200.

Boutwell, Rev. Wm. T., missionary to
Ojibways, 120; accompanies School-
craft on a trip to the headwaters of
the Mississippi, 121; learning the
Ojibway language, 121; is married,
122; establishes mission at Leech
lake, 122; goes to Pokegama, 123,
143; remains after breaking up of
the mission, 145; asking for re-in-
forcements, 146; severs connection
with the American board, 148; lives
at Stillwater, 148; lives at Leech
lake, 156. 160.

Breck, Rev. J. Lloyd, establishes a mis-
sion at Gull lake, 161; establishes a
mission at Leech lake, 160, 162; life
threatened and retires from the mis-
sion, 163, 165; establishes mission
school at Faribault, 164.

Brisbois family in the Sioux massacre,
450.

British traders among the Indians, 250,
481.

British influence on the Indians of the
Northwest, 200, 201, 202, 235, 247.

Broadhead, of Pennsylvania, 231, 232.

Brown Earth homestead settlement, 186.

Brown, Joseph R,, Indian trader, 240,
248; as treaty commissioner, 252; as
Indian agent, 254, 265, 386, 395.

Bruce, Amos J., Indian agent, 227, 254.

Bruce, Rev. H. J., missionary at Sandy
lake, 141.

Brunson, Dr. Alfred, missionary, 117, 124,
238; trip to Prairie du Chien, 136;
pui'chase of James Thompson, a slave,
for interpreter, 136; arrival at Fort
Snelling, 137; located at Kaposia,
137; present at treaty with Ojibwas,
138; his visit to Lac Court Grilles,
139; providential return, 139; dan-
ger to the mission, 139; visit to
Illinois, 140; resigns superintendency,
140; criticism of his ways, 238.

Buffalo hunt, 174.

Buffalo lake, 182, 186.

Bungo, Ojibway, interpreter, 139.

Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress translated
into Dakota, 173.

Burbank, J. C, 436.

Burnet, Judge, quoted 258.

Burt, Hon. D., superintendent of public
instruction, 38.

B,wan, Ojibway, name for the Dakotas,
126.

Oalhoun lake, see Lake Calbo""

Collieres, Governor of Canada 1694, 45.

Calhoun, John C, 248.

Campbell, Colin, 212.

Campbell, Duncan, 199, 224, 249, 410.

Campbell, Scott, United States inter-
preter, 199, 224, 253.

Camp Release, 176, 453, 456, 457, 458,
461, 473.

Canada, 45, 121, 135, 422, 423, 424.

Canadian traders, 198, 200, 218.

Canoe voyage up the Mississippi, Lan-
man, 3.

Carver, Capt., grant of land by the
Snake and Turtle, 205, 244.

Carver's cave, 229.

Carver, E., missionary teacher at Red
lake, 157; at Lake Winnebagooshish,
158.

Case, Col., commandant at Fort Snelling,
249.

Cass, General Lewis, 196, 199, 200, 202,
207, 250, 259.

Cass lake, same as Red Cedar, mission
station, 157, 158, 159.

Cathn, George, 271.

Catlin. John, 278.

Catfish bar, in Lake St. Croix, Indian
tradition. 489.

Catholic bishops, 69.

Catholic missions, 117, 118, 134.

Catron, Chief Justice, a friend of Nicol-
let, 242.

Census, tenth, O. E. Garrison's report, 3.

Centerville, Anoka county, Indian
mounds at, 319.

INDEX.

543

Chambers, Julius, letters to New York
Herald, 3, 10, 19; map of Elk lake,
10, 11.

Chaney, J. B., 15, 16, 28, 38.

Chaska, Indian chief, friend of the
whites, 390.

Chatan-Wakoowa-mani, Sioux chief, 137.

Che-no-wa-ge-sic, Indian guide, 18, 19.

Charles II. of England, 47.

Cheyenne river, 459.

Chicago Historical Society, 87.

Cihilds, Hon. H. W., address before
Minnesota Historical Society in 1892,
321, 334.

Chippewas, or Ojibways, 119, 200, 203,
206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 212, 213, 21G,
224, 237, 250, 264, 387, 454, 482, 486,
488.

Chippewa river, 152, 237, 454.

Chetlain, Louis, 92, 93.

Chouteau, Jr., Pierre & Co., 219, 282,
419.

Christmas and Christianity, 39.

Christian Indians save many lives dur-
ing the outbreak of 1862, 170, 174.

Churches organized, at Fort Snelling,
128; at Red Wing, 155; at Oak
Grove, 155; at Shakopee, 155; at
Traverse des Sioux, 155; at Traverse
des Sioux, 171; at Lac qui Parle,
Dry Wood lake and Kettle lakes,
185; Ascension and Long Hollow,
184, 186; Mayasan and Good Will,
186.

Clarke, Gen. George Rogers, 51.

Clarke, Hopewell, report of a survey of
the affluents of Itasca, 3, 23, 27, 28.

Clarke, Maj. Nathan, 97, 98; Mrs.
Clarke. 99, 107.

Clark, Rev. John, superintendent of mis-
sions at Sault Ste. Marie, 136; at
Ottawa and Lac Court Grilles, 137.

Clark, Gen. William, superintendent
of Indian affairs, 197, 204, 207, 231,
248, 440.

Cloudy Weather, a Pillager sub -chief,
241.

Cochrane, Rev. Father, of the Selkirk
settlement, 426.

Coe, O. A., and wife, missionary teachers
at Red lake, 157; retire in 1854, and
settle at Belle Prairie, 158, 238.

Colbert, the French statesman, 47; the
Mississippi river named for him, 47.

Cold Spring, Baker's trading post, 216.

Cold Water, name of large spring close
to Fort Snelling, 94, 199, 234, 478.

Colton, G. Woolworth, 12.

Columbia Fur Company, 202, 231, 481.

Columbia river, 197, 417, 418.

Columbian address, before historical so-
ciety, Oct. 21, 1892, by H. W. Childs,
321-334.

Columbus, the navigator, 42, 325-333.

Commissioner of Indiai; affairs, 150, 158,
401.

Como Park, in St. Paul, 297.

Congregational church, relinquishes mis-
sions at Red lake and Leech lake,
167.

Cook, Miss Delia, Indian mission teacher,
122, 430.

Copway, Rev. George, converted Ojibwa,
135, 137; at Fond du Lac, 141.

Cownselle, Joe, half-breed scout, 458.

Creation, Indian idea, 413.

Cressy, Charles, agent to the Sioux, 185.

Crossmian, Major, 459.

Crow Creek, Dakota, 170; temporary
stopping place of families of con-
demned Sioux, 181, 182.

Crow's village, 217.

Crow Wing, -village of Hole-in-the-Day,
138, 165, 404, 405.

Crow Wing river, 16, 150, 151.

Crow river, 252.

Crooks, Ramsey, 203, 263.

Crooks, Col. William, 290.

Crooks, Miss Hester, missionary teacher,
122, 430.

Cruger, Capt. Wm. E., 97.

Cullen, Maj., Indian agent, 386.

Culbertson, Alexander, 248.

Cunningham, Hugh D., 173, 182.

Cut-Nose, Indian brave, one of the Sioux
murderers, 367.

Dakotas audi Ojibwas, hostile tribes,
107, 264; a conflict at Fort Snelling,
108; other hostilities, 125; called
"Bwan," by Ojibwas, 126; fighting
in 1839, 131.

Dakota language, first taught, 130; gram-
mar and dictionary, 131; part of Bible
printed and translated, 131; further
printing, 133.

Dakotas, American board missions, 125,
152; Swiss missions, 134; Methodist
missions, 135; treaties at Traverse
des Sioux, 154; removal to reserva-
tions, 155 ; mission work after the out-
break of 1862, 182.

Dakota presbytery, organized in 1844,
154.

Dakota scalp dances, by T. S. William-
son, 409.

Dakota traditions, 413.

Dakota women, teaching them to spin
and weave and make garments, 132;
teaching them to wash and to use
soap, 133.

Davenport, Iowa, Sioux prisoners, 291.

Davis, Hon. C. K., ex-governor of Minne-
sota, 37; oration Hennepin bi-cente-
nary, 39; ceremonial days, 39; Christ-
mas and Christianity, 39; Mahometan
commemoration day, 40; Fourth of
July to the American citizen, 40;
the Franciscan Father Hennepin and
Hs time, 41; La Salle and his trip

544

INDEX.

through the great lakes, 41; arrival
at the western extremity of Lake
Michigan, 41; Hennepin connected
with the party, 42; Hennepin's trip
down the Illinois and up the Missis-
sippi rivers, 42; his capture at the
mouth of the Wisconsin river, 42;
his trip overland to Mille Lacs, 42;
geogi-aphical question settled as to
the mouth of the Mississippi, 43; Hen-
nepin's detention at Mille Lacs, 43;
his trip down Rum river, 43; release
from the Indians, and his voyage
down the Mississippi to the falls, 44;
naming the falls St. Anthony, 44;
his meeting with Duluth, and return
to Mille Lacs, 44; his second trip
southward to the Wisconsin river, 44;
his return to the great lakes via
Green bay, 44; proceeds to Europe
and publishes a book of travels, 44;
the Utrecht edition of his travels, and
the new claim of having proceeded to
the mouth of the Mississippi, 45; La
Salle's explorations through the great
lakes, and south to the mouth of the
Mississippi, 45; he plants the flag of
France over the valley of the Missis-
sippi and its tributaries, 46; why
France did not succeed dn retaining
this vast empire, 47; conquest effect-
ed by the moral power of contending
institutions, 48; personal freedom and
self-government of the English people,
49; the feudal system of the French
government, 49 ; description of the two
systems, 50; the cession of the French
claims in the Ohio valley under the
Versailles treaty, 51; the capture of
Kaskaskia ending the French institu-
tions and laws, 51; the ordinance of
1787 gave to the territory a repub-
lican form of government, 51; final
cession of the Mississippi valley in
18()3 to the United States, 51; polit-
ical consequences of the contending
forces, 52, 53; tribute to the Francis-
can priest, 54.

Davis, Jefferson, Lieut., at Prairie du
Chien, 338; his elopement with Miss
Taylor, 341.

De Camp, Joseph Warren, 354, 355, 357,
378, 379.

De Camp, Mrs., 410, 468; saved from
Sioux massacre of 1862, 176; narra-
tive of her captivity, 354-380.

De Graff, I., 38.

Deist in belief, the Dakota Indian, 413.

Delap, Hiram, and familj', 140.

Denny, Captain St. Clair, 97.

Denton, Rev. Samuel, missionary, 134;
location at Ttempeleau and Red
Wing, 134.

De Saulniers, Rev. Fr., St. Bonaventure,
. Canada, 37.

De Soto's exploration in 1541, 14.
Devil's Lake expedition against the Sioux,

292.
Dickson, William, interpreter for Sioux

Indians, 205.
Dickson, Col. Robert, 235, 247. 248.
Dodge, General Henry, 214, 215, 216;
makes a treaty with Ojibwas in 1837,
138.
Dole, commissioner of Indian affairs,

402, 403, 405, 407.
Donnelly, Hon. Ignatius, 27.
Dougherty, Miss, missionary teacher at

Odanah, 180.
Dousman, Hercules, Sr.. 215, 262, 263.
Dred Scott, slave of Dr. Emerson, with
his master comns to Minnesota in
1839, 140, 235.
Dual City, the great seat of future em-
pire, 59; a vision of the future, 60;
the world's great capitol, 60.
Dugast. Rev. G St Boniface, Manitoba, 37.
Duluth, Daniel Greysolon, travels from
head of Lake Superior to the Missis-
sippi river in 1680; meets Hennepin
below the falls, 44; Hennepin goes
with him to Mille Lacs, 44; both re-
turn down the river to the mouth of
the Wisconsin, and afterwards to
Green bay, 44; letter to Hennepin
in 1683, 67; statement of his meeting
Hennepin on the Mississippi, 66.
Earl of Selkirk, see Selkirk.
Earliest schools in Minnesota valley, 410.
Early days at Red river settlement and
Fort Snelling, reminiscences of Mrs.
Ann Adams, 75-115.
Eastman, Capt. Seth, 9, 230.
Ellis, Dr., in charge of mission school at

Bad river, 179.
Ehnamane, Rev. Artemas, 135.
Elk lake, 11, 12, 26.
Elk river mission station in 1839, 141.
EUet, Mrs., in "Pioneer Women of the

West," 102.
Ely, Edmund F., missionary at Sandy
lake, 122; is married, 123; at Fond
du Lac, 123; at Pokegama, 143; re-
moves to Fond du Lac, 145; aids in
establishing mission at Red lake, 146;
returns to Pokegama, 147; release
from American board, 149.
Emerson, Dr., and wife, with their
slave "Dred Scott," come to Minne-
sota, 140.
Emigration from Pembina, 229.
England, claiming Louisiana on Henne-
pin's alleged discovery, 45; under the
incubus of Charles II., 47; as a power
in the time of Louis XIV., 47; Will-
iam of Orange, 47; under James the
second, 49; colonial system, 50; the
English immigi-ant, 51; George III.,
32.

INDEX.

545

Englishmen fighting for human rights and
personal liberty, 49; what they had
accomplished, 49; their condition as
colonists, 50; their movement across
the Alleghenies, 51.

Enmgahbowh, Indian name of Rev. John
Johnson, 161, 162.

Episcopal church in Minnesota, see Prot-
estant Episcopal church.

Episcopal missions among the Ojibwas
and Sioux, 161-170.

Ewing, AV. L. D., Indian treaty com-
missioner, 220, 221.

Fairbanks, John H., 268.

Falls of St. Anthony, discovery in 1680,
41; on the maps, 66; in 1833, 339;
saw mill at, in 1833, 339; celebration
of, 29; procession in Minneapolis, 30-
34; guests of Minnesota Historical
society, 37.

Fallstrum, Jacob, preacher to the Ojib-
was, 140.

Faribault, Alexander, 211, 218, 219, 222,
226.

Faribault,* David, 446.

Faribault. Jean Baptiste and family, 198,
199, 219, 222, 223, 446.

"Father of Waters," 6.

Featherstonhaugh, an English geologist,
245, 248, 350, 351, 352, 353.

Fenelon, a Canadian missionary, 69.

Ferry, Rev. William M., 119.

Fifth infantry at Fort Snelling, 95, 97,

110, 197; in 1827 ordered to St. Louis,

111, 195.

First Christian church organized at Fort

Snelling, 128.
First Homestead settlement near Lake

Itasca in 1878, 18.
First newspaper in Minnesota, 497.
First saw mill at St. Anthony in 1822,

479.
First schoolhouse or church in Minne-
sota valley, 412.
First settlement on the Red River of the

North, 421.
First steamboat at Fort Snelling in 1823,

479.
First steamboat up the Minnesota river,

231.
Fisher, J. S., and wife, missionary teach-
ers at Cass lake, 157; at Lake Win-

nebagooshish, 158.
Flandrau, Charles E., Indian agent in

1857, 173; in the Sioux outbreak of

1862, 290.
Florida war of 1835, 114.
Floyd, John B., secretary of war,

1855-6, 9.
Folwell, Hon. W. W., president of State

University, 38.
Fond du Lac, mission at, 123, 141.
Forbes, Major Wm. H., traditions of

Sioux Indians, 413.

Foreign missions among the Indians, see
American board, etc.

Fort Abercrombie, 459.

Fort Brady, 112, 114.

Fort Crawford, 110, 136, 201.

Fort Dearborn, 115, 195.

Fort Douglas, 82, 83.

Fort Garry, 82, 86, 93, 459.

Fort Howard, 195.

Fort Ridgely, Indian name, soldiers'
house, 391, 392, 393, 396, 452, 453.

Fort Ripley, 162, 163, 404, 407.

Fort Snelling, selection of the site by
Col. Leavenworth, 478.

Fort Snelling, location of, in 1819, 197;
its convenient location, 209; in 1823,
9; Mrs. Adams' reminiscences, 88, 89,
90, 92, 93, 95; arrival from the Red
river Swiss settlement, 93; steam-
boats arrive, 93; scarcity of provi-
sions, 94; whisky rations abundant,
95; Fifth infantry, 97, 197; steam-
boats arrive, 93; the Snelling
family, 95; garrison life and society at
the fort, 97; incidents of fort life, 100;
Count Beltrami, 101; Major Taliafer-
ro, the Indian agent, 101, 128, 198;
Indian outrages in 1827, 107; visit of
Gen. Scott, 99; deaths at the fort. 101;
Major Bliss in command in 1834,
128; arrival of missionaries in 1835,
126, 127, 128; first church organized,
128; treaty with Ojibwas by Gov.
Dodge, 138; Sioux prisoners, 170;
reminiscences by John H. Bliss, 335.

Fort Sully, 293.

Fort Thompson, 291.

Fort Traverse, 91.

Fort York, on Hudson bay, 425.

Fourth of July to the American citizen,
40.

France, her possessions on the North
American continent, 48; under Louis
XIV., 46; Colbert, the French states-
man, 47; feudal colonial system, 50;
political revolutions, where started,
52; contrast between French and En-
glish colonies in America, 50, 51;
Louis XV., 52; Frenchman's love for
liberty, 52.

Franchere, Gabriel, memoir of, by Ben-
jamin P. Avery, 417; joins an expe-
dition for the first American settle-
ment on the Pacific, 417; description
of the voyage, 418; publishes a nar-
rative thereof, 419; subsequent ca-
reer, 419.

Frazer, Joseph Jack, 274.

Fremont, John C, 9, 226, 243, 244.

French discovery and opening of terri-
tory west of the Alleghanies, 41 ;
flag planted over the Mississippi val-
ley by La Salle, 46; the region

516

INDEX.

claimed, 46; extent of the posses-
sions, 46; hield for nearly 100 years,
48; why the French could not hold it
finally, 48; the Ohio valley ceded un-
der the Versailles treaty, 51; the Mis-
sissippi valley ceded to the United
States in 1803, 51; Louisiana, 51.

Friuk, Miss, missionary teacher at Gull
lake, 162, 164.

Gabukgumag, Indian name for Elk
lake, 9.

Galbraith, Major Thomas J., Indian
agent at time of vSioux outbreak of
1862, 357, 379, 386.

Gale's "Upper Mississippi," quoted, 141.

Gale, Dr. John, his comments on Tal-
liaferro, 213.

Garrison, O. E., report for the tenth cen-
sus, 3, 12, 27.

Gavin, Rev. Daniel, missionary, 134;
marries and locates at Trempeleau,
134; removes to Red Wing, 134;
subsequent history, 134.

General land oifice at Washington, 10, 24,

Ge-ne-wa-ge-sic, Indian guide, 18, 19.

Geographical societies, 7, 27.

Geological and natural history survey of
Minnesota, 1880, 3, 12.

George III. of England, 52.

Gervais, Benjamin and Sierre, 88.

Gibbon, General, of U. S. army, 37.

Gilfillan, James, chief justice supreme
court of Minnesota, 37.

Gilfillan, Rev. J. A., 3, 9, 12, 18, 28.

Gilfillan, Rev. Joseph A., missionary at
White Earth reservation, 167; opens
training school for Indian preachers,
167.

Glazier, Willard, his assumed discoveries,
3, 4, 8, 14; style of exploration, 14;
admissions as to what he did not do,
15; misleading maps, 15; distortion
of geography, 16; assumption in re-
naming lakes for relatives and asso-
ciates, 17; perversion of facts of
early history, 17; atrocious false-
hoods, 18; literary piracy, 20, 21;
pretended meteorological observations,
21.

Glazier and his lake, by Henry D. Har-
rower, 3.

Gods of the Sioux, 484.

God or Great Spirit of the Indian, Wah-
kon-tonkah, 413.

Goodhue, James M., pioneer editor in
Minnesota, address by Col. John H.
Stevens, 492; he starts the Minnesota
Pioneer, 497; his characteristics, 498,
500; family, 499.

Goodrich, Earl S., 38, 308.

Good Thunder, Christian Indian, 170,
175, 471.

Government surveyors' (1875) report on
the headwaters of the Mississippi,
5, 6.

Government wagon road, 6.

Grace, Right Reverend Bishop, 37.

Graham, Duncan, 247, 248.

Grant, Captain H. P., at Birch Coulie,
395.

Great Spirit, Indian thought of, 413.

Green, Lieut. Piatt R., 98.

Grognon, Augustin, an Indian trader,
2(J(), 201.

Gull Lake Episcopal mission, 161, 162,
163, 164, 165; mission destroyed in
1862, 166.

Hager, Albert D., secretary of Chicago
Historical society, 57.

"Hahatonwan," dweller at the falls,
Sioux name for Ojibwas, 126.

"Hal a Dakota," nom de plume of H. H.
Sibley, 273.

Hall, E. S., Capt., surveyor, 7, 10, 11.

Hall, Samuel, missionary teacher at Gull
lake. 162.

Hall, Rev. Sherman, missionary to Ojib-
was at La Podnte, 120, 143, 148;
makes a tour to Red lake, 449; visits
Sandy lake, 150; in 1854 retires
from the service of the American
board, 131; dies Aug. 31, 1879, at
Sauk Rapids, 151, 176.

Hamilton, George, 15.

Hamilton, Maj. Thomas, 97.

Hancock, Rev. Joseph W., missionary,
located at Red Wing, 154; after re-
moval of Indians, remains and estab-
lishes a church, 155.

Harriet, Lake, see Lake Harriet.

Hart, Mark, Indian preacher, 167.

narrower, Henry D., 3, 20, 28.

Harwood, N. B., of Minneapolis, 38.

Headwaters of the Mississippi, see Mis-
sissippi river.

Heard, I. V. D., of St. Paul, 38; judge
advocate in the trial of Sioux Indians,
200.

Herbert, Henry William (Frank Fores-
ter), 273, 274.

Hastings, formerly called Olliver's Grove,
478.

Hazelwood missionary station, 172.

Hennepin, bi-centenary celebration at
Minneapolis, 29; grand procession,
30-34; appearance of the grounds, 34;
guests of Historical society, 37; wel-
come by Gen. H. H. Sibley, president
of Historical society, 38; oration by
Hon. Cushman K. Davis, 39-55;
poem, by Hon. A. P. Miller of
Worthington, Minn., 55-61; address
by Hon. Alexander Ramsey, 61-65;
address by Bishop John Ireland,
65-73.

Hennepin, Louis, as the discoverer of the
Falls of St. Anthony, 29, 30, 41;
his voyage with La Salle, through
the great lakes to western extremity

INDEX.

547

of Lake Michigan, 42; his voyage
down the Illinois and up the Missis-
sippi to mouth of the Wisconsin, 42;
htis capture by Indians, and overland
trip to Mille Lacs, 42; as a mission-
ary, 42; his descent of the Rum
river and discovery of the fallsl, 43,
44; his meeting with Duluth and re-
turn to Mille Lacs, 44; another trip
down Rum river and the Mississippi
to the mouth of the Wisconsin, 44; his*
journey to Green bay, 44; by the lakes
to the East, and to Europe, 44; pub-
lication of travels, 44; probable death,
45; in obscurity and burial place un-
known, 54; tribute to his memory,
54; his alleged discovery of Ix)uisi-
ana and the lower Mississippi valley,
45; threatened with death by Louis
XIY., 45; Bishop Ireland's tribute to,
65; Hennepin's published description
of Louisiana, 67; his description of
life among the Sioux, 67; Ireland's
defense of Hennepin, as to the state-
ments in the Utrecht edition of his
travels, 68-70.

Heron, Miss Kate, 163.

Hill. Alfred X, 28; description of mounds
in Dakota, Minnesota and Wisconsin,
311-319.

Hinman, Rev. Samuel D. and wife, Epis-
copal missionaries at Lower Sioux
agency, 170.

Hitchcock, Dr. Edward. 12.

Hitchcock, Major, issues a pamphlet
against Indian treaty commissioners,
232.

Holcombe, Robert I., 382.

Hole-in- the-D ay, Ojibwa chief, 124;
treachery and massacre of Sioux, 124,
225; visits Fort Snelling, 125, 138,
139, '215, 225; more trouble with
Sioux, 139; his village abandoned,
141; threatened outbreak of O jib-
ways at the time of the Sioux mas-
sacre, 401, 403, 404, 406, 407.

Holton, M., teacher at Kaposia, 142.

Hopkins, Robert, teacher at Traverse des
Sioux, 152; at Lac qui Parle, 152,
445; return to Traverse, 154; licensed
to preach, 154; drowned July 4,
1851, 155.

Huddleston, Rev. M., missionary at Elk
river, 141.

Hudson's Bay, 82, 83, 422, 425.

Hudson Bay company, 82, 85, 424, or-
ganized in 1670, and territory grant-
ed to them, 421; coalition with the
Northwest company in 1821, 422,
425.

Huggins, Alexander G. and family, 127,
132, 154.

Huggins, Miss Fanny, 132, 154.

Huggin, Mrs. Nancy McClure, captivity
among the Sioux, 439.

Humphrey, A. A., 9.

Hunker, Lieut. David, 97.

Hydrology of Minnesota, by Rev, C. M.
Terry, 12.

Indian agents, Henry R. Schoolcraft, at
Sault Ste. Marie; nomination of
agents by various religious denomina-
tions, 167; agents selected for the
Ojibwas, 167; Chas. E. Flandrau,
173; Rev. M. N. Adams, 185; Dr. J.
W. Daniels, 185; Charles Crissey,
^ 185; Major Lawrence Taliaferro, 189;
Thomas .1. Galbraith, 357, 380; Clark
Thompson, 386; L. E. Walker, 401;
Joseph R. Brown, 254, 386; Wm. Cul-
len. 386.

Indian agricultural fair, held in 1879, at
White Earth reservation, 168.

Indian belief in creation, 413.

Indian dances and feasts, 346, 487; scalp
dance of the Dakotas, 409.

Indian department at Washington, 167,
174, 177, 178, 179, 201, 218, 227,
231, 232.

Indian farmers, 177, 184, 185, 388.

Indian farming at Lake Calhoun, 482.

Indian gods, 484; belief in a great spirit,
491.

Indian, Medicine family, initiation, 236.

Indian missionary field, divided in the
first term of Grant's administration,
167.

Indian Mounds, in Dakota, Minnesota and
Wisconsin, 311-319.

Indian names: For St. Paul, White
Rock; for Minneapolis, the place
where the water falls; for New Ulm,
the place where there is a cotton-
wood grove on the river; Fort
Ridgely, the soldier's house; Birch
Coulie, Birch Creek, 391.

Indian preachers, ordained into Episco-
pal ministry, 164, 167.

Indian race, no historical record, 483,
487, 490.

Indians, trouble from, in 1823; treachery,
murder and punishment between rival
tribes, 107; runnmg the gauntlet,
108; murders by drunken Winne-
bagoes near Prairie du Chi en, 110;
missionary efforts at Sault Ste. Marie,
114; missions with the Ojibways,
119, 135; trouble in 1838, 124; more
fighting in 1839, 131; Swiss mis-
sions among the Dakotas, 134; at-
tacks upon Pokegama, 143; treaty
at Fort Snelling with Ojibways, 138;
treaties at Ti-averse des Sioux in
1851; ceding Sioux lands in Minne-
sota, 134; Mississippi and lower Min-
nesota Indians removed to reserva-
tion, 155; Pillager band, bad Indians,

548

INDEX.

156; their outrages at Leech lake, 162;
murder and lynching, 164; demoral-
ized by liquor drinking, 158, 166;
at White Earth, 168; Sioux outbreak
in 1862, 170; representatives of sev-
eral tribes visit the president in 1824,
203; movements in 1825, 206; great
assembly of tribes at Prairie du
Chien, 205, 206, 207; convention at
Traverse des Sioux, 212; threatened
outbreak of Ojibways at time of
Sioux outbreak of 1862, 401.

Indian scouts employed by government
after Sioux outbreak of 1862, 182,
183; make settlements at Lake
Traverse and Buffalo lake, 183.

Indian traders, 202, 217, 222, 230, 247,
248, 249, 385, 390.

Indian traders licensed, 249, 265, 266.

Indian traditions of a gi-eat battle be-
tween Sioux and Chippeways, 488;
tradition of Catfish bar, 489.

Indian treaties, made v^^ith the Sioux
in 1851, 154, 384, 440; with the
Ojibways in 1854, 177; with friendly
Sioux in 1867, 184; with Sacs and
Foxes in 1824, 204; at Prairie du
Chien in 1825, 209; in 1830, 211; in
1837 at Fort Snelling for lands east
of the Mississippi, 214; Sioux treaty
at Washington in 1837, 218; in-
justice of commissioners in settling
with Indians, 228, 231; wrongs under
treaty of 1857-8, 251, 384.

Indian treaty at Fort Sully, 293.

Indian war preparations, 485.

Ink-pa-doota, chief of Spirit Lake mas-
sacre, 173.

Ireland, bishop of St. Paul, 37; address
at the Hennepin bi-centenary cele-
bration, 65.

Itasca lake, report of Hopewell Clarke,
3; named by Schoolcraft, 121.

Iveson, Blakeman, Taylor & Co., 3,
20. 23.

Jackson, Oscar F., lynching case in 1859,
286.

James, Dr. Edwin, 114, 120.

Jamison, Lieut. Louis T., 98.

James, Woodbridge L., missionary teach-
er at La Pointe, 144.

Jefferson, Thomas, governor of Virginia,
51.

John Other Day, converted Indian, 170;
saves many white people from the
massacre of 1862, 175, 411.

Johnson, Gen. R. W., of St. Paul, 37.

Johnson, George, Indian preacher, 167.

Johnson, John, converted Ottawa, 137,
161; at Elk River, 141; at White
Fish lake, 141; called Enmegah-
bowh, 161; at Gull lake, 161, 165;
admitted in 1858 to first order of
Episcopal ministry, 164; his work,

166; moves to White Earth reserva-
tion, 166.
Johnson, P. O., and wife, missionary

teachers at Leech lake, 156.
Jones, John and Peter, converted Ojib-
ways, 135.
Kaskaskia, capture of, by Gen. Clarke,

51.
Kaposia, also known as Little Crow's
village, 137; Elder Brunson estab-
lishes a mission at 137; additional
missionaries, 138; war spirit high,
138; missionary school closed, 142;
reopened in 1846 by Dr. Williamson,
153.
Kavanaugh, Rev. B. T., missionary at
Kaposia in 1839, 140, 141; removes
to Red Rock Prairie, 142; first
Methodist preaching station, 142.
Kelly, Anthony, 31.
Kemper, Rev. Bishop, 163, 164.
Kephart, Miss Julia, 15z.
King, David, teacher at Kaposia, 137, 142.
King, Hon. Wm. S., 32, 38.
Lac qui Parle, early mission at 129; ob-
stacles, 131; farming and teaching
women to spin and knit and sew, 132;
trouble with Indians, 153; burning of
mission buildings, 171, 412; mission
changed to Yellow Medicine, 172;
first school, 410.
Lafferty, R. M. missionary teacher at
Red lake, 157; at Winnebagooshish,
158.
La Fleche, bishop of Three Rivers, lower

Canada, 37.
Lakes named: Alice, 16, 19; Alpha, 26;
Assawe, 17; Bowdish, 17; Breck, 18;
Big Sandy, 2^, 119, 121; Cass, 17;
De Soto, 117; Dolly Vardin, 10, 19;
Elk, 7-27; Fish Hook, 6; Garfield,
17; George, 17; Glazier, 8, 26; Har-
riet, 17; Hattie, 17; Hennepin, 17;
Itasca, 5-27; Kabekona, 17; Lakes of
the Isles. 349; Leech, 6, 16, 17, 18,
, 119; Le Bush, 5; Mille Lacs, 42, 43;
Minnetonka, 316; Neway, 17; Paine,
17; Plantaganet, 17; Pokegama, 19;
Pepin, 339; Turtle, 16, 17; Traverse,
90; Red, 119; Winnipeg, 81; Win-
nebagooshish, 16, 17; Whipple, 16, 19;
Yellow, 119, 122.
Lake Calhoun, village, 128, 340; mission
established, 128; Indian Mounds, 318.
Lake Itasca, from Latin words ver-itas

ca-put, the true head, 24.
Ltike Harriet, missionary, station, 125,
128, 131; probably named for Mrs.
Col. Leavenworth, 340.
Lake Minnetonka. Indian Mounds at,

316.
Lake Superior, Indian agency, 167.
Lanman's canoe voyage up the Missis-
sippi, 3, 12.

INDEX.

549

La Pointe, mission established, 120, 144;
removal of Indians to Bad river,
147; Indians to be removed to Crow
Wing river, 150; mission abandoned,
151; movement to remove Indians
given up, 151.

La Salle, Robert Cavelier, a French
gentleman by birth, and scholar, 41;
builds a ship above Niagara Falls,
and makes a tour of the great lakes,
41; arrives at the extreme Avest end
of Lake Michigan and builds a fort,
42; descends the Illinois river to the
Mississippi, 45; extends his trip down
the Mississippi to its mouth, 45;
plants the flag of France over the
Mississippi valley, 4(5.

Lawrence, Lorenzo, converted Indian,
170; saves many white people, 176,
379; rescues Mrs. De Camp and chil-
dren, 410.

Laval, bishop of Petrea, 69.

Leavenworth, Col., of the Fifth U. S.
infantry, 197, 199, 340; in command
at mouth of St. Peter's river in 1819,
478; selection or the site for the
fort, 479.

Leech Lake, Indian agency, 167.

Leech Lake mission, 119; abandoned in
1845, 157; Episcopal mission in 1856;
other missions, 161; the home of the
Pillagers, 162; threatenings of In-
dians cause abandonment of mis-
sion, 163, 167.

Lewis and Clarke, 417.

Lewis, Dr. William, and wife, mission-
aries at Leech Lake, 156; transferred
to Red Lake, 157; in 1851, retire
from service, 157.

Lippencott's Magazine, 1880, A. H. Sig-
fried in, 19.

Little Crow, la-oyati-doote, Sioux chief,
leader of outbreak of 1862, 137, 253,
254. 372. his hand in the treaty of
1858, 384; 393, 397, 452, 453, 458,
470.

Little Crow, father of above, closes mis-
sion school at Kaposia, 142; leads an
attack upon the Ojibwas at Poke-
gama, 144; asks mission to be re-
established, 153; a visit to Washing-
ton, 203; his trip to New York, 205.

Little Crow's village, 125; same as Kapo-
^ sia, 137.

Little Crow's village at the time of the
Sioux outbreak, 469, 472.

Locust plague on the Red river of the
North in 1818. 425. ■

Loomis, Major, 128; at Fort Snelling in
1833, 343, 344.

Longley, Thomas L., 152.

Long, Col. Stephen, scientific expedition,
241.

Louisiana and the French, 51; Henne-
pin's description of, published in 1683,
67.

Louis XIV., of France, 47.

Louis XV., of France, 52.

Lower Sioux agency, same as Redwood
agency, 169; Episcopal mission es-
tablished in 1860, 169, 170; de-
stroyed by the Sioux outbreak of
1862, 170.

Lynching of Oscar F. Jackson, 287.

Mackinaw, missionary station, 126.

MacLeod, Martin, 233.

Madison, Samuel, Indian preacher, 167.

Maiden Rock, or lover's leap, at Lake
Pepin, 339.

Mankato, Sioux chief (Blue Earth), 381,
392, 394, 395, 396, 398.

Maps, Nicollet, 1845, 3; Lieut. Allen's
map of the outlines of Lake
Itasca, 24; military map of Ne-
braska and Dakota, by Gen. War-
ren, 1855, 3; oflacial map of Minnesota,
1858, 3; land oflSiee surveys of 1875,
3, 10; Glazier's explorations, 3, 9;
United States surveyor general's
maps and field notes, 3; Nicollet'»
map of the Itascan region, 1836-7,
8, 9, 25; Chambers's map of Elk
lake, 10, 11.

Marryatt, captain, visits Fort Snelling,
240.

Marshall, Hon. Wm. R., ex-governor
of Minnesota, 37.

Marsh, captain and his company in the
Sioux outbreak, 391.

Marksman, Peter, converted Ojibwa, 137;
missionary at Elk River, 141.

Massie, Louis, 88.

Mattson, Hon. Hans, secretary of state,
38.

Maza-hda-ma-ne, first Dakotan learn-
ing to read his own language, 130.

McCabe, Lieut. Robert A., 97.

McClure, Nancy, story of her captivity
at the time of the Sioux outbreak;
description of the first outbreak, 448;
subsequent events, 456, 439.

McCrary, judge of the U. S. circuit
court, 37.

McDowell, Gov. Alex., 82.

McGolrick, Rev. James, of Minneapolis,
37.

McMahon, J. P. C. (surgeon at Fort
Snelling), 97.

McMillan, Hon. S. J. R., TJ. S. senator
for Minnesota, 37.

McNair, W. W., of Minneapolis, 38.

Medicine dance, 415.

Mendota, illegal conveyance of lands
adjacent, 198; first named as capital
of territory, 280.

Meteorological observations at head-
waters of Mississippi, 21, 22.

650

INDEX.

Methodism in Minnesota, starting point
at Red Rock, 142.

Methodist missions, Elder Albert Brun-
son establishing, 124; at Little
Crow's village, 125; among the Sioux
and Ojibwas, 135, 168.

Miller, A. P., poem by, on Hennepin bi-
centenary celebraiion, 55.

Miller, justice of the U. S. supreme
court, 37.

Military expedition to Prairie du Chien
in 1827, 110.

Military map of the iNorthwest, 1855-6, 9.

Mills, Miss, afterwards Mrs. Breck,
teacher at Gull lake, 162.

Minneapolis, Indian name, the place
where the water falls, 391; celebra-
tion bi-centenary of Father Henne-
pin's discovery of Falls of St. . An-
thony, 29; Mayor Rand, police in
procession, 31; civic societies in pro-
cession, 32.

Minneapolis and St. Paul, the dual city,
59; wondrous vision of what is to be,
60.

Minnehaha Falls, 339.

Miner, D. Irenaeus, and wife, mission-
aries at La Pointe, 178, 179.

Minnesota, the summit state, the pivot
state, the water state, 59; the mother
of mighty waters, 58; her black soil
better than gold mines, 64; move-
ment for territorial government, 277;
first delegate to congress, 278; terri-
torial organization, 279; state or-
ganization, 282; five million loan
measure, 284.

Minnesota geological and natural history
survey, 1880, 3.

Minnesota Historical society, 3, 4, 12,
26, 29; General Sherman's tribute to,
63; address of General Childs, 321-
334.

Minnesota Pioneer, first newspaper start-
ed in Minnesota, 497.

Minnesota state railroad bonds, 285.

Minnesota Valley, early schools, by Rev.
T. S. Williamson, 410.

Missionaries, Father Hennepin instruct-
ing Indians, 42; work at Sault Ste.
Marie, 114; Protestant missions in
the Northwest, 117-188; Rev. Fred-
erick Ayer, 119; Rev. Sherman Hall,
120; Rev. Wm. T. Boutwell, 120; E.
F. Ely, Miss Cook, Miss Stevens,
teachers and helpers, 122; John L.
Seymour, Joseph Town and wife,
GranvUle T. Sproat, 123; Jedediah D.
Stevens and wife, 126; Dr. Thomas
S. Williamson, 126; Elder Al-
bert Brunson, 124, 136; Stephen R.
Riggs, 129; Rev. Daniel Gaven and
Rev. Samuel Denton, 134; John
Steward, John Sunday and George
Copway, 135; Rev. John Clark, 136;

Rev. Alonzo Barnard and wife, 156;
Dr. Wm. Lewis and wife, 156; P. O.
Johnson and wife, 156; D. B. Spen-
cer and S. G. Wright, 156; A. B.
Adams and wife, O. A. Coe and wife,
J. S. Fisher and wife, Francis Spees
and wife, R. M. Lafferty and E. Car-
ver, 157; Rev. James Lloyd Breck,
160, 161; Samuel Hall, Miss Mills,
Miss Frinck, Miss West, Miss Allen,
Miss Wells, 162; Rev. E. S. Peake,
163; Rev. Joseph A. Gilfillan, 167;
Rev. Samuel D. Hinman and wife,
and Miss Emily J. West, 170; Rev.
T. W. Pope and Rev. James G. Whit-
ford, 138; Rev. B. T. Kavanaugh,
140; Revs. Samuel Spates, Huddle-
ston and John Johnson, 141; Rev. H.
G. Bruce, 141; Rev. Leonard H.
Wheeler, Woodbridge L. James and
Miss Abagail Spooner, 144; Charles
Pulsifer and wife. 149; Revs. M. N.
Adams, John F. Alton, Joseph W.
Hancock and Joshua Potter, 154;
D. Irenaeus Miner and wife at La
Pointe, 178; Edward R. Pond, 182.

Missionary handling of government
money, 158.

Missionary labor, cost of, among the In-
dians, 159; results, 160.

Missionary Society of Canada, 186.

Missions, American board for foreign
missions, 117; with the Ojibways,
119; established at La Pointe, 120;
school at Aitkin station, 121, 122;
also at Yellow lake, 122; at Poke-
gama, 122; at Leech Lake, 123;
at Lake Harriet, 125; at Little
Crow's village, 125; at Mackinaw,
126; at Lake Calhoun, 128; at Trav-
erse des Sioux, 133; Swiss missions
among the Dakotas, 134; at Red
Wing, 134; Methodist missions
among the Sioux and Ojibwas, 135;
missions at L'Anse on Kewenaw
bay, 135; at Kaposia, 137; at Elk
River, 141; at Sandy lake, 141; at
Red lake, 145; at Bad river, 147; at
Ti-averse des Sioux, 152; at Red Ce-
dar or Cass lake, 157; at St. Joseph
and Belle Prairie, 157; at Rabbit
lake, 166; at White Earth reserva-
tion, 166; at lower Sioux agency,
170; at Hazelwood, 172.

Mississippi, the name taken from the
Menomonee dialect, meaning Big
river, 478.

Mississippi river, Hennepin's trip up
the river in 1680, 42; La Salle's trip
to the mouth in 1681-2, 46; supposed
at one time to empty into Gulf of
California, 43; named at one time
for Colbert, the great French states-
man, 47; Schoolcraft visits head-
waters, 121.

INDEX.

551

Mississippi river, sources of, report of
James H. Baker, read befcre Histor-
ical society, 3, 28: books, letters and
documents consulted, 3; Nicollet and
Schoolcraft, 4, S. 14, 18, 20, 22; lati-
tude and longitude of the distant
sources, 4; Le Bush lake (Itasca),
5; first exploration by Schoolcraft
and Lieut. James Allen, 5; Nicollet's
later explorations, 5, 14; concurrent
testimony as to these explorations,
5; government surveyors in 1875, 5,
10; Schoolcraft's island, 7; Nicollet's
map of the Itascan basin, 8; School-
craft's summary narrative of the
sources, 9; military map of the
Northwest, 9; Chambers, Julius, his
visit in 1872, 10; government sur-
vey of entire region in 1875, 10; of-
ficial map of the survey, 11; Elk
lake, well defined before Glazier's
discovery, 11, 12, 26; Hall, Capt. E.
S. in charge of the government sur-
vey, 10; other sources of informa-
tion as to Elk lake, 12; Terry, C.
M. (1880), describes Elk lake, 12;
Stieler's hand atlas notes Elk lake,
13; maps of Minnesota (Warner &
Foote), name Elk lake, 13; conclu-
sions arrived at, 24; Schoolcraft,' re-
sults of his exploration, 24; Nicollet,
result of his explorations, 25; reso-
lutions in accepting report of Mr.
Baker, 26.

Mississippi valley and tributaries, claimed
for France, by La Salle, 46; cession
by the French to Spain and after-
wards taken back, 51; ceded to the
United States in 1803, 51.

Mongol races from the Northwest, 53.

Morgan, George B., Indian pieacber, 167.

Morrison, Wm., referred to, 3.

Morrison, Hon. Dorillus, 31, 38.

Morris, W. K., a missionary teacher, 185.

Moss, H. L., of St. Paul, 38.

Mounds, in Dakota, Minnesota and Wis-
consin, 311.

Myrick, Andrew, Indian trader, killed in
Sioux massacre, 390.

Nabonaskong, a converted Ojibway chief,
166.

Names of Sioux tribes, 483.

Native missionary society among the In-
dians, 186.

Neal, W. E., 12.

Neill, Rev. Edward D., 31, 37, 189, 246.

Negroes, thought much of by Indians,
235.

Nelson, R. R., judge of United States
district court, 37.

Neve, Mgr., rector of American college,
Lowvain, Belgium, 37.

"New Discoveries," a volume of travels
published in 1694, 68.

Newman, Mrs. and children, saved by
Christian Indian, 176.

New Ulm, Indian name, place where Cot-
tonwood grove on the river, 391.

New Ulm and the Sioux massacre of
1862, 290.

Nicollet, Jean N., 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 13, 14,
15, 18, 23, 25, 27, 242, 244, 245, 246.

Nicollet's creek, main tributary of Itasca
lake, 9, 10, 15, 25, 26.

Nicollet's map, 1836-7, 8, 9.

Nicollet's map of Minnesota, 242.

Niobrara, settlement of Sioux families
engaged in massacre of 1862, 183.

Northern Pacific railroad, 6.

Northwest Fur company, a rival to the
Hudson Bay company, 422, 423, 425.

Northwest territory, and the ordinance of
1787, 51.

Oak Grove mission station, 131, 155;
Presbyterian church organized, 155.

Odanah, name of missionary station at
Bad river, 147, 179, .180.

Ojibway, same as Chippeways.

Ojibways and Dakotas, hostile tribes,
109; encounter at Fort Snelling, 108.

Ojibways, American board missions, es-
tablished 1830, 119; treachery of
Hole-in-the-Day and murder of Sioux
124, 224; retaliation, 125, 131, 225,
431, Methodist missions, 135; con-
verted Ojibways, 137, 141; American
board missions, 143; influx of white
settlers, 148; American missionary
association enters missions in 1843,
146, 156; closing of the work, 159;
re-assignment of mission work to
the American missionary association,
167; agents selected, 167; at White
Earth, 168; a civilized people, 168;
confirmations by Bishop Whipple,
168; further missions of the American
board, 176-181.

Officers at Fort Snelling, 249, 478.

Ojibway language, translation of New
Testament, 147.

Ojibways, threatened outbreak at the
time of the Sioux massacre, and
how it was averted, 401.

Omosh-kos, Indian designation for Itasca
lake system, 9.

Oregon, boundary question, 419.

Ordinance of 1787, 51.

Other Day, John, converted Indian, 170;
heroic conduct at time of Sioux mas-
sacre, 175, 411.

Owancha-maza, Christian Indian, 170,
175.

Owen's "Sword and Pen," Philadelphia,
1884, 3, 6.

Paine, Chauning, one of Glazier's com-
panions, 19.

Parker, John, carpenter at Gull lake,
162.

552

INDEX.

Paul Mazakootamane, converted Indian,
170; saves many white captives from
Sioux massacre of 18G2, 176, 411.

Feake, Rev. E. S., missionary at Gnll
lake or St. Columba, 163; on account
of Indian outrages goes to Fort Kip-
ley, 164; returns with family to St.
Columba, 164; removal to Crow
Wing, 166; joins the army as chap-
lain in 1863.

Pension list of United States soldiers
previous to 1813, 505.

Perret, Adam, or Abram, an early set-
tler in St. Paul, 78, 88.

Peter Bigfire, converted Indian, protect-
ing whites from the massacre of
1862. 175.

Peterman's "Stieler's hand atlas," 13.

Petti John, Jonas, and wife, at Lac qui
Parle, 154, 443; takes homestead
near Traverse des Sioux, 171.

Pettijohn, Miss Ruth, 173.

Phillips, Miss, missionary teacher at
Odanah. 180.

Pierre Chouteau, Jr., and Co., see Cho-
teau.

Pike's island (Ritter's island), opposite
Fort Snelling, 198, 190, 219, 236.

Pillager band of Indians, 20, 156, 162,
163, 216.

Pillsbury, Hon. John S., governor of
Minnesota, 31, 37.

Pine City, Indian mound, 319.

Pioneer Press, publishes story of Nancy
McClure, 439; publishes Big Eagle's
story of Sioux outbreak, 382.

Plympton, Maj. Joseph C, 97; his wife
brought first piano to Minnesota, 99.

Poage, Miss Sarah, 127, 129, 411.

Poem, delivered at Hennepin bi-cen-
tenary celebration by A. P. Miller,
55.

Pokegama, missions at, 122, 123; broken
up, 125, 143, 145; attacked by Sioux,
143, 432; re-occupied in 1843, and
abandoned in 18*5, 148.

Pond, Edward R., missionary at Crow
creek, 181.

Pond, Gideon H., arrives at Fort Snell-
ing, 128; at Lake Calhoun, 129
teaching the Dakota language, 130
farmer for Lake Calhoun band, 131
station at Oak Grove, 131; gospel
of Luke translated, 133, 154; or-
dained preacher, 154; organizes a
church at Oak Grove, 155.

Pond, Mrs. Gideon H., 127.

Pond, Rev. S. W., 117, 224; arrives at
Fort Snelling, 128; at Lake Calhoun,
129; teaching the Dakota language,
130; station at Oak Grove, 131; his
acquaintance with the Methodist mis-
sionaries, 142; at Lac qui Parle,
152; at Fort Snelling, 152; return to

Oak Grove, 154; removes to Shako-
pee, 154; organizes a church, 155.

Pope, John, Capt., 9.

Pope, Rev. T. W., missionary, ^it Kapo-
sia in 1837, 138; his health fails in
1839, 140.

Porter, Rev. Jeremiah, missionary, 114.

Potter, Rev. .Joshua, missionary, 154.

Prairie du Chien in 1819, 477; uncertain
as to whether named after dog or
oak, 477.

Prairie du Chien, 337-339; murders
near by Winnebagoes, 110; rush of
settlers to Fort Crawford, 110; troops
sent from Fort Snelling, 110.

Presbyterian synod of Minnesota, or-
ganized in 1858. 173.

Presbytery of Dakota, organized in 1844,
154.

Prescott, Philander, 224; autobiography
and reminiscences, 475; his arrival at
Fort Snelling in 1819, 478; acts as
sutler's clerk for four years, 480;
independent Indian trader, 480; killed
at the time of the Sioux outbreak,
491.

Prescott, Wisconsin, Indian mound, 319.

Printing, part of 'Bible in Dakota, trans-
lated and printed, 131, 133; printing
of Dakota grammar and dictionary
by Dr. Riggs, 131; New Testament
and hymn book in Ojibwa, trans-
lated and printed, 147.

Protestant Episcopal church in Minne-
sota, Bishop Kemper in charge, 163;
Bishop Whipple in charge, 165; In-
dian preachers ordained, 164, 167;
mission to the Sioux at Redwood
agency, 169.

Protestant Episcopal missions among the
Ojibwas and Sioux, 161-170; see
also Episcopal missions.

Protestant missions in the Northwest,
by Rev. S. R. Riggs, 117.

Pulsifer, Charles, teacher, at La Pointe,
149; removes to Crow AVing river,
151; afterwards to Lake Superior,
and thence to Red river, 177.

Quinn, Peter, government interpreter,
215; killed at time of Sioux massacre,
391.

Rabbit lake mission, 166.

Railroad loan measure of 18.57, 284.

Ramsey, Hon. Alex., 3, 26, 31, 37, deliv-
ers an address at the bi-centenary
celebration, 61; as governor, 289; as
commissioner for treaty of 1851, 446.

Ramsey county, Indian mounds in, 315.

Rand, mayor of Minneapolis, 38.

Randolph, Witt, 139. 140,

Red Cedar, or Cass Lake, mission, 157.

Red Lake Indian agency, 167.

Red Lakfe mission, 119, 146, 149, 156,
157, 158, 167.

Red Legs, Sioux chief, 394.

INDEX.

553

Red river of the North, first settlement
ill 1812; account of, by Mrs. Eliza-
beth T. Ayers, 421; by Scotch high-
landers in 1812, 422; by another
party in 1815, 423; a savage massacre
in 1816, 424; a locust plague, 425.

Ked river settlement, early days at, 75;
reminiscences of Mrs. Ann Adams,
75-89; Swiss emigrants from Berne,
in Switzerland, 74; Lord Selkirk's
emigration scheme, 76; the Swiss
colonisits, 77; departure from Berne,
79; the ocean voyage, 80; arrival at
Fort York, 81; hardships of the
colonies, 81; passage to Lake Winni-
peg, 81; arrival at Fort Douglas, 82;
discouragement, 83; death of Lord
Selkirk, 83; competition for wives,
83; colonists pass a hard winter, 85;
the season of 1822, 86; discontent of
the settlers, 87; abandon the Red
river and sitart for Fort Snelling, 89.

Red Rock Frairie, mission school estab-
lished in 1841, 142; starting point of
Methodism in Minnesota, 142.

Red Wing, Swiss mission station, 134;
abandoned, 154; reoccupied by Ameri-
can board mission, 154; removal of
Indians to ! reservation, 155; firs^t
Presbyterian church organized, 154.

Redwood agency, see Lower Sioux
agency.

Reese, Rev. Chas. W., and family, at
Gull lake mission, 163.

Renville, Daniel, Peter, Simon and Lewis,
185. '

Renville, John B., and w^fe, active to
save white captors after 'the Sioux
outbreak of 1862, 176, 183, 184, 371.

Renville, Joseph, 127, 128, 129, 131,
133, 153, 212, 349.

Reservation, for Dakotas o,n the upper
part of Minnesota river, 155; removal
of Indians from the Mississippi and
lower Minnesota to the reservation,
155; White Earth reservation for
Ojibwas, 166; upper Redwood agency,
183; Santee agency, 185; Sisseton
reserve, 185.

Revolutionary pensioners and others,
previous to 1813. 505.

Rice, Hon. Edmund, of St. Paul, 38.

Rice, Hon. Henry M., ex-senator for
Minnesota, 37, 278.

Riggs, Rev. Stephen R., missionary to
the Dakotas, 117; his history of the
Protestant missions in the North-
west, 117-188; his arrival at Fort
Snelling, 129; at Lake Harriet, 129;
at Lac qui Parle, 129, 444; aiding in
translation of Bible, 133; commences
a new station at Traverse des Sioux,
133, 152; visits Leech lake and Red
lake in 1874, 167; publishes grammar

and dictionary, 131; returns to Lac
qui Parle, 153, 171, 444; removes
to Hazelwood, 172; after Sioux out-
break ministers to prisoners, 182;
revising and translating new testa-
ment, 183; further work in Minne-
sota, 184, 185; biographical sketch,
187.

Riheldaffer, Rev. J. G., superintendent
state reform school, 38.

"Ritter's island," 198 (same as Pike's
island).

Robbery of Indians by government
agents, 228.

Rondo, Joseph, 88,

Rolette, Sr., Joseph, 198, 201, 247, 263.

Rosser, General T. L., 31; makes a
brief address at the Hennepin bi-
centenary celebration, 73.

Royal Geographical society, 7, 16.

Roy, Peter, United States interpreter,
402.

Rum river, 43.

Rupert's land, name of territory ceded to
Hudson Bay company, 421.

Russell, Lieut., J. B. F., 97.

St. Anthony falls, discovery of, in 1680;
celebration, 29.

St. Anthony of Padua, for whom the
falls are named, 44, 65.

St. Clair, George W., Sioux Indian
. cateohist, 170.

St. Columba mission house at Gull lake,
162, 163, 164; mission broken up in
1862, 165.

St. Joseph mission, 157.

St. Louis in 1823, 480.

St. Paul, Indian name, White Rock, 391.

St. Paul, in its infancy, noted for grog
shotps, 154; Harriet E. Bishop, tirst
school teacher, 154; first sermon
preached by Dr. Williamson, 154;
early history, 276; Indian mounds,
312; sandstone cave in upper town,
340.

St. Paul, first paper started, 497.

St. Paul Daily Globe's account of the
Hennepin bi-centenary, 29.

Sandy lake, mission, 119, 141, 429; ef-
forts to remove Lake Shore Indians
to Sandy lake, 150; abandonment of
mission, 166.

Santee agency mission church, 135.

Sault Ste. Marie, Mrs. Adams' reminis-
cences, 112, 113, 114.

Schwandt, Mary, story of her captivity
among the Sioux, 461; her story of
the Sioux outbreak, 464; captured and
taken to Little Crow's village, 468;
removal to Yellow Medicine, 472;
• surrendered at Camp Release, 472;
return to friends, 473.

"Science," letter in, from Iveson, Blake-
man, Taylor & Co., 3.

554

INDEX.

Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9,
14, 15, 16, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27,
136; Indian agent at Sault Ste.
Marie, 112, 206, 208, 209, 250; trip
to headwaters of Mississippi, 121.
Schoolcraft's island, 7, 14.
Schoolcraft, brother of Indian agent,
murdered, 114.

Schools, early in the Minnesota valley,
by Rev. T. S. Williamson, 410.

Scott, Gen. Winfield, at Fort Snelling
in 1826, 99.

Selkirk, Lord, his emigration scneme, 76,
422; his first colony, 82, 422; the sec-
ond colony, 423; his visit to Red river,
425; his death, 83.

Selkirk's settlement, made in 1812 and
1815, 82, 421, 422; a savage mas-
sacre in 1816, 424; abandon the set-
tlement, 424; return the next year,
425; Swiss emigrants, 75; a scourge
of locusts, 425; subsequent history,
426.

Selkrig, Charles, interpreter at Gull lake
mission, 162. 164.

Seventh infantry, U. S. army at Fort
Snelling, 57.

Seymour, John L., 123, 143.

Shakopee, Little Six, Indian chief, 253,
386, 457.

Shakopee's band, young men in, the start-
ers of the outbreak, 388.

Shakopee, mission station, 154; Presby-
terian church organized, 155.

Shakopee's village at the time of the
Sioux outbreak, 462.

Shea, John Gilanary, translater of Hen-
nepin's Louisiana, 67.

Sherman, Gen. W. T., 31, 37, 38; ad-
dress at the Hennepin bi-centenary,
63.

Sibley, Hon. Henry H., president histo-
rical society, 37, 38; in command
of forces against the Sioux, 176, 182,
183, 289, 292; his first arrival in Min-
nesota as agent of fur comjmny, 203,
218, 226, 244, 262; memoirs of, 257-
310; as a trader, 265; his marriage,
270; fondness for hunting, 271; his
political record, 277; delegate to con-
gress, 278; as governor, 283, 288; his
military career, 289, 293; in civil life
again, 293-298; his connection with
the historical society, 298-300; his
books and papers, 299, 382; Indian
name, Wapetonhonska, 393; his busy
life, 300; family life, 302; closing
years, 307; his death, Feb. 18, 1891,
309.

Siegfried, A. H.. 19.

Sigimore, Austin, first settler by home-
stead in the Itasca basin, 18.

Simon, Anawangmane, convertea Indian,
170; saves Mrs. Newman and chil-
dren in Sioux massacre of 1862, 176.

Simpson, James, teacher, at Fond du Lac,
141.

Sioux and Dakotas, enemies of Ojibways,

124, 346.
Sioux annuities suspended after the out-
break, 473.
Sioux chiefs. Big Eagle, 381; Little
Crow, Mankato, 361; Wabasha,
Wacouta, Red Legs, 381; Traveling
Hail, 386.

Sioux captives, story of Nancy McClure,
439.

Sioux Falls, Indian mounds, 311.

Sioux Indians, traditions of, Maj. W.
H. Forbes, 413.

Sioux Indians, their belief in a future
existence, 415; as to future punish-
ments, 415; special medicine going
into battle, 416.

Sioux Indian tribes, names of, 483.

Sioux, Sioux Indians, Sioux language,
see Dakotas.

Sioux o.utbrea^ of 1862, 170, 251; Chris-
tian Indians save many people, 170,
175; Sioux prisoners at Fort Snell-
ing, 170; Dr. Riggs considers the
causes leading to outbreak, 174; sav-
ing the white captives, 181; work
of missionaries, 181; Indian prisoners
at Fort Snelling sent to Daven-
port, Iowa, 182; families of prison-
ers taken to Fort Thompson in Da-
kota, 182; G^n. Sibley in command of
troops to quell, 289; Indian prisoners
taken, 290; military commission and
condemnation, 291; execution of 38
murderers, 291.

Sioux outbreak. Big Eagle's story of the
outbreak, 382; young men in Shako-
pee's band the starters of the out-
break, 388; story of the first murders,
389; Little Crow hears the story of
the first murders, 389; other Indians
in the fights at Fort Ridgelv, 392;
at Wood lake. 397.

Sioux outbreak, Mrs. De Camp Sweet's
narrative, 354.

Sioux outbreak, story of Nancy McClure,
439.

Sioux outbreak, story of Mary Schwandt,
461.

Sioux story of the massacre of 1862 by
Ejig Eagle, 382; causes leading there-
to, 384.

Skinner, Miss Paris, teacher, 334.

Smith, Frederick, Indian preacher, 167.

Smith, George, Indian preacher, 167.

Smith, Lieut. Melancthon, 97.

Snakes held in reverence by Indians,
487.

Snelling, Col. Josiah, and family, 479,
90, 93, 94, 95, 96, 101, 102, 199.

Snelling, William Joseph, 96.

Society at Fort Snelling in early day*
97.

INDEX.

555

Soldiers' lodge organized at Lower Sioux
agency, 175.

Sources of the Mississippi, see Missis-
sippi river.

Spates, Rev. Samuel, missionary at Elli
river, 141; at Saudy lake, Ml.

Spees, Francis, and wife, missionary
teachers at Cass lake, 157; at Lake
Winnebagooshish, 158; at Red lake,
167.

Spencer, D. B., missionary teacher at
Red lake, 156; goes to Cass lake,
157; at Lake Winnebagooshish, 158;
at Odanah, 178.

Spencer, George H., life saved in Sioux
outbreak, 390.

Spicer, Miss Rhoda W., teacher at La
Pointe, 178.

Spirit lake massacre of 1857, 173.

Spooner, Miss Abagail, missionary teach-
er at La Pointe, 144, 171; at Bad
river, 177.

Sprague, Mr., from Minneapolis, a sol-
dier of 1812. 37.

Sproat, Granville T., teacher at Fond
du Lac, 123; at La Pointe, 143, 144.

Steamboats at Fort Snelling, 93; the
"Warrior," 339, 340, 342.

Steele, Franklin, 431.

Stevens, Miss Lucy C, teacher, 129;
marriage, 134.

Stevens, Miss, missionary teacher, 122.

Stevens, Miss Sabrina, 143.

Stevens, Col. John H., 38; address on
recollections of James M. Goodhue,
492.

Stevens, Jededia D., and wife, mission-
aries at Mackinaw, 126; commis-
sioned to the Dakotas, 126; arrives
at Fort Snelling, 126, 348; opens
school at Lake Calhoun, 128; learn-
ing Dakota language, 130; farmer
for Wabasha's band, 131; preaching
at Prairie du Chien, 131.

Stieler's hand atlas, 13.

Stillwater, a battle ground between
Ojibways and Sioux, 125; convention
held for territorial organization, 277.

Sunday, John, converted O jib way, 135.

Sun Fur company, 200.

Surveyor general's office of Minnesota,
10.

Swandt, Mary, one of the captives of the
Sioux outbreak of 1862, 362, 364.

Sweet, George W., account of threatened
outbreak of Ojibways at the time of
the Sioux massacre, 401; his un-
friendly greeting by Hole-in-the-Day,
403; his negotiations and release of
prisoners, 405; happy adjustment,
407.
Sweet, Mrs. De Camp, narrative of her
captivity at the time of the Sioux
outbreak in 1862, 354^380.

Swiss colonists to the Red river of the
North, 77; hardships and discontent,
85-87; removal of most of them to
Minnesota, 88, 350.

Swiss mission among the Dakotas, 134.

"Sword and Pen," Owen, Philadelphia,
1884, 3, 6, 7, 14.

Tache, archbishop of St. Bonaface, Mani-
toba. 37, 64..
Taliaferro, Maj. Lawrence, Indian agent
at Fort Snelling in 1834, 128, 266,
340; autobiography, 189; his appoint-
ment as agent, 197; his arrival at
Fort Snelling, 199; his efforts to
stop the sale of whisky, 202, 203;
hostility of the fur company, 207;
his courage at Prairie du Chien, 208;
his hand in the Dodge treaty, 214,
216; takes a party of Sioux to Wash-
ington to make a treaty, 218; oppo-
sition of traders, 218, 219; named
Mah-sa-busca — iron cutter, 219; at-
tempt to displace him as agent, 221.

Taliaferro, his wonderful control of the
Indians, 223, 108; attempted arrest at
the instance of fur traders, 226; his
resignation, 227; freedom to his
slaves, 235; subsequent career, 239;
his general reflections on Indian af-
fairs, military affairs and Indian
traders, 247; tribute to, 353.

Tanner, John, Indian captive and inter-
preter, 112.

Taopi, Christian Indian, 170, 175.

Taylor, Col. Zachariah, in command at
Fort Crawford, 210, 337.

Tee-go-tee-pee, a soldiers' lodge among
the Sioux, 175.

Terry, Rev. C. M., on the hydrology of
Minnesota, 12.

Teiry, General, of the U. S. army. 37, 38.

Thompson, James, a slave purchased by
Elder Brunson, given his freedom
and used as interpreter, 137.'

Tonty, one of La Salle's companions, 70.

Toon-kan-shae-cheya, Solomon, an Indian
preacher, 184, 186.

Tousley, O. V., of Minneapolis, 38.

Town, Joseph, and wife, 123.

Township map of headwaters of Missis-
sippi, 10.

Traditions of Sioux Indians, 413, 415.

Traveling Hail, Sioux chief, 386.

Traverse des Sioux, mission established,
152, 154; Presbyterian church or-
ganized, 155.

Treaties, in 1837 at Fort Snelling, 214;
at Traverse des Sioux in 1851, 154,
445; with the Ojibways in 1854 at
Washington, 185; in 1866 at Fort
Sully, 293.

Tully family, 90.

United States pensioners, previous to the
year 1813, 505.

556

INDEX.

University of Minnesota, 38.

''Upper Mississippi," Gale's quoted, 141.

Utrecht edition of Hennepin's travels,
44, 68, TO, 71.

Van Cleve, Mrs. (Charlotte Clark), 99.

Verbeck, Miss, missionary teacher, at
Odanah. 180.

Wabasha (Wa-pa-ha-sa), chief of the
Sioux nation, 482, 487.

Wabasha's band, near Winona, 131, 200.

Wabasha, Indian chief, 200, 204, 253,
358, 359, 360, 370.

Wabasha, principal chief of Dakotas in
1862, 386, 389.

Wacouta, Indian chief, 358, 361, 363,
364, 389.

Wah-kon-tonkan, Indian name for Great
Spirit, 413.

Walker, Miss, missionary leader at
Odanah, 180.

Wamde-tanka, Big Eagle, Sioux chief,
137.

Warren, G. K., Lieut., topographical en-
gineer, 9.

W^arren's trading post at La Pointe,
120.

Washburn, Hon. E. B., of Galena, 31, 37.

Washburn, Hon. C. C, of Wisconsin,
31. 37.

Washburn, Hon. W. D., of Minneapolis,
31, 37.

Wells, Miss, missionary teacher at Gull
lake, 162.

West, Miss, missionary teacher at Gull
lake, 162.

Wheeler, Mrs. Leonard H., 117, 147.

Wheeler, Rev. Leonard H., missionary
to Ojibwas, 144; at La Pointe, 144;
revival work, 146; removes to Bad
river, 147; makes a tour to Red
lake, 149; visits Washington in be-
half of the settlements at Bad river,
150; removes to Crow Wing river,
150; in charge of lake shore mis-
sions, 151; at Bad river, 177, 180.

Whipple, Right Rev. H. B., consecrated
bishop of Protestant Episcopal
church of Minnesota in 1859. 165;
his interest in the red men, 165; his
work, 166; sends missionaries to Red
lake and Leech lake, 168; further
results of his labors, 169, 170; es-
tablishes mission among the Sioux,
169; a question of missionary comity,
169.

Whitcomb, Hon. O. S., state auditor, 38.

Whi/te Cloud, noted Indian chief, 21.

White Earth reservation, 166; agent
selected, 167; in 1879 Indians hold
an agricultural fair, 168.

White Fish lake, mission established,
141.

Whitford, Rev. James G., missionary at
Kaposia, 138, 139.

Wilcox, Capt. De Latayette, 97.

Williams, J. Fletcher, 38; preliminary
note to Mrs. Adams' reminiscences,
75; foot note on Mrs. Adams' paper,
110, 114; memoir of Rev. Stephen R.
Riggs, 187; introductory note to au-
tobiography of Maj. L.Taliaferro, 189;
memoirs of Gen. Sibley, 259-310.

Williamson, Miss Jane, 152, 171, 442.

Williamson, Dr. Thomas Smith, mission-
ary, 126; arrival at Fort Snelling,
127; presides at organization of first
church in Minnesota, 128; proceeds
to Traverse des Sioux, 128. At Lac
qui Parle — Organizes a native church,
129; translates and prints a part of
the B;ible, 131; at Fort Snelling in
1842, 152; returns to Lac qui Parle,
153; in 1846 goes to Kaposia, 153;
builds a house, 154; with the removal
of Indians to reservation locates on
the reservation, 155; writes a graphic
account of Indian outrages, 173;
preaches the first synodical sermon,
173; labor with Indian prisoners at
Fort Snelling, 182; also at Daven-
port, 182; translation work, 184; his
death, 186; begins first school for
teaching Dakota at Lac qui Parle,
411; first schoolhouse built at Lac qui
Parle, 411; account of early schools
in the Minnesota valley, 410.

Williamson, Rev. John P., 169; locates
at Lower Sioux agency, 174; visits
Ohio, 174; returns after Sioux mas-
sacre of 1862, 181; goes to Crow
creek, 182.

Winnebagooshish lake, mission station
in 1849, 157, 158, 166.

Winters of Minnesota, 231, 233.

Wives, competition for in the early Sel-
kirk settlement, 83.

Wives among the Sioux, how purchased,
481.

Wood lake, battle of, after Sioux mas-
sacre of 1862, 176, 190, 397; Indian
plan of the battle, 455.

Wright, Charles, Indian preacher, 167.

Wright county murder, lynching and re-
sisitance to law, 287.

Wright, S. G., missionary teacher at
Red lake, 156; at Lake Winneba-
gooshish, 158; as a government
teacher, 159, 161.

Yellow lake, 119; mission station started,
122, 431.

Yellow Medicine. 155, 171. 172, 173, 175,
183, 397, 398^410, 472.

F

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